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SKETCHES
FROM THE
HISTOEY OF YELLOW FEVER;
SHOWING ITS ORIGIN;
TOGETHER WITH
FACTS AND CIRCUMSTANCES
DISPROVING ITS DOMESTIC ORIGIN,
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        BY W. M. CARPENTER, A. M., M. D.,
Professor of Materia and Therapeutics, in the Medical College of Louisiana;
     Corresponding Member of the Academy of Natural Sciences,
               of Philadelphia, &c. &c.
       Jfeto- Orleans:
Printed by J. B. Steel, No. 14 Camp Street
           1844. 
!<?4<r- 
 
 
             SKE  TCHES
                   FROM THE

HISTORY  OF YELLOW  FEVER.
                  INTRODUCTION.

  Diversity of sentiment, has, from time immemorial, been
the proverbial trait of the medical profession ; but never has
there been a subject which has more  effectually served to
divide the opinion of the medical world than Yellow Fever.
The reason  of this  appears  to be very obvious; there has
always been a propensity in the medical profession, to pro-
secute by means of abstract speculation, their researches re-
specting subjects  which can only be elucidated by investi-
gations  into  facts and physical relations.   In the controver-
sies respecting yellow fever, argument and the subtleties of
logic have been exhausted  in vain;  while the unbiassed
portion of the public, contemplating the simple and generally
admitted facts, and perceiving their plain and obvious bear-
ing, have arrived at  correct opinions by a more speedy and
certain method, than the devotees to doctrines, or the vota-
ries of speculation.
  In regard to yellow fever, many medical men biassed by the-
ory, have been led to disregard important facts, or to mould
them to suit their preconceived notions ; while the intelligent
and unbiassed portion of the public, having no theory to sus-
tain, and the reason  unfettered by the fictions and prejudices
which too often constitute a large portion of the acquirements
of medical education ;  have generally formed a just estimate
of the facts which  have presented themselves to their obser-
vation.   It is a well known fact, that in those parts of  our
continent where epidemics of yellow fever are of frequent
occurrence,  the most intelligent and  experienced of  the
people,  who have not allowed themselves to be biassed by
interest, are  forced into the conviction  that  the  disease is,
under certain circumstances at least,  communicable; and
that it is always introduced into the place in which they have
witnessed it, from some other place where it was prevailing. 
(  4   )
   The opinion once prevailed,  that yellow fever was com-
municated only by personal contagion, and among the most
strenuous advocates of this opinion, in 1793, was Dr. Rush,
who, however, afterwards sustained a different opinion.  "But
this physician declared  in  dying, that in so doing  he had
yielded to certain considerations, and that  he had never
ceased to believe that yellow fever was contagious.*   It is
probable that  the considerations which led him to this mea-
sure,  were the feelings of humanity ;  for too often,  at that
time,  the dread of contagion and the instinct of self-preser-
vation preponderated over  the feelings of friendship and the
ties of affection.   The first symptom of the disease,  like the
plague spot, was the the signal of flight;  and the sick were
often  left to  a solitary and agonizing death, by those who
should have moistened their parched lips, allayed the anguish
of their suffering, and soothed despair by consolation and
sympathy.
   Whether he regarded the  introduction of the disease as una-
voidable,  and hoped to disarm it of a portion  of its terrors
when it occurred,  whether he was influenced by motives of
policy, or what  else soever may have been these considera-
tions, certain it is,  that the opinion thus inculcated has been
mainly instrumental in causing, for so long a time,  the neg-
lect of all the measures of precaution, and subjecting our
cities to the terrible ravages of this worst of plagues.  "The
doctrine taught on this subject by Dr. Rush, enforced and
promulgated  as it was, by his popularity, talents, and indus-
try, has doubtless been the destruction of thousands.  Had
it not been for his influence in the medical community of the
United States, our northern sea ports would not have been
so long subject to the pestilential visitations of yellow fever.
New-York, Philadelphia, Boston, and other ports of less
note,  would  have  protected their citizens  by a judicious
quarantine, at least twenty years sooner than they did.   The
southern ports, still acknowledging a vassalage to his author-
ity,  and to his arbitrary dictation, through his disciples,  to
this day, immolate hundreds and thousands of victims annu-
ally upon the altar of a blind incredulity.   But the dawn of
their  emancipation  begins  to shadow forth a  more discrimi-
nating era.  A short time yet, and yellow fever shall be ex-
cluded from  Charleston, New-Orleans,  and  all the  south-
western ports of the United States."t
  * Diet, des Sc. Med. art. Fievre Jaune. Also, Hosack's Lectures, p 224
  t Monette on Yellow Fever, p.  19-20, 
 
