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               REPORT

,lr,ct Oh>\; r\ CL -//,«. V°(\o«.  ^C4(-  o-f I'iV(i~'|
             ■'       ON               '
THE  OEIGIN
YELLOW  FEVER  IN NORFOLK
DURING THE    ^123 3/117.
S XT TML XJL E I?,  OIF 1855
MADE TO CITY COUNCILS, BY A COMMITTEE OF PHYSICIANS.
     RICHMOND, VA.
PRINTED BY RITCHIE AND DIXXAVAXI.
          1S-37. 
WCK
N64lr
 1857
 t%-tb~C 
               REPORT

                     ON THE

YELLOW  FEVER  IN  NORFOLK

                    DURING THE

         SUMMER  OiF 1856.
The committee, appointed by the councils "to investigate
the cause and origin of the yellow fever of 1S55," respect-
fully submit the following report:
  We assure the councils, that the delay in the appearance
of our  report, which has been to us a source of much an-
noyance and regret, has not been owing to  negligence on
our part, nor  to  an unwillingness to comply with  their
wishes, but rather to our determination to spare no effort
to ascertain all the facts which might serve to throw light
upon the difficult subject entrusted to us.  In this endeavor
we have met with unforeseen difficulties and delays.
  Immediately after our appointment, we adopted measures
to obtain the most reliable information of the first appear-
ance of the fever in our port, and particularly of its exist-
ence on board  the Ben Franklin, before her  arrival in our
waters.  With  this  view we addressed letters to  various
persons  who had been  passengers  on board the steamer
during  her voyage from St. Thomas—among  others, to Mr.
Helm, commercial agent of the United States at that  port. 
4
 From  this gentleman, who  came home a passenger in the
 steamer, we expected to obtain  all the information we de-
 sired, not only of what  happened on board during the voy-
• age, but also of her previous history and condition, as we
 supposed that he  would have in his office  a record  of all
 deaths that had occurred on board of an American vessel
 while in the  port where he  was consul, and  that moreover
 he could readily obtain from the physicians of St. Thomas,
 a reliable professional  account of any cases  of fever which
 mio;ht have come  under their notice on board of the Ben
 Franklin, as  well as of the  sanitary condition of the island
 at the time of her departure.  After waiting several months
 for a  reply,  we  again  addressed Mr. Helm, and  on  this
 occasion through Mr. Marcy, secretary of state, who  very
 promptly and courteously answered our letter, assuring us
 that he  had  forwarded our  communication  to Mr. Helm,
 with instructions  to furnish  all the information we desired,
 and that we would hear from him as soon as it was possible
 to collect and forward the necessary evidence.
    We have  waited for Mr. Helm's communication,  now
 nearly a year, and  think it  useless any longer to delay our
 report.  If hereafter we shall be so fortunate as to obtain
 an official or  professional account of the sickness on  board
 the Ben Franklin while lying at St. Thomas, we will place
 it before the public in some of the medical  journals.   We
 also put a  notice in the New York Herald, requesting the
 passengers on board the Franklin to communicate to us  any
 facts within  their  knowledge,  of the sickness on board of
 her during the voyage, but thus  far without  receiving a sin-
 gle letter from this source.
    We have thought fit  to enter into these  explanations, in
 order  to satisfy the councils that  our delay has  not  been
 owing to remissness, nor the paucity of our facts, **er to
 want of industry and effort  on our part, but to indifference
 or other motive on the part of those from whom we sought
 information.
    The yellow  fever, which, for more than a century, has 
5
engaged the attention not only of the medical profession,
but of the governments  and people of all commercial na-
tions, has recently been  invested with new interest, by the
occurrence, within a few years, of  epidemics of unusual
malignancy in several of our own cities, as well as in  pans
of South America, where it  had been hitherto unknown.
Among these epidemics,  that of our own town, with whose
history we are charged, is one of the most remarkable and
interesting, not  merely  oir  account  of  its  extraordinary
fatality, but because of its appearance so far from  its  usual
habitat, in a climate and place  which for  a long period A
time had been almost entirely exempt from it.
   Where the disease is of annual  recurrence, it  must be
difficult if  not  impossible to point to  the  sources of its
origin.  It is only where its visits are rare, with long  inter-
vals  of healthy seasons, that we  can hope,  by contrasting
all the conditions and circumstances of epidemic and healthy
years, to discover the mysterious cause which  gives rise to
this  terrible scourge.  We ought, in the sickly years, to be
able to find some local causes which had  not previousiy
existed,  some  unwonted meteorological  conditions,  some
foreign and  imported elements, or a combination of circuit-
stances to  furnish an explanation of the occurrence of so
extraordinary an epidemic.  This is what we shall endeavor
to do  in regard to our  late epidemic.  We are aware that
the subject is one involved in difficulties so great as to have
 bafffed, hitherto, the most zealous efforts of the medical pro-
 fession, which is still divided  in opinion  upon it—nor a/e
 we vain enough  to think that we will be able to settle the
 question.   All that we hope  to accomplish is to put upon
 record a faithful and we believe correct history of the con-
 ditions  and circumstances which  preceded if they did not
 cause  the outbreak/; of the fever  among us, and thus con-
 tribute our portion  to  the mass of accumulating  evidence,
 which will, in  a few years,  we trust, be sufficient  to solve
 the great question so deeply interesting  to  the health  and 
6
prosperity of our seaport cities, ^viz :  Is  the yrflow fever of
local origin, or an imported disease ?
  Before entering upon the investigation of the  causes of
the fever of 1S55, we think it will be interesting and useful
to give a slight sketch of the  situation and topography of
Norfolk, as well as a brief account of previous  epidemics of
yellow fever which have prevailed in it.
  Norfolk lies in latitude "C>° 50' N. and longitude 7G°  19'
W. on the east  bank of Elizabeth river, at its junction with
the eastern branch, being about six miles south  from  Hamp-
ton Roads, about  twenty-five from  Cape  Henry, and about
fifteen, in a direct  line over a wooded country, from the
Atlantic ocean.  It  is nearly surrounded by water, having
the river on the west and south, Newton's creek on the east,
and Smith's creek on the north.   Several small  creeks pene-
trate into the city, and branching  in various directions, serve
as natural drains of its  surface.   The water  is  salt, and in
the river and  eastern branch, deep enough for the  largest
ships.  The tide flows into the creeks and coves twice a day,
covering them at high water, but  leaving their  surface* quite
bare at low water.   The  borders of  these  marshy creeks
ha*7e  never  been considered unhealthy,  unless where the
free entrance of the tide has  been obstructed by making
streets or causeways across them.  Where  this has  been
done, the immediate neighborhood has become  subject to
intermittent fevers.  The surface of the town as well as  of
the adjacent  country is# low and  flat, beipg  nowhere more
than ten or twelve  feet above  the 4*«e of the  river.   Near
the wharves it is occasionally  overflowed, when during an
equinoctial gale the river rises  a few feet above its ordinary
height. The soil is alluvial, consisting of a stratum of clay
from 3 to G feet thick, lying upon fine sand, beneath which,
at a depth of from 20 to  30 feet, is a bed of marl of great
thickness.  The commercial part of the  city  lies between-
Main street on the  north and the river on the  south.  It is
from  one  to  three  hundred yards* in width, and more than 
7
half a  mile in length.   The wharves are mostly of wood,
and intersected occasionally with docks, into which the tide
flows freely.  Most .of  the  land south of Main  street has
been reclaimed from the river, the filling  beinsr made orioi-
nally with pine saplings covered with earth.  But as  this
was, for the most  part, some fifty or sixjy years ago, the
land is now perfectly solid.   The eastern half of the made
ground, however, on which the famous Barry's row is situ-
ated, has been filled up within the  last  fifteen  or  twenty
years.   The  streets  are  irregular  and crooked,  but almost
universally  paved and  well  drained, and  are kept  cleaner
than in  most towns of the same size.  The well water  is
hard and unpleasant to the  taste, containing both salt and
lime, but for the last thirty years the inhabitants have used
rain water caught in cisterns below ground.  The climate,
although variable, is very mild and agreeable  throughout
the year, the winters cold, being  tempered by the nearness
of the ocean, while the  heat of summer is moderated by the
sea breeze, which prevails with tolerable regularity in hot
weather.   Our climate is, therefore, several  degrees  warmer
in winter and as much cooler in  summer than that of inland
towns  in the same  latitude.  The summer nights are par-
ticularly  pleasant,  being rarely too warm  for comfortable
sleep after the hottest day.
  Portsmouth lies southwest from Norfolk,  on the opposite
side of the river, which is here more than half a mile wide.
Gosport is on the same side of the river as Portsmouth, but
higher up and to the southward of it.   Between the  two
places  flows a marshy  creek three  or four  hundred yards
wide, which is crossed by a causeway and bridge.  Gosport
contains a population of live or six hundred, chiefly Irish
laborers  and their families,  keepers of boarding-houses, etc.
It has  one principal street, Water street, which runs from
the bridge to the navy yard gate, and several cross streets.
Water  street is parallel  with  the river, and  about SO or 100
yards distant from it.  Between this  street  and the  river is
situated Page c\: Allen's ship  yard, which merits a more par- 
8
ticular description as the place where the first cases of fever
occurred in 1S55.   It fronts on the river to the east several
hundred feet, and extends westvvardlv to Water street, about
three hundred  feet.  Near the river front  is an old brick
ware-house, now used .as  a work-shop  and  stable.  The
wharf is of wToofl,  and old.  Entering the yard from  the
river  is a  small dock, partially filled with mud, but still
covered with salt water at every tide.  Behind the ware
house, between it  and Water street, is another dock, partly
filled  with mud and timber, but also covered with water at
high  tide.   On the Water  street front  are three  or four
wooden tenements  occupied as  boarding houses for work-
men.   The surface of the yard is covered with chips, but is
clean  and well drained.   The whole  place is open and ven-
tilation unobstructed.
  Portsmouth is a pretty town, laid out very regularly, with
streets crossing  each other at right angles.   They are wide,
but mostly  unpaved and badly  drained.   The back of the
town  is somewhat  cut up with  marshes.   Portsmouth  has
but little commerce, and consequently few ware-houses or
ships  at her wharves.
  In  climate and health the  sister towns  of Norfolk and
Portsmouth differ  but little if at all.  The population of
Norfolk in  1855  was  about 16,000—that  of Portsmouth,
about 10,000—about one-fourth in both cities being black.
Many years  ago, Norfolk  had the reputation, which was pro-
bably well  merited, of being a  very sickly place;  but for
the last 25  years, since it has  been  paved  and drained, we
think it has compared favorably with other towns of the
same  size, whether on our Atlantic coast or in the interior—
the annual  mortality being about 2J per cent.
  In the winter we have the usual diseases of the season, as
catarrh, pneumonia, &c.  In the spring, vernal intermittents
are met with, more or less every year, but  the cases 'are
neither numerous nor very grave, being rarely if ever fatal.
Early in June dysentery begins to appear, and prevails more
or less  throughout this  month  and  July.  It sensibly di- 
9
 minishes by the beginning of August, and by the end of it,
 has usually ceased.  It  is seldom of a severe type, and not
 often fatal,  except to teething infants.   Cholera infantum
 also prevails during the hot months, but to a far less extent
 than it did 20 or 30 years ago.
    In the latter part of August and September we  again
 meet with intermittent and remittent fevers.   These are
 usually of a mild type, rarely dangerous.   The old fashioned
 bilious fever is seldom seen.  The  healthiness  of  our au-
 tumnal  season is  proved  by the fact, that for the last 15
 years the mortality of September  has  not exceeded  the
 monthly  average of the  year.  (Of  course we  except the
 yellow fever years.)   October is a very healthy  month, and
 November the healthiest  of the year.  The greatest  mor-
 tality is  in  July; the next in June; then August—the
 deaths being  principally of young children.  The  country
 around Norfolk is far more sickly than the town, being very
 subject to intermittent and  remittent fevers and  other ma-
 larious diseases.  Within the city, the most thickly settled
 parts  are  the  healthiest.  Main and  Water streets are re-
 markable  for  their exemption from intermittent  fevers, and
 yet, as we will show, these are the streets that  have been
 usually the seat of yellow fever.
   The first epidemic of yellow  fever in Norfolk, of which
 we have  any account, was  in  17!)-3.  After which, it  pre-
 vailed more or less every year until 1S05, with the exception
 of  1S01, in which year there was but  a single case.  It was
 very bad  in  1S00  and  1S03.  The statement  made by Dr.
 Archer, (Med. Eecorder, v.ol. v,) that the yellow fever did not
 visit us after the great fire in February 1S04 until 1S21, is
 incorrect.  There was no fever in 1801, but it reappeared in
 1S05 with considerable malignancy, as we  find recorded in
 the note book of the late Dr. Wm. B. Selden.  This fact we
 regard as of some importance, since its supposed  disappear-
 ance after the  destruction of the commercial part of  the
 town by fire has been urged as a proof of its local origin in
the preceding years. 
10
  After 1>05, the  disease was  not seen in Norfolk until
1821, a period of sixteen yetors.   An account of this epi-
demic  was published in  vol. v,  Med. Rec. by Dr.  Robert
Archer, health officer of the port for that year.   From his
account we make the following extracts :