 
                        (  5   )
  It does  not appear, however, that the influence of Dr.
Rush,  is  by any means  the  only one that operates in our
cities to prevent the establishment of quarantine regulations.
The voice  of policy is  louder  than  that of reason.
It is certainly not a matter of wonder, that many denizens of
cities to  whom wealth  is brought by the wind  that bears
death to their fellow citizens ; and that physicians, enjoying,
as they do, certain prescriptive privileges, have so  often been
heard in denunciation of the measures calculated to protect
the  health of our cities.  But it is truly surprising that mer-
cantile communities, with all the good sense and freedom
from prejudice that generally characterizes that body, should
ever oppose these salutary regulations,  which more than all
others, serve to promote and foster the commercial interests of
the  port.  We would not impugn the motives of our fellow citi-
zens, but men are generally prone to believe  that opinion to
be true, to which their interests incline;  and pride prompts
them to  maintain the  principles they  have  once  adopted.
Thus it is that self-interest warped opinion,  and truth,  jus-
tice, and  humanity have been  sacrificed to expedience,
policy and professional bigotry.
  Happily the larger portion of mankind will not weigh the
lives of their fellow citizens in one scale, and the  price of
blood in  the other; and if  they err,  it is either from  not
having the facts laid clearly before them,  or  else  from blind
devotion to their adopted opinions.
  It is our desire to call the  attention of our fellow citizens
to a few facts and circumstances  in relation to yellow fever;
and we hope they will regard our subject as one worthy of
mature deliberation.  This is our  only desire; we do  not
seek the public ear as  an aspirant for literary or professional
honors,  but as the unpretending advocate of truth and hu-
manity.
  Many of the difficulties in the way of a proper understand-
ing of the mode in which yellow fever is  propagated, have
arisen out of misunderstanding and confusion of the  terms
contagion and infection,  which  have been employed.  Now
the writers who have used these terms,  have  unquestionably
intended to express the same identical fact.   They intended
merely to convey the idea, that the disease is often, under
favorable  circustances, communicable from  one to others.
Contagion means communication only by contact;  but in
speaking of yellow  fever, no one ever intended  to  express
the idea that the disease  was  communicated only  by contact, 
                        (  6   )
for the word was used as synonymous with infection.  Used
in this sense,  the distinction between them has always been
arbitrary, and the difficulties have been about words rather
than about facts ; and while the profession has  been quib-
bling about nice distinctions, precise terms, and  received
doctrines, the public mind, instead of being enlightened, has
beeen confounded and misled.
   Without  entering into any arguments  respecting these
unimportant questions, we will endeavour to avoid ambiguity
of expression as far as practicable.   By  infection we mean
the unknown principle or means  by which  the  disease  is
communicated.  The  term transmission expresses merely
the fact of the communication of the disease, whether by in-
fection or by contagion.  Now what is meant by  transmissi-
bility of yellow fever, is  simply this—that under certain cir-
cumstances of temperature, population, &c. the introduction
of cases of the disease from abroad ; or of the air  of other
cities, where the disease  is prevailing, whether in boxes or
the holds of vessels,  will tend to generate such a condition
in the place, as to give rise to new cases,  and finally to an
epidemic of the disease.  The point which we desire to
prove, is, that the disease is transmissable, and consequently
importable;  and the  question as  to whether this transmission
is by contagion or infection, does not enter into the general
problem at all.
   In attempting to elucidate our subject,  we will follow the
method which appears the most  compendious  and  plain.
We will  give a brief sketch  of the history of the disease,
as occuring in the towns of our continent and elsewhere, to-
gether with facts illustrative of its nature, and of its  mode of
propagation ;  the influence of commerce in introducing it
into our cities, and  of the efficiency of strict quarantine to
prevent the importation.   In collecting these materials, we
have availed ourselves of the records  of authentic history,
and the testimony of living witnesses.   The objects had in
view in preparing this article,  render brevity indispensable,
and  therefore exclude extended argument.   The  subject,
however, is one in which a plain  statement of facts outweighs
all argument;  and if we are assailed,  denunciation  is the
only weapon that will be  employed against us.  Against this
we are armed;  for if our fellow citizens fail to appreciate the
motives which have  prompted us,  still we shall enjoy the
highest reward in the approbation of our own conscience.
  To our legislators, as the guardians of the public weal and 
 
 
                        (  7   )
happiness, we would particularly address our remarks, and
ask of them a patient and cautious investigation of the sub-
ject.   Their wisdom has provided us with an admirable code
of laws, protecting our rights, privileges, and property; but
a paramount duty remains to them to fulfil;  that of protect-
ing the public health against the invasions of foreign  pesti-
lence,  which  almost  annually  devastate  our  cities and
towns, bringing dismay and death to our otherwise  happy
and  prosperous  population, carrying off many of our best
citizens, and filling our cities and asylums with helpless and
desolate widows and orphans.
          ORIGIN OF YELLOW FEVER.

   There  are many reasons for supposing that the Yellow
fever,  which is generally regarded as endemic to tropical
America and the West Indies, really has not always existed
there,  but has been introduced since the settlement of these
countries by the Europeans.  Among the reasons  for this
supposition, are the following:—
   1st.  That no such disease was seen  either in the West
Indies, Mexico, or any part of America, at the time  of its
discovery or for a  long time afterwards.
   2d.  Had such a disease existed,  it  could  not have failed
to be known by, and communicated to the Europeans, who
went into the cities of the natives, and even resided among
them.
   3d.  " That the matlazahuatl,  the only epidemic disease
known among  the aborigines, was  not yellow fever; as it
attacked only the indians, the whites not being subject to it;
while in the case of yellow fever, the whites are peculiarly
its victims;  negroes and indians much less frequently having
it, and hardly ever dying with it.  The yellow fever too, in
Mexico and the West  Indies   is  principally  confined to
towns,  &c., and warm  situations;  while the  matlazahuatl
carried terror and destruction, equally to the scattered inhab-
itants of the mountains and table lands, the coldest and most
arid regions of country."—Humboldt's Pol.  Essay on New
Spain, vol. 1, p. 88, New-York edit.
   4th. That we have an authentic account of its introduction
into the West Indies, some time after  their  settlement by 
                        (   8  )
Europeans.   The following is an abstract of the account given
by M. Moreau de St. Mery, an historian  of great candour and
integrity, in his Topographical and  Physical Account of the
Island of St. Domingo, vol. 1, p. 700.   In the year 1690, a
bloody  revolution  took place in  the empire  of Siam, the
French established there, embarked for  France in  the ship
Oriflamme, commanded by M. de Lestrilles, and two ships
of the India Company  called the Loure and the St. Nicholas.
On their voyage to  France, they were  forced by stress of
weather, to go into Fort Royal in Martinique.  They brought
with them a pestilential fever,  of which  M.  Lestrilles and a
great part of the crews died, and which spreading into the town
of Fort Royal, carried off a large number of the inhabitants.
The contagion likewise spread to all the vessels in the har-
bour, among which were two ships from  Pondicherry, to the
ship Mignon, and to a squadron of 3 ships of war, commanded
by M. Ducasse ; a great part of the crews of  which died of
the disease by June, 3#4*.   The Squadron of M. Ducasse
visited the Islands of  St. Croix, and St.  Christophe, and
introduced the disease  there.
   The  disease thus introduced, spread to all the towns of
the West Indies, in which, we  are led by the historian to
beleive, it had never  occured before, and  it  continued to
devastate in succession, most of the towns of  the American
continent,  and to be transported  from the  West Indies, as
a  nucleus of infection, to  every part  of  the world,  with
which intimate commercial relations brought them into con-
tact.  Thus, we have it appearing in several sea-port towns
of Spain and France  which had much commercial intercourse
with the West Indies;  and,  in the United States we see that
it  occurred  frequently  in  Charleston, in Philadelphia and
New-York, all of which carried on a more considerable trade
with these islands, than any other towns or colonies  of our
Continent.
  This fever was called, from the place  of its origin,  " Mai
de Siam,"  the Siam fever or disease—the  patients all be-
came yellow, particularly in fatal cases.
  In  1792,  a new era  occurred in the history of the yellow
fever on our continent,  and  it assumed  a type more  malig-
nant than ever, in consequence of the introduction of a pesti-
lential form  of the disease,  from  Bulama on  the coast of
Africa.  The following is an abstract of the account given
by Chisholm of its introduction into the West Indies.  "The
ship  Hankey sailed from England in company with another 
 