  On the 20th of July  a vessel,  from Point Peter,  Gua-
daloupe, laden with rum, sugar and molasses, arrived in the
harbor.  Having discharged her  cargo at an upper wharf,
her bilge water  was  pumped out  in the  dock between
Southgate's and Warren's wharves, which was found to be
so putrid  and offensive as to render it expedient that the
doors and windows of a neighboring house should be closed
in order to exclude the effluvia arising from  it.   This and
Southgate's ware-house were about equally distant from the
vessel,  say about 15 or 20 yards—one on fjjie  east, the other
on the  west side  of the dock.   On  the 1st August Mr.
Price,*  acting as clerk in the ware-house, was taken sick
with fever, strongly marked with symptoms of malignancy,
and died on  the----.  On the same day a negro woman,
cook to the family, occupying the other house, was attacked,
and died on  the 9th.  On the  4th  two ladies of  the family
sickened, the elder of whom died on the 10th.  About the
same time a  boy aged 16  and an infant in the same family
were attacked, but both recovered.  On  the  9th the lady of
the house had a slight attack, from which she soon recovered ;
and the only one who escaped of the whole family, seven in
number, was the master of the house, whose duties fortu-
nately  took  him  from home at  the time the bilge water
was discharged.  Young Piercy, who had  assisted in pump-
ing out the vessel, and a boy by the name of Andrews, who
had frequently been about her at the same time, both sick-
ened and died—one about the 15th day of the disease; the
other within 48 hours after the attack.  It is evident, there-
fore, that  the effluvia arising from" the bilge  water  was the
immediate cause of disease in  every instance that has been
recorded; for every individual had been  exposed to its in-
fluence, and  almost every one who had come  within its
atmosphere was more or less affected by it.

  The  disease continued  to spread  from  this  time and from
this centre.  Dr. Archer further on says :

  * Price slept at the ware-house He was taken sick on the 31st July, and
Jied on the 10th August.—Note Book of Dr. W. B. Sddcu. 
11
  I do not wish to be understood as subscribing to the doc-
trine of contagion and importation of disease, as  generally
implied, when I say that the vessel from Guadaloupe  had
some  agency in its production  in the present instance.  A
foul air generated on  shipboard and one brought from a
foreign port are two distinct things;  but that bilge water,
vegetable and perhaps animal matter  and the like, whether
of foreign or  local  origin, under  certain  circumstances of
atmosphere, temperature, &c. are  capable of engendering
disease, no one, I  am persuaded, is  prepared to deny.

  It is obvious, from these extracts, that Dr. Archer, while
clearly ascribing  the first outbreak of the yellow fever to
the foul bilge water pumped out by the vessel from Guada-
loupe, had no suspicion that she had had cases of fever on
board, or  was from a port where the fever was prevailing at
the time  of her  departure.   Her  bilge water "was, in  his
eyes, simply foul  bilge water—not  bilge water from a  yel-
low fever ship, containing  the imported  germs of yellow
fever.  By rare good fortune we have been  enabled to ob-
tain further and more accurate  information concerning  this
vessel, and  to supply, after the  lapse of 35 years,  facts
which had altogether  escaped  the  vigilance of Dr. Archer,
and which place  the connection between the yellow fever
of 1^21 and the vessel fuftm  Guadaloupe in a new and much
stronger light. Having  heard  from  Capt. Arthur Sinclair
of the United States  navy, that  there  was a man, now a
pensioner in the  Naval asylum at  Philadelphia,  whom he
had known as quarter  gunner in the  navy, of steady, sober
and reliable character, and who had  been a sailor on board
the vessel which  brought the fever to Norfolk in 1821, we
wrote to  Dr. Jas. Green, surgeon of the asylum, requesting
him to  learn  from  the man  himself what were the facts of
the case.   Dr. Green, in  reply, enclosed us  the  following
statement from Wm. Douglass, the man  in question:

  The schooner George Armistead, Capt. McNeil, sailed from
Point Peter, Guadaloupe, with  a crew of 6  or 7  men, all
told, in  the beginning of July 1*21;  two men sick all the
passage.   Arrived in Hampton Roads, the supercargo, Mr. 
12
Fowler, went  ashore  and up to Norfolk before the vessel
was  boarded by the  health officer.  In the evening of the
same day one of the  men died, and after dark we took him
ashore  and buried him at Sewall's point.   Came on board
at 10 o'clock, and another was dead; got  the body  into the
long boat, and veered it one cable length astern, to  be clear
of the  smell;  went ashore with  it, and buried  it near  the
other.  The same day the vessel  went up, and  on the way
was  boarded by an  officer,  who enquired  of  the  captain
whether we had had any  deaths on board, and the health of
the place we left.  The captain's answer was, that one man
fell from the mast head  and was killed, and  that  he had
traded  to  Point Peter several vo}Tages, and never saw it
healthier than  when he left.  Which was not true, for I was
sick  myself, and in the hospital at Point Peter.   The harbor-
master, Mr. Roberts, came on  board, and received from  the
captain some  pine apples and other fruit.  All was right
with the vessel.   Went ashore to board in Woodside's lane,
and another of the crew died that night, and several men in
the house sickened that night, and never recovered ; and in
a few days  the landlord died, and some of the  harbor-mas-
ter's family—the  pine apple man.  Dr. Archer  was  then in
Norfolk.   The merchant's name to whom the vessel was
consigned I do not recollect, nor  the wharf  she laid at, as I
went to Hampton in a pilot boat  schooner going to Charles-
ton,  as  there was something said  about burning  the George
Armistead—made my escape and left my wages behind.

                                   William Douglass.
  Naval Asyhim, Philad. August 14, 1~5G.

  The  above letter seems to establish the fact  that there
had been sickness and deaths on board the George Armistead
before  her arrival, and that the  agency  of this vessel in
causing the outbreak of the yellow  fever, was probably
owing  to   something more than the foulness of her bilge
water.   There can be no  doubt  that the George Armistead
was  the vessel mentioned by Dr. Archer,  although in  his
account he omits her name;  for on  reference to the news-
papers of the  day, we find that  the George Armistead  ar-
rived at Norfolk on the 20th July, and was the only vessel
that arrived from Point Petre during the season.  Douglass
is in error in supposing that cases of fever occurred  in Nor- 
13
folk the night after the  arrival of the vessel; for Dr. Ar-
cher's  account shows that  it was on the 11th day after her
arrival  that  the first  case occurred.   The name of  the
harbor-master whose family died in Woodside's  lane, was
Dunstan.   Roberts was  also a harbor-master at  that time,
but  did not  live in Woodside's lane, nor did he lose any of
his family by the fever.   He also  informs  us  that it was
Dunstan and not he who brought up the  vessel.   Notwith-
standing these slight inaccuracies,«we think that  Douglass
can  hardly be mistaken  in the important  fact  that two
of his  shipmates had  died ,on board,  and been burried  on
Sewall's Point, and  that t4w«ee deaths had  been  concealed
from the health officer.
   We  have been thus minute in our account of the origin
of the  fever of 1821, because each epidemic  may serve to
throw  light upon the origin of subsequent ones; and as will
appear hereafter, there is a striking similarity between the
history of the  George  Armistead  and  that  of  the  Ben
Franklin.   It is also of consequence to establish the correct
history of this epidemic,  in as much as it has been cited as
an instance of the local  origin of yellow fever  in  our  city.
   Dr.  La Roche, in his  recent very learned and  elaborate
work  on  yellow fever,  (vol.  ii, p. 379,) quotes  from Dr.
Archer's account of this epidemic, the made ground, narrow
lanes, filthy docks and crowded Irish  population, in  proof
of the local origin of the fever, and yet, by  a singular over-
sight,  omits  all mention of the vessel from Guadalupe,  to
whose  bilge  water,' discharged into  this very dock, Dr. Ar-
cher, on the same page, ascribes the origin of the disease.
  During  the next five years our town enjoyed a complete
exemption from yellow fever.  But  in  1^20 it  again  made
its appearance, beginning about  the 1st  September, in the
same neighborhood as  in 1821, and continuing until  frost.
Of this epidemic  we can  find no published account; but we
have been told, by persons  living here  at  the  time, that it
was attributed by the public to a vessel that discharged a
cargo of damaged coffee  in the neighborhood.  It was less 
11
general  and less  malignant than that of 1S21, and  like it,
was confined to the limited space between  Main street and
the river.   The greater part of the city, viz: all  that lying
to the north of Main street and  east of Market square,  was
so entirely free from it, that no  person who had  not visited
the infected district was attacked with the disease.
  From this period until 1852 we had again  a  long  immu-
nity from  pestilence.  During  these  26 years we are  well
assured  that not  a case- of yellow fever was  seen  in  the
town, except a pilot who contracted the disease on board a
vessel from the south, and two officers of the United States
ship Vandalia, who were  taken sick after landing  from that
ship' in  1^1^.   Indeed, so long and so  complete had been
our exemption  from the disease,  that there was  not  in  the
city a single practitioner of medicine who had ever treated
a case of it.  Our whole  community  had long lost all dread
of it, believing it almost impossible  that the disease could
ever appear among  us again.   While in this state of secu-
rity, in the midst  of a season  remarkably cool and healthy,
we were  startled by the discovery of some very suspicious
cases about the middle of September, and in a few days  had
acquired the certain conviction  that the yellow  fever was
epidemic in the lower j)art of the town.   Fortunately, the
weather was most unseasonably cool, and the disease made
but little  progress, although it  continued  to prevail until
frost.   The cases were  not so  numerous  as in  1821  and
1S26, yet  the infected atmosphere was diffused over a wider
space, extending  much  further  to  the eastward  up Main
street, and a few  scattered cases, which could not be clearly
traced  to  the infected district,  occurring  to the north of
Main street, which had been its limit in former epidemics.
  The general character of this epidemic was  mild, a very
large  proportion  of the  cases  being  slight.   The  severer
cases, however, differed in no respect  from those with which
we became so familiar in 1855, the fatal ones being  usually
attended with hemorrhages and suppression of urine.  From
the best information we could obtain at the time, the deaths 
15
were  probably from  50 to 100.  The cases  amounted to
several  hundred.   More than six weeks after its commence-
ment in Norfolk, the disease showed itself in Portsmouth,
and was fatal in four cases, as we find recorded  in the Report
of the Portsmouth Relief Association,  p. 92, by Dr. School-
field,  who nowhere makes the slightest  allusion to  the ex-
istence  of fever in Norfolk, although  it had been epidemic
in the lower part of the latter town for several weeks.
   Some of your committee, who were  in  Norfolk at the
time, took great pains, during the prevalence  of the  epi-
demic, and immediately afterwards, to trace the disease back
to its source, and were well satisfied that it had existed and
proved  fatal  in many instances for several weeks  before its
true character was suspected.  The first probable case was
that of  Sally Fisher, a white girl from the Eastern Shore of
Virginia, who had been living for some months in Soiners'
row, near the western extremity of Water street.  This girl
died on the 7th or 8th of August, (she was buried  on the
Sth,)  after an illness of 4 or 5 clays.  Before death she threw
up a large quantity of black fluid, and turned very yellow,
as we were assured'  by one who saw her.  Unfortunately,
she was not seen by any physician, so that we  could  not ob-
tain a professional history  of the case;  but  that she died
after 4 or 5 days' illness, deeply jaundiced, and throwing up
black matter, is  attested by a credible witness, who gave
this account of her case before the existence of yellow fever
was suspected  among us.  Indeed, so little  suspicion had
the girl's friends of yellow fever, that  they inferred from the
Wack vomiting and  yellow skin  that  she must have  been
poisoned.   From this time deaths continued to occur every
few davs in Somers' row, which  consists  of six small  tene-
ments.  It soon crossed the street obliquely to the block be-
tween Fayette  street  and  the Bethel church, and gradually
spread  over  the  whole  of the  lower part  of the  town.
Somers' row  is occupied  by very decent persons,  and is
situated in a very open  and well ventilated  district.  In
front of it is a large open  lot extending to Main street.  To 
16
the east is a large lumber yard, which is kept very clean.
To the south and west are a few ware-houses.  The streets
are paved, and the population sparse.   It would be difficult
to point  to any local cause of disease in  the neighborhood,
which is ordinarily perhaps the healthiest in the town, unless
possibly a shook factory some 300 or 400 yards to the north-
west of Somers' row.   This factory is built in the river, and
is surrounded by water.  Such of the shavings as are not
consumed in heating the  boiler, are thrown into a shallow
part of the river or dock, where they have been accumulat-
ing for some  years, but are daily covered by the tide.  There
are several houses on Main street much nearer to this factory
than  Somers' row, but  the disease  did not- reach  there for
several weeks after its commencement in the row.  It was
our opinion at the  time that the  shavings had  no agency in
producing the disease.   We ascertained further that IS days
before Sally Fisher died, and 13 before she was taken sick,
viz:  on the 20th of July, the Spanish barque Tascio arrived
from Hanava, where the yellow  fever,  as is well known, was
very prevalent and  malignant at the time of her departure.
This vessel was not visited by the health officer; for our
long exemption from yellow fever had  rendered us very care-
less about quarantine, but came up at once to  the city and
discharged  her  cargo, and pumped out her bilge  water  at
the tobacco ware-house wharf.   On her arrival two of her
crew  (Spaniards) were sick, and were visited by  a  practi-
tioner of homoeopathy,  not  educated as  a  physician.  He
pronounced  their disease typhus or typhoid fever.  One  of
the men  died—the other recovered.   As  the ship was jus$
from Havana, where typhoid fever must be very rare, if in-
deed  it  exist at all, but where  yellow fever was then very
prevalent, it is  far more probable that these were cases of
yellow fever.  Somers'  row is  about 100 yards east of the
wharf where the  ship  lay, with  no intervening  dwelling
houses.
  We are strongly inclined to the  belief that the disease of
this year was introduced by the above ship Tascio.  We are 
17
strengthened in  this opinion by a consideration of the very
cool and healthy character of tho season, and the absence of
any  apparent  local cause of disease in the clean, sparsely
peopled  and well ventilated district where the disease first
showed itself.  We are fully aware that the evidence of the
existence of fever on  board  the  Tascio is only presumptive,
and that we have, therefore,  no right to ascribe the introduc-
tion of the disease to her;  but we think it would be even
more illogical to attribute  its origin to local causes which
were not visible, merely because the proof that it was intro-
duced  from abroad, does not amount  to  mathematical de-
monstration.
  In 1^53 there  was no case of fever in the  town.  In 1 Sol-
there were three cases of fever  in Norfolk, all fatal.  The
first a woman, who died in  Barraud's court in October; the
second a woman in Barry's row, also in October.   The third
a man, who  died  2nd of November in Water street, near
Barry's row.   During this seaso'n four cases  occurred on the
opposite side of  the river, in the  country, at the mouth o*f
Scott's  creek, as related by Dr. Schoolfield, who attributes
them to  some  glass jars that floated ashore from the French
steamer  Chimere,  which had been lying for many  weeks
with very  malignant  yellow fever on  board, at about the
distance of a mile  from Scott's  creek.   There were also in
quarantine at the same time, two merchant  ships from New
Orleans, the Ashland and  Osterveldt,  which  had  put into
this port in distress.   These vessels were laden with  cotton
and  corn, and were allowed  to discharge at Ferguson's wharf
at Fort  Norfolk, about three-quarters of a  mile from the
town.   The quarantine was not very rigid, extending only
to the vessels, while  the captains and  crews were allowed
free  intercourse with the city, and workmen were permitted
to go  on board.  One of these, a ship  carpenter, took the
fever, but recovered.  We have  not been able "to  trace any
direct  connection  between  the other cases of fever in Nor-
folk and these vessels.
  The vear ls-55, which forms the  more  immediate subject 
                           18

of this report, was  not remarkable for any meteorological
or other conditions foreshadowing the approach of the direful
pestilence by which it has acquired so sad a celebrity.  The
winter was cold, dry and healthy.   The spring too was very
dry, and with the exception of April, cooler than usual.  We
can only estimate the influence of the weather in producing
yellow fever, by carefully comparing the seasons in which
the epidemic prevailed  with  those which were free  from it.
With this view we have compiled from the Army  Meteor-
ological Register, for which we are indebted to the courtesy
of Surgeon General Law7son, the following tables, exhibiting
the mean monthly temperature of the first nine months of
the years 1S26, 1S-52 and 1855, as well  as the monthly mean
of 30 years,  from 1S25 to 1S-34,  and  the  quantity of rain
which fell in each of the same months of the years 1S52 and
1S55, as well as the mean  of IS years.
  This register was kept at Fortress  Monroe, which is 12
miles  north of Norfolk, and for the purpose of comparing
different  seasons, will answer as well as if kept in the city
itself.  We regret that we have no barometrical or  hygro-
metrical observations to refer to, those kept  at Old Point not
being yet published.

                       Thermometer.
	>i	f.							a
		2	■a eg	a.	>>	o c		2	
	"■=	-1	*5	<!	■^	78.02	1-3	*^	
ii-'i;,	43.55	48.23	54.87	56.63	71.57		79.98	79.33	76.51
LS52,	35.19	42.62	48.87	53.44	li.j.fo	7-'.?4	76.23	74.12	70.20
1:55, - •	43.48	36.79	44.	59.33	65.7J	71.81	82.30	79.44	76.51
Mean of 30 years,	36.54	41.67	4&29	56.17	66.14	71.2-J	7s.'Jrt	77.25	72.08
Quantity of Ra'm.
										