 
                          (  9   )
  ship,  both chartered by the Sierra Leone Company, loaded
  with stores and adventures for the projected colony at Boul-
  lam, about the beginning of April, 1792.   On  board the
  Hankey,  there were about 200 people, who were perfectly
  healthy on the voyage; but after being for some  time at
  Boullam,  a malignant fever broke out among those unfor-
  tunate ' people.  Capt. Cox,  finding the water at Boullam
  unwholesome, proceeded with his ship to Bissao, where
  there is a  Portuguese settlement, for a supply.  The ship
 vwas navigated by about 12 seamen, most of whom  had not
  experienced sickness, and  who  were  taken  on board at
  Sierra Leone.   Of these, before the return of the Hankey to
  Boullam, nine had died ;  and the remainder, with the  captain,
  were reduced to a deplorable state.   The scheme of settling
  Boullam was now abandoned, and  as no additional  seamen
  could be  obtained,  the  Hankey  was obliged to  put to sea
  with only 4 men to navigate her.  With much difficulty they
  arrived at  St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd Islands, where,
  fortunately, they found the  Charon  and Scorpion  ships of
  war.  Capt. Todd, of the former, humanely rendered them
  every assistance in his power; and, on leaving there, put two
  men of each ship on board the Hankey.   With this aid they
  proceeded to the West Indies.  On the  third day after leav-
  ing St. Jago,  the men procured from the-ships'of war were
  siezed with the fever, of whom two died, and the remaining
 "two were put on shore on their arrival at Grenada,  early in
  the year 1793.  The disease was communicated to the crews
  of a great many vessels, beginning with those of the  Charon
  and Scorpion, at St. Jago; and extended  to the island of Gre-
 1 nada, Jamaica, St. Domingo, Barbadoes, Dominica and An-
  tigua; and in consequence of the revival of our commerce,
  arising out of the favorable termination of the revolution and
  our various treaties of amity and commerce, the disease was,
  during the  same year, imported to Charleston, Philadelphia,
  and New-York; in which cities it had not occurred previously
  for a period of 30 years.   Since that time it has been intro-
  duced into our cities frOm the West Indies and Mexico
 '] almdst annually, or at least as often as they are filled  up with
  fresh subjects;' and whenever neither quarantine restrictions
 "nor commercial derangements interrupt the  free intercourse
  between them.
   After  this introduction, the name  of Mai  de Siam was
'dropped, and the fever was long called Fievre de Boullam,
  or Bulam fever, and finally the names pestilential or-matig
  nant, and vellow fever were adopted
                            Rl 
                        (   to  )
          A CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH,

Showing the dates of the  most important epidemics of Yellow
   Fever;  more particularly those of the towns of the United
   States and Europe;  with a notice of the mode of its intro-
   duction in those cases in which we have authentic informa-
   tion respecting this circumstance.

   Political events are  generally regarded as the only legiti-
mate  subjects of history, and while volumes are heaped on
volumes to illustrate some trivial and obscure trait of war or
diplomacy, we are left  in complete  ignorance in relation to
circumstances affecting the welfare, and involving the lives
of thousands.
   Thus it is with yellow fever—in Europe and America, how
many have fallen victims to it!—In the city of Barcelona,
one single epidemic of this pestilence swept off 17,000, or
about one-sixth of its inhabitants; in Cadiz, Seville, Malaga,
Gibraltar, Marseilles, and other European  cities what num-
bers !—In the  United  States, hundreds of thousands have
fallen with it;  in our own  city, more than 2000  have  died
in some epidemics,  and in the twenty-two epidemics which
have prevailed here, and of which we find scattered notices,
it is probable that upwards  of 30,000 of our citizens, among
whom, too often, the flower and strength of our land, have
been the victims of this most ruthless plague.  Yet on what
page of our country's  annals are these great calamities re-
corded?—disasters  in  which more  victims fell, than in all
the political revolutions  during the same  period.   With  a
degree of apathy and  indifference, to  the  health  of others,
and for the prosperity of the  country, worthy of Mahome-
tans, we no longer trouble ourselves, when an epidemic has
subsided and health is  restored to our cities.   That which
interests not the public, is apt to be passed by in  silence by
the historian, and we are now indebted mainly to  accident,
for the little that remains to us of the  history of the epide-
mics previous  to the present century, and even those subse-
quent to that time, up to  1817. About the latter part of the
last century,  the subject of quarantine became a  bone of
contention for the factions of the medical men in New York
and Philadelphia, and  many important circumstances were
developed in  the course of their controversies, which were
recorded in the medical works of the day, and now constitute
our only lights for that century.  In  Charleston  and New 
 