	.		>»							.a
		a	3 3 o	'O	D.	CS	6	>.	?	S o
		-3		*Z	<!	3				03
It 52,	.	0.90	1.18	1.82	2.72	1.53	1.89	3.83	4.90	1.55
lt>55,	-	1.60	0.40	2.00	0.45	2.10	3.MI	1.65	1.80	3.30
.Mean	of 18 years,	3.26	2.74	3.33	2.80	3.64	3.7 s	5.56	5.70	3.43
 
19
   From the foregoing table it appears that 1S26 and 1S-52,
 both  fever  years,  were  different  in  temperature.   The
 first was a  remarkably  hot year, the mean temperature of
 every one of the first nine  months being considerably above
 the mean of 30 years.  On the other hand,  1852, the first
 fever year after 1826, was equally remarkable for its cool-
 ness, the mean being considerably below the average in every
 month from April to September.
   In 1855  we find  that January was very mild, February
 and March cold, April very warm, May cool, June a fraction
 above the average, while July, August and September were
 very hot months.   Whatever influence the heat in July,
 August and September may have had in increasing the dis-
 ease, it could  have had  none in causing its outbreak, since,
 as will appear hereafter, the first cases of fever occurred  in
 June.  The heat of June was not so  unexampled  as has
 been asserted, for the  foregoing table shows  that  it was
 barely above an average; and on examining the table of 30
 years, we find in 15  of them June was hotter than in 1S55.
 In only one of these, viz : 1826, was there fever in Norfolk.
KicThe first fever months  of  1S55 appear from the forego-
 ing table to have been  very dry, while  June was very wet.
 There seems to be  some  doubt about the accuracy of the
 rain gauge  at  Old Point during the  last five years, as the
 annual quantity of rain is far below the average ; and unfor-
 tunately we have  no access to any other  kept for a series of
 years in this neighborhood.  We feel sure from  our own re-
 collection, however,  that the  spring was a remarkably dry
 one.   June must surely have been very wet,  since the rain
 gauge at Old Point, which is suspected of marking less than
 the true quantity of rain, yet shows more than an average.
 The early part of the  year was very healthy.  With the
 exception of scarlet fever, which  prevailed in March and
 April, there was less sickness than usual.  In June and July
 there was  some dysentery,  but we think less than in ordi-
 nary years; certainly much less than in  the preceding year
 LSol.  There  were  also in June  and July a few cases  of 
•20
typhoid fever—a disease which  prevails more  or  less every
year.   We are satisfied, however, that  up to the  middle of
July the year was  one of more than  average  healthiness;
nor were  there any febrile or  other diseases to  show an
unhealthy state  of  atmosphere,  or  make us suspect  the
approach of a great epidemic.
  The condition of  the city as  regards cleanliness was not
different from  what it  had usually been.  The streets are
generally kept cleaner than in most towns of the  same size,
but there  was no doubt a great deal of dirt  in  the yards
and houses of the lower classes.
  The statements that  have frequently  been  published  of
meat putrefying with unusual rapidity and the fruit mildew-
ing and rotting on the trees, had certainly no foundation ex-
cept in  the distempered imagination  of the writers.   So far
from it, the fruit was  remarkably fine and perfect;  and  it
was observed  by the  southern  physicians, that  they  had
rarely seen in  Charleston  or New Orleans figs so luscious
and unblemished.   Indeed, in  the very height of the  epi-
demic there  was nothing that would  have led a stranger  to
-uspect that he was in the midst of pestilence, but for the fre-
quent hearse hurrying at a trot through our deserted streets.
The air was as balmy and pleasant and vegetation as healthy
and luxuriant as in the most favored seasons.
  On the 6th of June the steamer Ben Franklin,  Capt. By-
ram, arrived in distress from St. Thomas.  Having trans-
ferred her passengers, some 50 or  60  in number, to'the  Bal-
timore  steam boat in the bay, the vessel  came to  anchor at
the quarantine ground, about a mile below the city, where
she was visited the next  morning (7th) by Dr. Gordon, the
health officer of the port.  Dr. G. was told by the captain
that both  his passengers and  crew  had  been perfectly
healthy during the  voyage of ten days',  there having  been
no fever or other disease among  them.  He admitted  that
he had  lost two men—the first a fireman,  who died suddenly,
as the captain supposed, from disease of the heart; for  he
had been  well and  at work a short  time before  his death ; 
25
   had been taken suddenly with sharp pain in the left side,
   and great difficulty of breathing, and died in half an hour
   after  his seizure.  The other was  a sailor, who took the
   place of the  first in the fire room ; and being unaccustomed
   to the work and  heat, was overcome by it, and  died appa-
*  rently from exhaustion, after entering the capes, and  was
   buried  on  shore near the quarantine ground.   That neither
   of  them  had headache,  fever  or  vomiting.  Dr.  Gordon
   found the rest of the crew healthy and the  ship  clean ; but
   as the  yellow fever was known  to  be prevailing at Saint
   Thomas when the steamer left, she was ordered  to  remain
    at  quarantine,  but the captain and crew were  allowed  to
    visit  the city.
      On the  ISth of the month, Dr. Gordon again visited  the
    vessel, at the request of the  captain, who was anxious to be
    allowed to go up to the ship yard to repair.   Dr. G. reported
    to the board of health the same afternoon, that he found the
    crew in good health, and  was assured by the captain that
    none of them had been sick  since his arrival, although some
    of them were new hands, shipped in place  of  others who
    had deserted.  That he examined the ship thoroughly down
    to her water tanks.  That she appeared  to be clean and m
    good order, with  no cargo and no  ballast, except some iron
    canuons in her hold, a small supply of coal, and a few bar-
    rels  of pork.   That  she was leaking so  badly as to require
    constant pumping with the  steam  pump to keep her afloat,
    and  consequently could have no foul bilge water.
      Upon this report of the  health officer, and  after being
    assured by the captain that the ship only needed  caulking
    and  some  repairs to her upper works, and that there was no
    occasion to  break out her hold, which indeed was already
    empty, the board of health  gave permission for  the ship to
    uo up to Page ,\r Allen's yard at Gosport.  Accordingly,  she
    went up the next morning, the 19th  of June, after having
    laitf  13 days at quarantine.  She remained at  the yard until
    the Sth of July, during which time there were many work-
    men employed  both on her  outside and  inside, in repairing 
oo
her hull and boilers.   While here too, she was partly broken
out, to get at the stepping of the mast.
  On the 5th of July, a  man from Richmond  by the name
of Carter, who  had worked  on her boiler on  the 3rd, was
taken sick and  died  on the  fourth day, viz:  July Sth, with
unmistakable symptoms of  yellow fever, so  pronounced at
the time by Drs. Williamson and Green of the navy, both
very familiar with the disease, who were called to  see  him
before  death.  This  death caused  a great panic in Ports-
mouth, and  the  ship  was sent  back  to quarantine  on the
same day, the Sth of  July.
  Such is the history of the Ben Franklin,  as it appeared
at the time.   Since the fever, we have taken  great pains to
get at  all the facts relating  to  her, and submit the follow-
ing account, which we believe  to  be  substantially correct,
although not supported by official or professional testimony.
  The  Ben Franklin, a large sea steamer, sailed from New
York in  the fall of 1851, upon some filibustering enterprise
to Central or South America, after the failure of which, she
went to  St.  Thomas, where  she  lay for many months.  At
this time the fever was very prevalent  at St. Thomas.  In
the month of March, the United  States  frigate Columbia
came thence to this port, in consequence of the fever having
broken out among her crew.   From the officers of this ship
and various  other sources we have understood that few if
any vessels in the harbor escaped the disease.  Capt. Wm.
Philips of the barque Eliza of Baltimore, a very respectable
ship-master  and  old  trader to the West Indies, informed us
that he was at St. Thomas in January 1855, and sailed from
there February 5th; that there was at that time a great deal
of fever among  the shipping as well  as in the town;  that
he had cases on  board his own vessel, and thinks that nearly
every vessel  in the harbor had it; and that there had been 8
or 9 cases on board of the Ben Franklin, and  several deaths,
as he was told  in St. Thomas by Capt. Howes, the  master
of a vessel acting as consort  to  the Franklin  in the expedi-
tion to  South America, who was cognizant  of what  hap- 
•23
pened on board of her.   From the engineer of the Franklin,
Mr. Jno. Bowen, we have received the following letters,
proving the existence of the disease on board during the
voyage.  We  publish the letters in full, leaving  out only
some  prefatory matter having no relation to the subject  in
question.

                             Kexsixgtox, July  28, 1S56.

Ma. A. B. Willimax, M. D.—Esteemed Sir— *** I joined
the ship in the island of Saint Thomas on  the 26th of May
1855, at which time the fever was on the island.  I had two
firemen then on the ship.   One was taken sick with the fever.
I examined the man, and found he had the symptoms of yellow
fever.  I reported him to the captain, and he the captain re-
quested me to give him some medicine, which I did.  The
medicine I gave  him was 60 grains of calomel with a portion
of jalap, which  had  the desired effect.  He complained  of
pain in the head and also a pain in the small of  the back.
His tongue was  completely coated with a dark brown crust.
This case occurred two days before we sailed for the north.
The next case  was the boy in the engineer's mess room, three
days out from  Saint Thomas—the symptoms appearing the
same—but he  died and was consigned to the deep after three
days'  sickness.  From  that time till we passed Cape  Hat-
teras  nothing  occurred, when another of  the  firemen was
taken  down and also died, and  was buried in  the port  of
Norfolk while  we lay in quarantine.   Therefore we had two
deaths and one cure on the passage.  This is a correct state-
ment of the  voyage from Saint Thomas.   The number of
cures and deaths after leaving quarantine, were 4 deaths, and
cures 3.
   Deaths—1  boiler maker, 1 engineer, 1 second mate, 1 fire-
man.  Cures—3 firemen.

                        Your ob't servant,

                                           Jxo. Bowex.


   The second  letter was in answer to one from Dr.  Williman,
the secretary  of your committee, asking various questions
for the sake of getting a more minute  account of  symptoms
than  was  likely to be  given by a person unaccustomed to
draw up medical reports. 
•21
                             Kexsixgtox, Aug. 10, 1^-30.

Mr.  A. B.  Willimax :—Respected Sir—In  compliance
with your request  as  to the questions and  answers, I take
this favorable opportunity to state to you asr follows:
  The first question is, whether the yellow fever was preva-
lent  in the island of Saint Thomas during the time the Ben
Franklin was there ?—1 do certify it was.
  The next question  is, was there any sickness  on  board
while there?—There was one fireman, who recovered two
days after sailing.
  The next question  is, when was the  first death?—That
took place three days after  we left  the  island.   This was
fever.  The skin was yellow, with high stage of fever.
  The next (juestion 'is, when the next  case took  place?
This was before we made Cape Henry.   That  body was
buried on the shore while the ship lay in quarantine.  There
was no more sickness on board for several days while laying
in quarantine', until the second officer took sick, went to the
hospital and died.
  My dear sir—I can assure  you I was  eye witness  to all
that  I  have stated, having been amongst it and examined
every case which took place.   And I must  inform you that
I have had the yellow fever myself in the island of Cuba in
the year  lb40;  so  that you are aware that  by experience I
must be  acquainted with the symptoms of the disease.   I
must inform you at the same time, that there was no vomit-
ing  in any of the cases;  therefore I cannot state any fur-
ther than what I wrote in my last  letter.

                        Your ob't servant,

                                          Jxo. Bowex.

  These  letters from the chief engineer  in  the immediate
charge of the men who were sick, although wanting in  the
detailed account of symptoms, which would have been more
satisfactory, still leave  little  doubt that  they were cases of
yellow fever. The fever was prevalent in St Thomas.  The
men  were taken with pain in  the head and back  and high
fever, and two out of three died after three days' sickness,
with yellow skins.   What other tropical fever is there with
these symptoms, and so rapidly fatal ?  Of  the fourth man 
25
who was taken sick in port and died in the hospital, we have
a more detailed account by Dr. Upshur, which will appear
in this report.
   Bowen's opinion of the character of this fever is confirmed
by the following letter from Capt. Saml. M. Travers of Bal-
timore, an old and respectable ship master, who was long a
resident of Saint Thomas :

                    Taylor's Islaxd, Dorchester Cy, MJ.
                                 Feb'ry 12th,  1S56.
  •
A. B. Williman,  Esq. Norfolk,  Va.—Dear Sir—Yours of
January 18th has  just come to hand.  In answer to yours, I
can only say that I was a passenger on board the Ben Frank-
lin in June 1855.   In regard to the fever, I can only say that
on or about the 27th of May last we steamed from the island
of Saint Thomas, West Indies.  The island at that time was
distressingly sickly with yellow fever.   That at the time of
our sailing there were no cases on board, but on the third or
fourth day out, we lost one of our crew, and the day we ar-
rived in Hampton Roads we lost another one.  From a num-
ber of years' residence in  the West Indies, and some slight
knowledge of the  tropical diseases, I  should  certainly pro-
nounce both cases yellow fever of the worst type.   At one
time there was a  number of the crew down from fever, but
at no time any passenger on the  voyage; which I attribute
to all of us passengers  being acclimated io  the tropical cli-
mates.
           I have the  honor to remain
                      .Yr. obe'dt servant,

                                     Saml. M. Travers.

   The next evidence in relation  to the fever on board the
Franklin, we found in the  hospital case book of the late Dr.
George L. Upshur, physician at the time to the United States
marine hospital in this  port.  This book contains the notes
taken daily at the bed-side of the patients.  It is written in
pencil, and in the handwriting of Dr. Upshur himself.

  June 21st.—James Palmer entered to-day, ret. 25 ; Mass.;
single; very stout; is  last from  Saint  Thomas in  steamer
Franklin, which has been quarantined for 12 days past with
               4 
2G
the yellow fever on board.  Seized Friday 15th with chill,
followed by high fever, and accompanied by vomiting and
purging.  On the next day, being no  better, took a dose of
calomel and jalap, 5 grs. each, and repeated the dose  the
day following.  From this  time gives a  very imperfect ac-
count of his condition.  Came to the hospital  at 8 o'clock
P. M. and was visited half an  hour afterwards.  Decubitus
on the  back; countenance  distressed;  breathing  panting,
oppressed,  36; eyes  heavy  and somewhat injected; head
and limbs ache intensely; bowels moved  three times, stools
being small and painful: nausea and vomiting ;  thirsty;  skin
natural; pulse soft, full, 96 ; tongue red, sleek and  clea* ;
tenderness on pressure at umbilical  region; sounds of heart
natural; no cough.  R.  Emp. canth. 4  by 6 to abdomen.
R. Quin. sulph. grs. xx ; morph.  sulph. grs. ss, pil. 4.  Give
two at once, and the other two early in the morning.
   22nd.—Palmer died at 2 A. M. this morning very suddenly,
having vomited a large quantity of black fluid (black vomit).

   Mr. Robert S.  Bernard, resident student in the hospital,
gave the following further details concerning Palmer's death
to Drs. Moore and Williman, who took this note at the time,
(December 4, 1S55 :)

   Between 7 and S o'clock A. M. (22dt) I saw Jas. Palmer's
body.   Had been raving all night with delirium, occasional
vomiting of dark blackish fluid, in  considerable quantities.
Saw  a  pint of the fluid; whole surface  of a  dark  yellow,
deeper  in  tint than  a lemon ;  eyes  closed ;  the face and
breast of a deeper tinge than the other parts of the body.

   That this  was a case of yellow fever, can admit of no
question.   We know  that it was so considered  at the  time
by Dr. Upshur, whose competency to diagnose yellow fever
no one who knew him can doubt; and the  description of
symptoms and appearance  after death must satisfy all who
are familiar with the disease, of its true character.
   It thus appears that the Ben  Franklin  had at least three
cases of fever on board, two  of which proved fatal before
her  arrival  at Norfolk, and that a fourth  case occurred on
the 15th, while  she lay at quarantine.  This case (Palmer's)
is the one mentioned by Mr. Bovven, who says, " that while 
27
at quarantine the second officer took sick, went to the hos-
pital  and died."   It had existed for three days  when  Dr.
Gordon  made  his second visit to the ship on  the  18th,
and  must have been  carefully concealed  from  his obser-
vation.   This  man, although  very ill, was not visited by
any  physician, but kept on board, under the care of the
captain,  nearly three days, at the  ship yard,  amid all  the
noise and confusion occasioned by the  work going on—and
was  at last, when  in a dying condition, sent to the hospital
after sunset, when the hands had all left the yard.  Is it not
evident that the captain concealed this man as long as he
had a hope of his recovery, and at last  sent him to the hos-
pital only to prevent his dying on board, and thus subjecting
the ship  to be sent back to quarantine ?
   This was evidently  the first case of  fever occurring in
the  port  this  summer,  and proves conclusively  that there
was  fever on board the Ben Franklin at the time she went
to Gosport.  It has been very strangely overlooked or omit-
ted by Dr. Schoolfield, in his account of the fever, published
in the report of the Portsmouth relief association.
   The belief, which  is entertained by some medical men at
the north, that the fever existed in Norfolk before the arrival
of the Ben Franklin, seems to rest upon no other foundation
than a statement made  by Dr. Stone of New Orleans, in an
account  of the yellow fever of Norfolk, which he gave to
the  New York medical  society in the fall of  1855.   Dr.
Stone is  reported to have said that during his visit to Nor-
folk  in August 185-3, he  had  been told by Dr. Upshur that
he had had many or some cases of yellow fever  before the
arrival of the  Ben Franklin in our harbor.  It is probable
that  Dr.  Stone  may have heard Dr. Upshur say that he had
seen the  fever before the arrival of the  Ben Franklin, allud-
ing to the cases that he saw in 1852 and 1S51.   But we
think it almost impossible that he could have told Dr.  Stone
that  he had seen cases in 1S55, before the arrival of the Ben
Franklin, for his hospital book shows that Palmer's case, on
the 21st of June, was the first case in the hospital; and his 
28
report to the board of health of Norfolk dates  his first case
in town (Mrs. Cusack) on the 16th  day of July, (five weeks
after  the  arrival  of the  Ben Franklin.)   Besides, none  of
his medical  friends who were in  habits of daily intercourse
with him, nor  his associate  in practice, who has possession
of his visiting  list, ever  heard  him  speak of any case  of
fever, or even resembling fever, before the cases above men-
tioned.
   The next case of fever  recorded in Dr. Upshur's hospital
book, is the following:

   July 5.—Francis R. Jones entered to-day, Qet. 24;  N. J.;
single; previously healthy; from the steamer Franklin,  which
has lost  recently some men with  yellow fever.   Palmer,
whose case is recorded, p.  372, was from this steamer.   This
case has only been attached  to the vessel one week.  Seized
on the  30th, with headache, backache and fever, accom-
panied by nausea and vomiting.  The fever  continued  to
be high until next afternoon, when  it subsided.  There has
been  but  little  alteration in  his condition since.  Has  taken
purgative  pill 3 or 4 times; skin and conjunctiva very yel-
low ;  countenance natural;  head aches a  little; no  back-
ache ; great tenderness on pressure at epigastrium ;  no nau-
sea; some thirst;  hoarseness; spits a little dark blood  when
he coughs ;  pulse soft, 84; tongue clean, sleek and  dry.  12
oz. blood by cups from epigastrium.  Tinct. mur.  ferr. gtt.
30, 3  times a day.
  Jones lingered until the 17th, with occasional appearance
of improvement.   He had, for some days before death, hem-
orrhage  from nose and mouth, black vomit, phlyctena-on
limbs  and  forehead, and passed little or no urine.