 
                        (   11  )
 Orleans the facts and circumstances were mostly unnoticed;
 or at least have not been recorded, except in the newspapers,
 those admirable and  universal  chronicles.   For the facts in
 reference to the epidemics of New Orleans in 1817 and 1819,
 as also for the important circumstances  in relation to those
 of 1822 and 1824, and the infringement of the quarantine
 regulations, in consequence of which the disease was  intro-
 duced during those  years;  together with  much  other  im-
 portant matter, we are indebted to the kindness of George
 De Passan, Esq., of this city, who has furnished us with  a
 large amount of fact and authority which he  has  collected
 together in regard to this important subject.
 1690.—Introduced into  the West Indies from  Siam, in
            Asia, and called from this circumstance, Mai de
            Siam, or Siam Disease.   (See  Moreau de  St.
            Mery, Topographical and Physical Description
            of St. Domingo, vol. 1, p. 700.)
 1691.—It raged in the West Indies.
 1694.—Carried from the West Indies to Rochefort,  a
            sea port town in France.
 1700.—There is a tradition of its occurrence in Charles-
            ton, S.  C. this year, but no historical record
            remains  of the fact.—Hewatt calls it "an  in-
            fectious  distemper."  (See Hist, of South Ca-
            rolina, vol. 1, p. 142.)
 1703.—"An epidemical  disease  prevailed  at  Charleston,"
            this year.  (Hewatt, Op. Cit. vol. 1, p. 316.)
 1728.—Charleston, S. C.—This year " an infectious and
            pestilential distemper, commonly called Yellow
            Fever"  appeared  in  this city.   (Hewatt, Op.
            Cit. vol. 1, p.  316.)   This is  the first direct
            mention  made of yellow fever in the  history of
            Carolina.  (Ramsay's Hist, of Carolina, vol. 1,
            p. 84; also,  Strobel on Yellow Fever, p. 218,
            et seq.)
1732.—Charleston, S. C.—Introduced.   (Lining, Edin-
            burg Phys. and Literary Essays, vol. 2, p. 408,
            427; also, Strobel.)
  "    Philadelphia.
  "    Philadelphia.
1739.—Charleston,  S. C.  Introduced.  [Lining, Op.
            Cit. vol.  2, p. 408-427.
1740.—Panama.
       Guayaquil.—Intoduced from Panama by the Gal- 
                      (  Hi   )
           lions.   (See Ulloa, Relacion Historical del
           Mage a la America Meridional, &c.)
1741.—Malaga, Spain.—Introduced by persons who im-
           ported  merchandize from  the  West  Indies.
           (Villalba, Epidemiologia de Espana, &c.)
  "    Philadelphia.—Introduced this year by a trunk
           of clothes belonging to a young man who had
           died in Barbadoes.  " Lind on the Diseases of
           Hot Climates."  (See facts proving the trans-
           missibility, &c.;  also, Rush.)
1743.—West  Indies,  Havana,  Vera Cruz,  Jamaica,
           during March and April.
1745.—Charleston, S. C.  " Introduced."   [Dr. Lining,
           Op. Cit.; Strobel.]
1748.—Charleston,  S. C. "Introduced."   Dr. Lining,
           Op. Cit.]
1753.—Charleston, S. C.
1755.—Charleston, S. C.
1762.—New-York.
  "    Philadelphia.
1764.—Cadiz, Spain.  "Introduced by a  vessel from the
           West Indies."   [Lind on the Dis. of Hot Cli- .
           mates.]
1765.—Pensacola, Florida. This is the first epidemic of
           yellow fever experienced by Pensacola.   It was
           at the  close of the French and Spanish War,
           " A  British garrison was sent from England to
           occupy the city,  which coming  by the way of
           the West  Indies, introduced  the  disease."
           [Monette, 121.—Williams' Florida, p. 15.]
1791.—New-York.
1792.—West Indies. An aggravated type of yellow fever -
           introduced this year into the West Indies from
           Bulama,  on the  coast of Africa,  by the ship
           Hankey, called  Boullam  fever.  [See Hist.
           Notice;  also Chisholm on the Boullam Fever.]
  "    Charleston, S. C.
17)93.—Charleston, S. C.
  "    Philadelphia.   Introduced  by a vessel from the
           West Indies; arrived in July.  [Cary's Account
           of the Yellow Fever of 1793.]
  " *   New-York. Introduced by vessels  from the West
           Indies, many of which brought refugees who fled
           from St. Domingo to escape a general massacre, , 
 