  Dr. Upshur is probably  mistaken in the date of Jones' at-
tack, which  he got from the  patient himself; for Dr. Jas.  G.
Hodges  of Portsmouth, who reports  the  same case to the
committee, saw him in Gosport on the afternoon of July 3,
" with high fever, severe pain  in the head and back, face
flushed,  eyes injected, hurried  respiration and distressing
nausea.   Was told by patient that he had slight chill early
that morning.   He also stated that he  had gone from New
York to Saint Thomas for the purpose of joining the vessel, 
                          29

but as she had left that port before his arrival, he took pa-
rage and sailed same day for Baltimore; had  been attached
to the steamer about one week when taken sick.  Dr. Hodges
regarded the case as yellow fever, and sent him  to the hos-
pital on the 5th.
  On the 5th of July also, James Courtright entered from
the same vessel; had been attached to her  a week;  was
taken sick on the 30th of June.  This was a well marked
and severe case of yellow fever, but ultimately recovered.
  After the ship had been sent back to quarantine from Gos-
port, several other  cases of fever were  sent up from her to
the marine hospital,  viz :  Leary on the 19th July, and Hum-
phreys  and Malone  on the 20th.   Humphreys died on the
24th with jaundice,  suppression of  urine for  48  hours, con-
vulsions, &c.  The other two recovered.
  While the Ben Franklin was  lying in quarantine, late in
July, two negroes, Elvy Trotter and Noah Wilkins, who had
not been to Norfolk  or Portsmouth, passed a night on board.
Two days  afterwards they were  both taken with  yellow
fever, and  died  on  the 7th day.  This fact is recorded  by
Dr. Schoolfield  in his Portsmouth Report.  It thus appears
that the Ben Franklin had cases of fever on  board at Sain:
Thomas, during the voyage to  Norfolk, while  detained at
quarantine, also while lying at the ship  yard in Gosport, and
after her return to quarantine, clearly showing that she was
deeply infected.
   Dr. Schoolfield (vid. Portsmouth  report) saw on  the 24th
of  June Mrs. Fox sick with yellow fever  at the mouth of
Scott's creek.   This place is in the country, on the  river
shore, below Portsmouth, and fully a mile and  a half from
Gosport.  Dr. Schoolfield  ascribes  this case  to  the malaria
arising from  the marshy shores of a  creek on which the
house was  situated, and decaying  cucumbers in the field
near the house. While agreeing with the doctor that this
was a genuine case of yellow fever, we do not admit his ex-
planation of its occurrence.  If marsh malaria were capable
of  producing yellow fever in country  places, we ought to 
30
see hundreds, or rather thousands of cases  every year  in
lower  Virginia, which is every  where  intersected  with
marshes both  salt and fresh.  Universal experience attests
that the disease is unknown in the country in this neighbor-
hood.  There  must, therefore, be  some other cause than
marsh  effluvia to account for  Mrs. Fox's case.  Now,  we
find that the Ben Franklin, with yellow fever on board, was
lying at the distance of a mile  or  less from her house  for
nearly a fortnight before she was taken sick, and  five days
before her attack, the ship, on her way up to Gosport, passed
within one-third of a mile or less from her house.  We con-
tend that it is far more probable  that this  lady was  made
sick by the infected air from the ship blown ashore by the
wind, than that she took yellow fever in the country without
any cause whatever, except such as ordinarily produces in-
termittent fever, but was never known before to cause yellow
fever.   We must also remember that yellow fever  appeared
in  this house in 18-54, when it was traced to the  Chimere,
then at the quarantine ground.   (Vide Schoolfield's report.)
It is fair to presume that the  Ben Franklin lfying at the
same spot, caused the recurrence of the disease  in 1855.
   This view of the origin of Mrs. Fox's attack  is confirmed
by similar occurrences in  1856, in the  harbor of New  York,
where the disease was manifestly blown to the Long  island
 shore  in  the  neighborhood of Fort Hamilton,  from yellow
 fever  ships lying in quarantine, at a distance of some hun-
 dred yards.
    The next cases of which we have any account, occurred
 in the practice of the late  Dr. Trugien.  These  cases are,
 without doubt, the first that took place in Gosport, on shore.
 They were visited by Dr. Trugien on the 30th of June, and
 were taken sick either on  that or the day before.  Their
 names were  Mrs. Brown, Eugene Riley  and Robert ^ ebb.
 They all  lived in the same house, which is situated in Page
 & Allen's  yard, and fronts on Water street.   This house is
 the nearest tenement to the berth of the Ben Franklin  and
 is  about  100 yards from it in a westerly direction.  It  is 
31
probable that they had not been on  board  the ship.  They
were attacked just 10 or 11 days after the  arrival  of the
Ben Franklin at the wharf.
   On the same day that Trugien's cases were taken sick on
shore, one or two cases  occurred  among the crew of the
Franklin (Courtright and Jones,) as already mentioned.  On
the 5th, Carter, a, workman on board the steamer, was taken,
and  died  on the 8th.  John Cooke  died on  the 10th, and
Mrs. Palmer on the 11th, both in Irish row  on Water street,
directly opposite to  the  house  in which Dr.  Trugien's first
cases lived.
   From this time the disease continued to spread in Gosport,
steadily and rapidly, in all directions.  By the 1st of August
it had reached the house of  Capt. Barron, at the navy yard,
about 500 to 600 yards southwest from the  ship; and at the
same time it appeared in the southern part of Portsmouth,
about as far from the ship yard  to the north.
   During this time, and  up to the middle of  July, Norfolk,
on the  opposite shore of the river, continued remarkably
healthy.   The first knowledge that we had of the existence
of the disease among  us, was  from  a report made  to the
board of health by the late Dr. Geo. L. Upshur, on the 30th
of July.   In this report  he  stated that he had  had, up to
that date,  16 cases of fever, all in Barry's row.  The first
case was  that of Mrs.  Cusack,  who was taken sick  on the
16th day of July, in the same house  iu which her daughter
had died  of the fever in 18-51, under the care of Dr. Higgins.
Mrs. Cusack head not been to Gosport, nor indeed out  of her
house for  several weeks, being an invalid and unable to go
out.   She recovered,  as  did most of the earlier cases, the
first  death being on the 29th,  the day before Dr. Upshur
made his report.  Before Mrs. Cusack's case, there were
two deaths in Norfolk, which require some notice, as they
have been supposed by some to have been from yellow fever.
  Au Irishman,  named Montgomery, died on  the 2d  day of
July in Barry's row, after so short an  illness that a coroner's
inquest was held over his body.  He was a  sea-faring man, 
32
of very dissipated habits.  A  few days before his' death he
had been on a frolic and drinking to great excess, and  died
two  or three  days after taking to his bed.   The late Dr.
Constable,  who  attended the  inquest, afterwards remarket5
to a friend, that  from the yellowness  of the skin and some
suspicious looking dark matter on the floor, he should have
suspected that his death had been owing to yellow fever, if
that disease had  been prevailing at the time.   No physician
saw him during life, and we have been unable to learn  any
thing of his symptoms.
  The other  case was  a child, Horatio Williams, xt. seven
years,  son  of  Mrs.' Phoebe Williams,  corner  of Main  and
Favette streets.   He was taken sick on the 24tli or 25th of
June, with sore  throat  and fever.  Visited on 27th  by Dr.
Selden.  He  had well  marked  cliphtherite   covering  the
pharynx and tonsils, with an acrid discharge  from the  nos-
trils, and some fever.  The fever  ceased on the 2Sth ;  the
cliphtherite disappeared the next day; and on the 30th he
seemed perfectly well, with the exception of a slight exco-
riation of the  nose from the  acrid discharge.   He  had no
fever, a good appetite, and was running about, apparently
free from all disease.  Discharged.
  On the 1st  July was taken, at  4 P. M. with fever, with
some  headache and drowsiness.  The fever continued, with
increasing drowsiness, until 2  A. M. of the 4th (58 hours;  it
ceased rather  suddenly, leaving him with cool skin, slow
pulse, and very prostrate.  The drowsiness, instead of abat-
ing with the  decline of fever, continued  to increase, until
by night it amounted to stupor, from  which he could not
be aroused.  During the day  there were frequent efforts to
vomit, without,  however, awaking from his  sleep.  At 10
P. M. vomited for the first time  a little dark matter, the
stain  of which on the sheet was seen  by  Dr.  S.  It resem-
bled the stain  of black vomit.   During the night  he threw
up large quantities of dark, half clotted blood, (so described
by Mrs. W.) but which unfortunately was  not preserved.
Died, without delirium or convulsions, at 5  A. M.  of the 
33
5th.  The body, examined by Dr. S. at 8, presented no yel-
lowness of skin; and continued perfectly  white up to the
time of his interment.
   This case certainly presented  some very suspicious symp-
toms ;  yet, if it had  occurred at any  other  time, it would
probably  have  been considered  as  one of those unaccount-
able cases of blood poisoning,  which are occasionally met
wTith in all climates and at all seasons.  Could there  have
been absorption of some  acrid matter from the posterior
nares, the seat  of the diphtherite ?   An additional reason for
thinking that this  was  not a case of  yellow fever, is, that
the child  had a mild attack of the fever in 1852.  But if it
were yellow  fever,  it could hardly have been from any local
cause—1st, because the neighborhood is remarkably clean,
well drained and healthy;  2dly, because  there was no  other
case of fever in that neighborhood until the  10th or 15th of
August, five  or six weeks after  the child's death—and it is
difficult to imagine that a poison arising from  local causes
could have been so limited  in amount as to affect only one
person and no other for six weeks afterwards.  The Ben
Franklin  in quarantine  lay about one  mile from Mrs. W.'s
house, and twelve days  before the child was  taken with the
fatal fever and  six before he was attacked with the diphthe-
rite, passed on her way to Gosport wTithin one-third  of a
mile from the house.  Could a sufficient dose of yellow fever
malaria have been, blown ashore from her to affect this child ?
Perhaps future observations of similar cases may throw  some
light upon this.
   We still think that the cases in  Barry's row, beginning
with Mrs. Cusack's on the 16th July, were thg first cases of
fever in Norfolk.   There was a constant and daily succession
of cases  from Ithe  first; and  from  this  centre the  disease
spread in  all directions.  Barry's row consisted  of half a
dozen or  more three-story brick  houses on the east side of
Church, between Union and Water streets, occupied almost
exclusively by  Irish,  who lived in the crowded and  dirty
state so common with persons of their class.  The  ground
               5 
34
upon which these buildings stood was formerly covered with
water, and has been filled up within the hast 12 or 15 years.
The houses were badly built, and had settled a good deal,
so that, after  the street was paved, the  basement  floor was
below the level of the  side walk.   In wet weather, the
water under the floor rose up to and even above the planks,
and mixing with the slops  and dirt from  the  houses, fur-
nished a suitable nidus for the origination or propagation of
any pestilential disease.   The lower end of  the row is about
50 or  80 yards  from  the river.  Page and Allen's  yard lies
southwest  by south  from it, and at  the distance of 1.07
miles.   It is worthy of note, that from  the  19th  June,