 
                       (  13   )
            A vessel entered frorn Cape Francois,  St. Do-
            mingo, with several cases of yellow^ fever son
            board.   [Cary's Account of the Yellow. Fever
            of 1793.
 1794.—West Indies.
   "    Baltimore.
   "   New-Haven, Conn. " Traced to imported conta-
            gion."   [Monson, in . Webster's collection . of.,
            papers.]
 1795.—New-York. Introduced by a  vessel from  Portau:,
            Prince.  (Hosack's Practice, p. 201.)
        Huntingdon, Long Island. Introduced from New^
            York.  (Hosack.)
 1796.—Charleston,  S. C.
   "    New-Orleans. This is the first epidemic of yellow
            fever that occurred in New-Orleans.   "It was
            traced to a vessel which  had brought it."—(Ob-
            servations on the importation of yellow fever.
            Louisiana Courier, Nov. 27,1820.)
        New-York.
   "•   Chatham, on the Connecticut river,  opposite to
            Middletown.  Introduced in August, by  the brig
            Polly, Doan master,  from  Cape St. Nicholas,  .
            St. Domingo, which had yellow fever on board,
            and had lost some of her crew on the passage.
            (Miner and Tully on Fevers, p. 359.)
   " '   Knowles' Landing, on the Connecticut river, six
            miles below Middletown. A number of  cases of
            yellow fever occurred. "Every case was clearly
            traced to communication, in August, with an in-
           fected vessel from the West Indies."—-(Miner and
            Tulley, Med. and Phys. Jour. v. 1,  p. 153-S.)
            Probably the same vessel that infected Chatham.
1797.—Charleston, S. C.
       Philadelphia. "Its introduction was attributed to
            foreign vessels."  (Chapman MS lectures quoted
            by Strobel,  p. 120.)
1798.—Boston.
       New-York. Introduced by vessels from the West
           Indies, and  became epidemic first about the ship
           yard, near New Slip.   (McKnight's Statement
           of facts on the yellow fever of 1798, in Am. Med.
           and Phys. Register, v. 3.)
       Philadelphia. Introduced by the ship Deborah, 
                       (   14  )
            from Jeremie, St. Domingo;  which had its crew
            and passengers  sick with yellow fever.  This
            vessel entered July 8th.  The brig Mary came
            in from Jamaica on the 29th of July ; but  the
            disease  had already made some progress in the
            city before the arrival of the latter.  (Wm. Cur-
            rie, M. D.,  Memoirs on the Yellow Fever of
            1798, p. 130.)
1798.—Kensington, near  Philadelphia. The ship Debo-
            rah,  which brought the fever to Philadelphia,
            removed here to undergo repairs,  and in a  few
            days the disease appeared in the village.  Those
            who were first attacked had communicated with
            the vessel; and those subsequently attacked,
            had nursed or visited the first.  Currie, Op. Cit.
            130.)
  "    Chester, 15 miles from Philadelphia. Introduced
            from Philadelphia.  (Currie, Op. Cit.)
  "    Marcus Hook, 20  miles from Philadelphia. Intro-
            duced from Philadelphia.  (Currie,  Op. Cit.)
  "    Wilmington, 28  miles from Philadelphia. Intro-
            duced from Philadelphia.   (Currie,  Op. Cit.)
            Dr. Litton says " no one doubted  its  having
            been introduced from  Philadelphia,  in the  bad
            air of the  boats, shallops, &c."  (Med. Repos.
            v. 3, p. 128-30.)
  "    Petersburg. Introduced by ship  Nestor, from
            Philadelphia.   [Currie, Op. Cit.]
1799.—Charleston, S. C.
  "    New-Orleans. There was this year, "what  was
            considered as proof of its importation."  [Ob-
            servations  on the Importation of the Yellow
            Fever ; Louisiana Courier, Nov. 27th, 1820.]
  "    Philadelphia.
  "    New-York.
  "    Boston.
1800.—Charleston, S. C.
  "    Cadiz, Spain. Introduced by vessels from Havana.
            There arrived  from Havana, where  the fever
            raged at that time,  the  Spanish ship El Aguila,
            with a part of its crew sick with the yellow fever;
            the Spanish polacra Jupiter,  with  yellow fever
            on board,  and some having died; and  the
            American corvette Dolphin, with its crew and 
 
 
                      (  15   )
           passengers sick with yellow fever.  A portion
           of the  passengers went on to Seville, the rest
           remaining in Cadiz;  the yellow fever broke out
           in both cities almost simultaneously.   [Report
           of the Medical Society of Cadiz to the Congress
           Spain.]
1800.—Seville. Introduced as above stated.
  "    From Cadiz  it was this year communicated to the
           following towns of  Andalusia, viz:—Espera,
           Ubrique,  Moron, Puerto Real, Rota, San Fer-
           nando, Port St. Maria,  Arcos la Rambla, Le
           Briza, Las Cabezas de San Juan, Carlotta, Xe-
           rez de la  Fronterra, San Lucar, Carmona, Car-
           olina, Louisiana and Cordova.   [Rep.  Supra
           Cit.]
1801.—Charleston, S. C.
  "    New-York.
  "    Cadiz, Spain.
  "    Seville. Supposed  to  have  been introduced by
           opening a box of clothes belonging to  a lady
           who  died of yellow fever.   "All who were en-
           gaged in  opening the box had the disease, and
           were the  first cases."  [Rep. of the Med. Soc.
           of Cadiz.
  "    Medina  Sidonia.  Introduced from Cadiz, by  a
           seller of clothes.   [Rep. Med. Soc. of Cadiz.]
1802.—Charleston, S. C.
  "    Philadelphia. "Introduced from a vessel from an
           infected port."   [Bally.]
1803.—Charleston, S. C.
  "   Philadelphia.
       New-York.—On the 30th of July some cases of
           malignant fever appeared, and one man died of
           it, from Coffee House Slip, after two days illness."
           About  this  time,  several  vessels having sick on
           board,  were ordered from the  Coffee House Slip
           to the quarantine ground.  On the 6th August,
           the mayor reported 33 cases,  16 of which had
           died.   [Townsend, p. 368.]
       Malaga, Spain. " Spread by Infection." [Arejula.]
1804.—New-Orleans.
       Charleston, S. C.
       Leghorn,  Italy. On the 18th August, the Spanish
           ship Anna Maria,  commanded by Captain Sal- 
                      (  16  )
           vador Liamosi, from Havana, arrived at Leg-
           horn, via Cadiz and Gibraltar, and having lost
          1 five of her crew on the voyage of yellow fever.
           At Cadiz she shipped some new hands.   On
           her arrival at Leghorn, some of the sick were
           sent to an inn in the city.  The fever spread in
           the inn,  and twelve persons  died in it of this
           disease.   It soon spread from this place, and
           other places to which  the sick were carried,  to
           all parts  of the city.   [See Letter from Thie-
           bault de  Bernard to Prof. Desguettes, &c.]
1804.—Cadiz. There arrived many ships from the Wdst
           Indies, with sickly crews, among others was the
           one which infected Leghorn, which stopped and
           took new hands  at Cadiz.   [Rep. Sup. Cit.
           Arejula.]
  "    From Cadiz the disease was introduced into Xirire-
           na, Los  Barrios, Port St. Maria, and Rota.
  "    Gibraltar.
  "    AlgesiRas.' Introduced from Gibraltar, by smug-
           gling.   [Rep. Sup. Cit.]
  "    AyAmonte.  Introduced from Gibraltar, by fisher-
           men.  [Rep. Sup. Cit.]
  "    San Roque. Introduced  from Algesiras.  [Rep.
           Sup. Cit.]
  "    Malaga.
 ""    From Malaga,  it was introduced into Espejo, Es-
           perra, Ronda, Arcos la Rambla, and Xerez  de
           la Fronterre.  [Rep.  Sup. Cit.]
1805.—Charleston, S. C.
  "    Philadelphia.
  "    New-York.
 '"    Amboy, N.J. A vessel arrived in New-York having
           the yellow fever among her crew, and notbemg
           allowed  to land her freight there, hauled over to
          - Amboy, and  discharged her cargo there.  The
           infection was thus communicated to the village.
          I [Chapman's  MS Lectures,  quoted  by Strobel,
           p. 120.]
 ' "   %New-Haven, COnn.
 ""    Providence, Rhode Island.
1807.—Charleston, S. C.
  i'    Savannah,   Ga.  Introduced  from   Charleston.
           [Strobel.] 
 