the day on which  the Ben Franklin  arrived at Gosport, to
July 15, the  wind prevailed from the southwest  16 days,
west S days, south 1 day, southeast 1 day, northwest 1 day,
thus affording the fairest chance of the fever being  blown
from Gosport, if it be susceptible of being transported  so
far bv the wind.  At  the time of the outbreak of  the fever,
it was attributed by public  rumor, to the arrival of a num-
ber of Irish families from Gosport, who, panic stricken by
the rapid spread and mortality of the  pestilence in their
own town, fled to their friends and countrymen in Barry's
row, bringing with them their luggage and  bedding. Al-
though  this may afford a very  satisfactory explanation  of
the transfer of the disease  to Norfolk, yet, after  a diligent
and protracted investigation of this point, we have been
unable  to  obtain any evidence  of the  fact.   On  the con-
trary, we are satisfied, by the assurance of persons living in
the row at the  time, that no one moved over from Gosport
until many cUurs after the disease had already existed  in the
row, the first arrival  being on the 23rd, 7 days after Mrs.
Cusack was taken.  We are also assured that none  among
the early cases, were persons who had been to Gosport.
  While making these statements, and  in  order to omit  no
fact which may tend to throw light upon the origin of fever
in Norfolk, it seems necessary that the following particulars
should be here mentioned.   During the  whole period when 
35
the Ben Franklin was lying at Gosport, a steam ferry boat
(used as a conveyance for workmen belonging to the navy
yard) continued to  make two trips daily between  the Sea-
board and  Roanoke rail road depot in Norfolk, and a wharf
within the vicinity of 25 yards distance from the infected
vessel, Franklin.  Passing out of dock, where some 20 min-
utes' detention often occurred, the ferry boat crossed  the
river, and  immediately discharged the  workmc^i  at their
landing in  Norfolk.  This  landing is situated about  150
yards from the centre of Barry's row, the street along which
is itself a direct and common thoroughfare for passengers by
the rail road ferry.   It thus appears plain, that the ordinary
modes of human intercouse between the  neighborhood of
the primary seat of yellow fever  at Gosport and its  subse-
quent place of invasion in Norfolk, were maintained without
interruption for a length of  time previous to the appearance
of disease in Barry's row.
   As soon as the disease was found to be  in Barry's row,
the board of health barricaded the streets leading to it, and
forbade all intercourse: and  as  soon as the necessary ar-
rangements  could  be  made, removed all the inhabitants of
the row, both sick  and well, to temporary sheds erected be-
yond the  limits of the city.   A few  days  afterwards, viz:
on the 9th of August, the  entire block  was burnt  to the
 "round.  Many persons were now flattered with  the hope
 that the  sick being removed and the focus of infection de-
 stroyed by fire, the disease  would cease.  A few  days suffi-
 ced to show how delusive was this expectation.  New cases
 immediately appeared in the  same vicinity, and  the pesti-
 lence advanced steadily in  all directions;  nor did it cease
 until  it swept over the entire  city.  Its  general progress
 was very steady and uniform.   The epidemic wave, extending
 in a circle as the ripple from a stone thrown into the water,
 day by day invaded house after house, and street after street.
 To this uniformity of its advance there  were a few excep-
 tions, where the poisoned air  seemed to shoot out from the
 general line of march, and  overleaping the intermediate 
3G
space, would infect some particular spot several days before
the intervening streets showed  any cases.   Thus several
persons sickened in Queen street about the 10th of August,
when the main body of the epidemic had  scarcely passed
Main street.  Yet, on the whole its progress was very regu-
lar and uniform, being  at  the rate of 10 yards a day, or a
mile in 5 or 6 weeks.   Nor did the local  conditions, which
in ordinary seasons promote  health or  excite disease, seem
to make any difference in the spread or malignancy of this
epidemic.   Those  parts of the city which have always been
regarded as  the most healthy, and  are  occupied by  the
wealthier  classes, suffered equally with  the  crowded,  dirty,
ill ventilated habitations of  the  poor.   No where was  the
mortality  greater than  on Smith's point, which  is sparsely
peopled, and is  as dry, clean  and well ventilated  as a  coun-
try village or a  gentleman's park.  In this respect there was
a striking difference between the fever of 1855 and all pre-
vious epidemics.   In 1821,  1826, 1852, and we believe in
the earlier epidemics also, the disease  was very limited  in
eMent,  not passing to  the north of Main street, which is
only 2 or 3 hundred yards from the river.  But in this memo-
rable year, the  disease kept its course steadily onward over
the whole city, and even passed  in some directions beyond
the city limits,  some distance into the country.
  The disease  seemed to extend  more readily along  the
water, where there was nothing to obstruct its  progress.
The crew  of the United States ship Pennsylvania,  lying
near to Gosport, after some cases of fever had appeared  on
board,  were transfered  to the Saint Lawrence, and dropped
down to  the bight of Craney  Island, about 2 or 3 miles
below  Norfolk.  Here  new cases  continued^to occur  for
some days.   After which, there was a complete cessation of
the disease on  board, no new cases appearing for  12 or 15
days.
  When the disease in Norfolk had approached the  north-
west limits of  the town, after the  prevalence of the wind
from the  direction of Norfolk, several new cases  occurred, 
37
and curiously enough, among those who slept in the un-
covered ports looking towards the city.  This continued to
be the case until near the close of the epidemic.
  These interesting facts were furnished by Dr. Horwitz, U.
S. navy, who was the medical officer on board.
  Some cases also, it is alleged,  occurred on Craney island,
nearly four miles below the nearest part of Norfolk.  A soli-
tary case occurred at Old Point, 12 miles distant from Nor-
folk.   Of its character there can be  no  doubt.  The  lady,
Miss  Taney, was  seen  by Dr. Jarvis, U. S. army, by Dr.
Semple of Hampton, and Dr. St. Julien Ravenel of Charles-
ton, who were all satisfied that it was an unmistakable case
of yellow fever.   She*wras taken  sick on the 25th day of
September, and died on  the  30th with jaundice and coffee
ground vomiting.   But how can  it be accounted for?  Miss
T. occupied a cottage near the beach, remote from all causes
of a local character that could engender malaria of any  kind.
She had not  been off the Point since the commencement of
the epidemic in Norforlk, and had carefully avoided commu-
nication with persons coming from Norfolk or Portsmouth to
the Point.  A rigid quarantine had been keep up since the
beginning of August, so that no  vessel or boat came to Old
Point  from  Norfolk.   Could the poison have been blown
from Norfolk, or floated down with the tide 12 miles, or was
it a spontaneous case, originating where it is impossible to
imagine a local cause ?  In the present state of our know-
ledge on the subject of yellow fever, it  is not  possible to
solve  this question.   Perhaps it may be explained at a future
day.  The day after the death of Miss Taney, the  weather
became so cold as to render fires necessary.  It was said that
there  was a slight frost  in the neighborhood;  but this is
doubtful.  The cold weather probably accounts  for  there
being no other case at the. Point.
  The epidemic in Norfolk reached its acme about  the last
of August and continued without abatement until the mid-
dle of September.   After this it gradually declined, proba-
bly  from want of subjects, and was finally arrested by frost 
38
and ice on the 26th day of October.  After which no new
case occurred among the returning fugitives.
  It does not fall within the plan of this  report to give the
melancholy history of the ravages of the disease, nor to enter
into a detail of its symptoms and treatment.  It did not differ
materially from the fever seen  by us in 1852, and those de-
scribed by our predecessors in previous epidemics, from 1795
to 1826, except in its greater  malignancy and wider diffu-
sion.  In its  symptoms it was much the same  as  all the
great  epidemics that have occurred either here or elsewhere ;
perhaps only suppression of urine was more common than
had been previously observed.
  We have  no means of ascertaining correctly the number
of cases.  There were probably from 8 to 10,000;  that  is
to say, nearly the  whole population  that  remained  in the
city.  Very few indeed  escaped  an attack, with the excep-
tion of those  who had the disease before, either here or else-
where.  Of all those who had  the disease in 1852, however
slightly, we have not heard of a single one who was sick in
1S5-5.   Most of those who had had the fever in 1821 or 1826,
escaped.   Others had it mildly.  We have heard of but two
deaths of  persons who had had the fever before, viz:  Dr.
Sylvester, who thought he had  had it when a student in 1821
in this town, and Mr. Ignatius Iliggins, who believed that he
had had an attack in New Orleans some 15 or 16 years before.
The blacks  seemed equally as  susceptible  as the  whites,
scarcely any escaping an attack;  but  they bore the disease
much better.  Very few indeed of the pure blacks died—
while the mulattoes suffered almost as much as the whites.
The same susceptibility of the blacks to the yellow fever has
been noticed in all former epidemics in this place.
  The number of deaths was  about 2,000, or  one-fourth of
the entire population remaining in the city.  When we con-
sider  that half of this  population was black, among whom
there  were few deaths, it seems probable that more than one-
third  of all the whites attacked, died.
  In  no case that we have  known  or heard of, was there 
39
the least reason to suspect  that  the disease was contagious.
Many hundreds of our people, flying  from the pestilence,
sickened and  died, in the neighboring counties and  cities,
in hotels and  private houses, in infirmaries and hospitals,
under all possible varieties of place  and circumstance, and
yet we have not heard of a single instance  in which  it was
even alleged that the disease was communicated to the atten-
dants or friends.*
   We have now given all the facts within our  knowledge,
which can serve to elucidate  "the cause and origin  of the
yellow fever of 1855 ;" which was the question  proposed to
the committee by the councils.  From these it will appear :
   1.  That  the climate and situation of Norfolk cannot be
very  favorable  to  the development  of yellow fever,  in as
much as, during  a space of fifty years, viz: from  1805 to
1855, the disease appeared among us as an  epidemic but
three times, viz : in 1821, 1826 and 1852.
   2.  That the year 1855, previously to the  outbreak  of the
fever, was not remarkable either for heat or moisture.   The
temperature of the  winter and spring, except April, was
below the  average of 30 years.  That of June was  about
the average, but was exceeded in heat by  15 Junes out of
30.  That " the heavy rains of April and May, followed by
a loiig drought," suggested in the Portsmouth report as the
cause of the fever,  did not exist.   On the  contrary, April
and May were unusually dry, and June very wet.
   3.  That  the city, if not in  as good sanitary condition as
could have  been desired, was  probably in as good  order as
most towns of the same size, and certainly as clean as it had
been for the last 29  years, during  which we had the  fever
but once.  There  had been  no  recent filling up, and  no exca-
vations for gas or  water pipes,  &c.  During  the progress of
the epidemic, the  cleanest, dryest and best ventilated  places