 
                        (   17  )
 1809.—New-Orleans. ^
 1810.—Cadiz, Spain.
   "    Gibraltar.
 1811.—New-Orleans.
 1813.—Cadiz, Spain.
   "    St. Maria.  Introduced from Cadiz.   [Rep. Med.
            Society of Cadiz.]
   "    Gibraltar.
 1817.—New-Orleans. Introduced from Havana.  On the
            18th of June, the British cutter Phcenix arrived
            from Havana with yellow fever among its crew.
            On the 30th Dr. Kerr attended four of her sea-
            men who had this disease; two of whom died.
              About the 10th of July, another vessel, the Vir-
            gin del Mar, came in from Havana, having lost
            a part of her crew on her passage,  and  several
            others were buried  on  her way up the river;
            several, also, died a few days after her arrival;
            all with the black vomit.
              Several other vessels entered about the same
            time, from the W^est Indies.  All the first cases,
            however, that occurred in the city were from the
            two first  mentioned  vessels.  The disease be-
            came epidemic after the middle of July.   [New
            Orleans Gazette, Feb. 3d, 1818.]
              " In consequence of the positive proofs of the
            importation of the disease  in the  dreadful year
            of 1817,  the legislature  of that winter passed a
            quarantine law;  which, though far from  perfect
            in its structure,  might have been considered as
            a pledge of more efficient precautions."   [See
            N. O.  Gazette, Oct. 29th, 1819]
   "     Whitzel's  Landing, 20  miles below Natchez.
            Introduced by boats from New-Orleans.
        Natchez.   Introduced from New-Orleans.   "The
            steamboat Washington landed several with yel-
            low fever,  and the disease spread from  these
            rapidly."   [Monette, quoted from D. Perlee.]
   "     Charleston, S. C.
        Beaufort. Introduced from Charleston. [Monette]
   "     Philadelphia.
1S18.—Baltimore.  Introduced by a vessel from Havana.
            [Chapman's MS Lectures, quoted by Strobel,
            p. 120.]
ci 
                 (   18  )
—" The code of quarantine regulations established for
      the protection of New-Orleans, in the winter of
      1817, was repealed,  notwithstanding there had
      been no evidence of its inefficiency; as there had
      occurred no epidemic  since its establishment;
      though the yellow fever had several times been
      stopped at the quarantine ground, on vessels
      bound tothe city, from the West Indies. [New-
      OrleansGazette, Jan. 1820.]
—New-Orleans.  In  June, several vessels, with
      crews sickly with yellow fever, entered from
      Havana, and about the first of July cases began
      to appear among the shipping in the harbour.
      The governor now proclaimed quarantine, by a
      power vested in his hands by the act repealing
      the quarantine law.  The disease, however, had
      already made some progress, and the thing was
      given up, and vessels continued to come in; and
      some from Martinique, which were  known to
      have lost some  of their men on the voyage, and
      even on their way up the river,  with the worst
      type of the  " vomito prieto," and not a voice
      was heard to prevent their mooring at the levee.
      The disease became epidemic before the middle
      of August, and assumed  a  character of the
      highest malignity; medicine lost its effects ; the
      skill of the physician was baffled, and multitudes
      were carried to the grave.   [New-Orleans Gaz.
      Jan. 7, 1S20.]
  Natchez.  Introduced from New-Orleans.  It be-
      came epidemic about the 15th Sept.    [Monette,
      P. 64.]
   Charleston, S. C.
   Baltimore.   We are informed by a medical friend,
      who was in Baltimore  at the time the fever ap-
      peared, that a vessel had just entered from Ha-
      vana, with yellow fever on board, and that com-
      munication had been held with her from the city.
  New-York.  Many cases of yellow fever occurred
      among the vessels at quarantine, before the 1st
      of August.  It was  probably introduced from
      negligence of quarantine, as cases began to ap-
      pear at Old Slip and Coffee House Slip, about
      the 5th. [Townsend, and Tables in Appendix.] 
 
 
                       (  19   )
 1819.—Cadiz, Spain.  Introduced from Havana, by a ves-
            sel which brought public treasure, and  which
            was refused admittance into the port,  in conse-
            quence of there being yellow fever on board.
            The government, however, too eager to get the
            money into possession, caused the vessel to en-
            ter, in transgression of the quarantine which had
            been  established.   The disease  immediately
            spread through the city, and finally to  other
            towns of Andalusia.   [Constitutional, Paris pa-
            per, of 1819.]
  "     Seville.  Introduced from Cadiz.
        San Fernando.   Ditto.   [Rep. Med. Soc. Cadiz.]
  "     Port St.Maria.  Ditto.   [Rep.Med. Soc. Cadiz.]
        Rota.            Ditto.   [Rep. Sup. Cit.]
        XerezdelaFronterra. Ditto. [Rep. Sup. Cit.]
        SanLucardeBarrameda. "   [Rep. Sup. Cit.]
1820.—New-Orleans.  About the the 20th of July it be-
           came known that several cases of yellow fever
           had appeared among the shipping, and some at
           boarding houses; when the  mayor   "desired
           Dr. Davidson to examine all  the vessels which
           had lately entered the port of New-Orleans, from
           the West  Indies,  where the  yellow fever was
           then prevailing;" who,  having made diligent
           enquiries into,  and investigated the grounds for
           the rumour which has prevailed in the city for
           some days past, that malignant fever had made
           its appearance ; respectfully reports that—
             " The schooner Gold Huntress, Marten mas-
           ter, from Havana, entered on  the 17th of June,
           having lost two men on her passage with yellow
           fever:" also, that
             " The brig Charles Fawcett, Lamont, master,
           from Matanzas, arrived on the 10th of July, hav-
           lost two men on her passage, and having others
           sick with yellow fever."
             The yellow fever became epidemic  between
           the 1st and middle of August.   [Letter of Dr.
           G. C. Forsyth; Extract from N. O. Gazette,
           Nov. 15th, 1820.]
             On the 22d November, governor Villere, in his
           valedictory address to the legislature, strongly re-
           commended quarantine against   yellow fever.
           [See Message.] 
                       (  20   )
 1820.—       On the 18th of December, governor Robert-
            son, in his inaugural message, urged the legisla-
            ture to establish quarantine against yellow fever.
            [See Message.]
   "    Savannah, Ga.  Introduced by a vessel from Ha-
            vana ; became epidemic about the 1st Sept."
   "    Philadelphia.
   "    Middletown, Conn.    "Early in June, the sloop
            Antelope, from New-York, came to Middletown,
            haying on board a  seaman  from the schooner
            Milo, just from Savannah, who was sick with
            yellow fever, and who died with black vomit in
            a few days.  The captain of the Antelope was
            next taken sick with the same disease, before the
            death of the other, but recovered."
              "Early in June,  the brig Sea  Island, from
            St. Jago de Cuba, arrived at Middletown, hav-
            lost two men on her passage, and having others
            sick, of yellow  fever.   Harrington,  the tide-
            waiter, who first went on board of her, was like-
            wise the first victim,  and  all  the  earliest cases
            were  traced  to communication with  her."
            [Beck's Rep. to the  N. York Board of Health,
            on  the Yellow Fever of Middletown.]
              " On the 15th June, the brig Defiance, from
            the West Indies, via Oronoko, also arrived."
              " The infection seems to be mainly attributa-
            ble to the Sea Island,"  [Beck, Rep. Sup. Cit.]
   "    Cadiz, Spain.
   "    Xerez de la Fronterra.  Introduced from Ca-
            diz.  [Rep. of Med. Soc of Cadiz.]
   "    Port St. Maria.  Introduced from Cadiz.  [Rep.
            Sup. Cit.]                               F
1821.—In February, the legislature of Louisiana passed a
            code of quarantine regulations, for the protec-
            tion of Louisiana against the importation of yel-
            low fever and other infectious diseases.
  "    St.  Augustine, Florida.  Introduced  from Ha-
            vana, in the following manner:  It was on the
            10th of July, 1821,  that the  exchange of flags
            took place,  by which possession of  the ceded
            territory  of Florida  was transferred from  the
            Spaniards to the government of the United
            Slates.  The Spanish troops, and many of the 
 