  v My own personal observation, which  is on record in the Charleston Medical
Journal, is not in accordance with this opinion, having seen reason to believe in
a contagious property exhibited by the  epidemic yellow fever which prevailed
here in 1^55.  (See the remarks in May  Xo. of the above Journal, 1856.)
                                            A. B. WlLLDI.VX. 
40
 enjoyed no greater exemption than the dirtiest and most
 crowded;  which would not  have been the case, if the dis-
 ease were  owing to the decomposition of animal and vege-
 table matter.
   4. That during the first six mouths of the year the health
 of the  town was  very satisfactory.  It was  not  merely as
 good as in preceding years, but we think better.  In June
 and July there was much  less dysentery, the  most common
 disease of  the season that we ordinarily meet with.
   5. That in all previous epidemics  the disease began  in
 Norfolk, and only extended, after the lapse of many* weeks,
 to Portsmouth and Gosport,  where  it prevailed to a much
 more limited extent than in Norfolk.  This circumstance was
 probably owing to the  fact, that all vessels from  the West
 Indies come to Norfolk, and none to Portsmouth, which has
 had little or no commerce.
   6. That in two of the three epidemics which have occur-
 red in  the last  half century, viz:  those of 1821 and 1S52,
 the disease has been traced with great probability if not cer-
 tainty,  to vessels arriving from West India ports with fever
 on board.  That of 1826,  of which unfortunately we  have
 no recorded history, was attributed by popular opinion to a
 similar source.
   7. That the fever  of 1S55  began in  Gosport, the first
 cases being on the 30th of June, in a house adjoining Page
 & Allen's ship yard, in a locality where there are no unusual
 elements of disease.  The surface of  the yard, it is  true,
 was covered with chips, as is the case with all  ship yards;
 but after a careful and  minute personal examination of the
 premises, we have been unable to discover any obvious or
 probable cause  of  disease.   The  dock,  which has  been
 pointed out as the "fons et origo mali" the very focus  from
 which the  poison emanated, though partially filled with mud
 and logs of timber, is covered  by salt water  at high  tide,
 and in our opinion is  altogether inadequate to the produc-
 tion of  disease of any kind.  The marshes around Gosport,
 and which are not in  the immediate vicinity  of  Pa^e  &
^Allen's yard, are in much the same condition as they have 
41
always  been—very  unsightly when  the  tide  is out, and
giving rise, where partially obstructed, to intermittent and
remittent fevers;  but as they have  never  caused yellow
fever before in the last  50 or 100 years, we are at a loss to
understand how  they could suddenly have acquired this new
potency in ls55.
   S.  That on the 19th of June, eleven days before the f;>t
cases of fever were seen in Gosport, (it is worthy of note
that this was  about the  time that  has frequently been ob-
served to intervene between the arrival of an infected vessel
and the first cases of fever ashore,) the steamer  Ben Frank-
lin, from Saint Thomas,  came up to  Gosport, and was UiiJ
along side the wharf at Page & Allen's yard, at  the distance
of not more than 100 yards from the house in which  the
first  cases occurred.  That this ship had lai<| 1i long time in
the harbor of Saint Thomas, where the fever was very pre-
valent.   That she  had  probably lost several of her crew
while there, and had certainly lost two men by  fever on the
voyage to this port.   That, when after remaining 13 days in
quarantine, she came up  to Gosport, there was a severe and
fatal  case  of  fever  (Palmer's) concealed on  board of her.
That while she  lay at the yard three other cases occurred
among those employed on  board of her, viz:  Courtright on
the 30th  of June, Jones on the same day or 3rd of July,
and Carter on 5th of July.  That cases continued to break
out on board of her after she was sent back  to quarantine,
not only among her crew, but in two negroes who spent a
night on board  of her—thus showing that the vessel was
infected.
   9.   That the fever began in Norfolk  in Barry's row, on the
16th of July,  just 17 days after its  commencement in G)s-
port,  2S days after the  Ben Franklin arrived  at Page &
Allen's  yard, and  40 days after her  arrival at  quarantine.
Barry's row is  situated  northeast by north  from Page  &
Allen's  yard, and  is 1.07 miles  distant  from it, with only
water intervening.  That  from  the time of  the arrival of
the Ben Franklin at Gosport to the outbreak of the fever in 
42
Barry's row, the wind prevailed almost constantly from the
southwest.  We have no evidence  that the disease was con-
veyed to Norfolk in the baggage of fugitives from Gosport,
as was currently reported at the time ; but we incline to the
opinion that  the material  cause of  the disease was trans-
ported by the wind directly from Gosport or the Ben Frank-
lin, and found a suitable nidus for its further development
in the  low, dirty habitations of Barry's  row.   That neither
was the  distance (1*07 miles) too  great, nor the time  (28
days) too short for  this occurrence.  In  this opinion  we
have been strengthened by the fact  that the next year (1856)
the yellow fever was thus communicated  from vessels at
quarantine to the Long  island shore  in the neighborhood of
Fort Hamilton, where, when  once planted, it continued to
spread until frost.
  10.  That the disease did  not break out simultaneously in
all parts of the city, as it would have done, if produced by
a combination of terrene and  meteorological causes, nor was
it scattered about as if by accident, as is the case with  dis-
eases propagated by contagion; but starting from a central
point,  it advanced steadily and regularly in all directions,
until arrested by frost—there being an  interval  of two
months-between its commencement  in  Barry's row and its
appearance on the Princess  Anne road, a distance of 1£
mile, and more than three months  from the first case in
Gosport  to the  occurrence of the disease in the  extreme
limits of Norfolk.  A similar mode of extension  has  never
been observed in regard to  remittent and intermittent fever,
which are admitted^ to depend upon local  and atmospheric
causes.
  11.  The yellow fever north of the Gulf of Mexico is well
known to be  a disease of seaport towns only—never appear-
ing in inland towns, unless  previously existing in neighbor-
ing seaports.   When it occurs in seaports,  it very generally
begins on the wharves in the neighborhood  of  shipping.
We know of  no causes, either local or meteorological, which
are peculiar  to  seaport towns and the commercial parts of
those seaports, and which  are not equally found  in inland 
43
    towns,  except the presence  of  ships  from foreign ports.
    Accordingly, the common sense of the.  people, regardless of
    professional dogmas and  theories, has  always ascribed the
    origin of the disease to importation in ships.
       12. The  fever in 1855 did not appear, in any  case that
    came under our observation, to be communicated  by conta-
    gion.  Indeed, the great number of  instances in which per-
    sons from Norfolk  died" with yellow fever  in other places,
    without communicating the disease, proves, as far as nega-
    tive testimony can  prove  any thing, that the disease is,  de-
    cidedly, not contagious.
       Finally.  After a careful consideration of the  foregoing
    facts, we  are  unanimously  of the opinion that the yellow
    fever of 1855 was introduced by the steamer Ben Franklin
    from Saint  Thomas, and that there is no reason to suppose
    that we should  have  been visited by the epidemic  but  for
    the arrival  in  our  harbor of this or  some other vessel with
    the fever on board.
t      In the present state of  science, it is not possible to deter-
    mine what is the material cause  of yellow fever, in as much
    as it is  not tangible, and cannot be subjected to examination
    and analysis.   It is only by a careful  process of induction
    from all the known facts  in relation to the disease, that we
    can  hope to arrive at a correct theory of  its origin and pro-
    pagation.   The hypothesis, which best  explains most of  the
    known  phenomena of the disease, is that its material cause
    is some organic  matter endued  with the property of rapid
    reproduction, either in a soil or atmosphere congenial  to  it,
    but  not capable of being reproduced in the human  body.
    That this matter, whether of animalcular or vegetable cha-
    racter, is a production of  tropical regions, and is only spread
    in temperate climates, when introduced into them by ships.
       As a necessary  consequence of our  opinions^ we would
    advise the councils that, while they should pay the strictest
    attention to sanitary regulations, such as cleaning, draining,
    !kc.  with a view  to diminish if possible the spread and ma-
    lignancy of the disease in case it js^t-should unfortunately
    be  introduced^ our chief reliance for  escape from yellow 
u
      fever for the future must be in a rigid quarantine, at a safe
      distance, of all vessels arriving from suspected ports.
        Which is respectfully submitted.
                                   William  Selden, M. D.
                                   ROBT.  B.  TlJNSTALL, M. 1).
                                   Wm. J. Moore, M. D.
                                   S. D. Campbell, M. D.
                                   Robt.  II.  Gordon, M. I).

        The foregoing report contains twelve propositions, begin-
      ning at p. 39, in the form of final conclusion to the previous
      written matter.  As  a member of the committee about to
      sign these propositions, I take  this method of making  the
      following remarks, in order  to define correctly my own per-
      sonal opinion:
        The 9th paragraph (p. 41-2,) asserts a belief that the yel-  ■
      low fever poison was wafted by the wind  from Gosport, and
      found a suitable nidus for its further development in the low
      and dirty habitations of Barry's row, Norfolk.  I do not in-   •
      cline to this opinion,  but think it more likely that either the
      ferry steamer (plying  twice daily between  the original seat
      of disease at Gosport and the vicinity of Barry's row) or the
      workmen on board of her acted as the communicating agent
      of disease.
        My knowledge of the fever at Fort Hamilton in 1S-5G does
      not allow me to speak at  all.
        The 12th clause has another mention about contagion.  I
      remark, as in a former place, that my observation favored an
      affirmative opinion for it.   Again, I think that the cause of
      yellow fever is some minute material germ, capable of re-
      producing itself when given off  from the human body suffer-
      ing under this disease.
        If hazarding any advice in addition to that given in the
      report, it would be plainly this—to remove all persons sick of
•     yellow fever as far as possible from  a crowded  city  population, and
      especially from that of the laboring  Irish,  who  now abound in
      Suffolk.
                                       A. B.  Willimax, M. D. 
 
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