 
                      (  21   )
           Spanish inhabitants, who were desirous of leav-
           ing at the change of regime,  were furnished by
           the United  States government with  transports.
           They set sail about the 25th of July, and arrived
           in Havana on the 2d of August, when the  yel-
           low fever was  prevailing with great  mortality.
           The schooner Florida and sloop Rapid, returned
           about the 12th of August, having lost several of
           their crew with yellow fever;  and the schooner
           Alexander, on the 19th, having lost her  captain
           and all her crew except the cook, and she was
           brought  into port  by  two  persons from  St.
           Augustine.  Very soon cases of yellow fever be-
           gan to appear in the town. The first cases were
           all traced to communication with the infected
           vessels.  The disease was epidemic in Septem-
           ber, and was very malignant,  generally terminat-
           ing in black vomit.   [For a  full  account,  see
           Strobe], p. 131.  Also, Dr. Francis'  Letter;
           Townsend, p. 380.]
1821,—Charleston,  S. C.
  "    Baltimore.
  "    Norfolk, Va.
  "    Barcelona, Spain.  On the 19th of April, a con-
           voy of 57 sail left Havana, destined to different
           ports of Spain,  under the  escort of the frigate
           Prompte.  Of these, 24 arrived at  Barcelona
           between the 17th of June and the 25th  of July.
           Ten out of these 24 were known to have sickly
           crews, and it was soon known that the disease was
           of a very malignant nature, there being in many
           cases black vomit, and it was declared  by one
           of the principal physicians to be highly conta-
           gious.  The disease soon spread into the  city,
           first attacking the workmen and the persons em-
           ployed  about, or who had visited, these vessels.
           On the 8th  of August, the authorities com-
           menced operations   to  prevent its  spreading;
           but the germs of destruction were already sown
           in the  devoted  city; and notwithstanding the
           flight of one half of the inhabitants, a short time
           saw 17,000 of its remaining  citizens fall victims
           to the pestilence.  A great many coasting ves-
           sels also received the infection,  and thus the 
                        (   22  )
            disease was carried to many of the towns on the
            Mediterranean.  [For a  full  account, see Au-
            douard, Relation Historique et Medical de  la
            Fievre Jaune de Barcelona en 1821 ;  also Pa-
            risset, Francois, et Bally, Histoire Med.  de  la
            Fievre Jaune, p. 137.]
 1821.—Cadiz.  Introduced by vessels from the same con-
            voy that infected Barcelona.   [Op. Cit.]
   "    Malaga.  Introduced by a Danish brig called the
            Gneison, from Barcelona.  [Audouard, Op.Cit.]
   "    Tortosa,  on the  river  Ebro.   Introduced  from
            Barcelona.   [Op. Cit.]
   "    Mahon, Island of  Minorca.   Introduced from ves-
            sels from Barcelona and Malaga.  [Op. Cit.]
   "    Palma, Island of Majorca.
   "    Port St. Maria.   Introduced from Cadiz.
   "    Xerez de la Fronterra. Introduced from Cadiz.
   "    Rota.  Introduced from Barcelona.
   "    San Lucar  de Barrameda.  Introduced from
           Port St. Maria.
   "    Lebrija.  Introduced from St. Maria.
   "    Marseilles, France.  Introduced by the Danish
            brig, Nicolino, infected at Malaga; and when
            ordered from there to quarantine at Mahon, the
            captain took the responsibility of going  into
            Marseilles.   Some  of the  crew died of yellow
            fever on the trip, and a few days after her  arri-
            val, several neighbouring vessels were attacked,
            and the disease spread to the city.  The efforts
            and activity of the French authorities, prevented
            the disease from being communicated to   any
            other towns of France.   The means adopted
            was a strict military surveillance, which entirely
            prevented communication, and was effectual in
            confining the disease to the limits of the city.
            [Audouard, Op. Cit.:  also, Francois, Pariset et
            Bally, Op. Cit.: also, Dupuytren, Rep. on the
            Yellow Fever of Marseilles, in the Repertoire
            de Chirurgie et Med. Clinique.]
1822.—Pensacola, Florida.  "Until the 12th of August,
            the town  was  perfectly healthy.   About  this
            time, there arrived in the short space  of  two
            weeks, several  vessels  from Havana, infected
            with yellow fever.  The  first was the cutter 
 
 
                       (  23  )
            Alabama, the captain of which being ill with the
            disease, was taken to the hotel,  and from this
            house the infection spread.
              A few days after the  arrival of the Alabama,
            the brig Franklin, from  Havana, arrived with a
            sickly crew,  and  some  of her men died with
            black vomit,  a day or  two  after her arrival.
            About the 19th of August, cases began to mul-
            tiply in the town,  and the disease became epid-
            emic.  [Letter of P. Alba, Esq., of Pensacola,
            in the Louisianian, Feb. 15th, 1823.]
              "The brig Franklin,  on her way out of Pen-
            sacola  Bay,  was  driven ashore by a storm, at
            Fort Barrancas, and the artillery garrison being
            engaged in getting  her off, had  the infection
            communicated and  many in the Fort died of
            it."   [Letter of P. Alba.]
1822,—New-Orleans.   Introduced from  Pensacola, by
            the way of the Passes and Lake,  in the follow-
            ing manner.—" About the 21st of August, there
            left Pensacola for New-Orleans, by the way  of
            Bayou St. John or the Basin, two  Sloops, the
            Ann  and the Eliza, both crowded with passen-
            gers flying from Pensacola for safety.  Some of
            the passengers were sick when they embarked,
            others sickened and died on the passage of Yel-
            low Fever, and nearly all the remainder,  after
            having  landed  at New-Orleans  and dispersed
            themselves in various parts of the city, died  of
            the same disease."   The first cases that occur-
            ed among citizens of New-Orleans were traced
            to infection from some of the passengers in these
            vessels. (See letter of P. Alba, Esq. above quo-
            ted ;  also,  Report of the Board of Health  of
            New-Orleans,  to  the Legislature  of Louisiana
           Jan. 15th 1823.)
             We also learn from a  report of the officer  of
           health, that there arrived,  during  the  summer,
           at the quarantine  ground a very considerable
           number of infected vessels ; and that with the
           means placed at his disposal, it was not practica-
           ble in all cases to permit  intercourse with the in-
           fected vessels, and to prevent passengers and sea-
           men from leaving  their vessels and getting to the 
                       (  24  )
            city.—Also, " vessels were permitted to go into
           port,  without the necessary precautions being ta-
           ken ;  and it rests with the Board to decide what
           influence vessels thus entering may have had  in
           producing or aggravating the malignant epidem-
           ic which afflicted the city."   (Rep. of Dr. For-
           sythe, Off. of Health ; to the Board of Health;
           Dec.  31st, 1822.)
1822.—New-York.  This summer there arrived in New-
           York  71 vessels from the West Indies, having
           in all 56 cases of Yellow Fever on board, at the
           time  of their  arrival  at quarantine.  Besides
           these  there was the U. S. Brig Enterprize, and
           other  infected vessels from New-Orleans and
           Pensacola.  Between the 1st and 9th of  July,
           24 large lighter loads of freight were landed  at
           the wharf, at the foot of Rector street, from four
           Havana vessels, all of which had cases of Yellow
           Fever on board.   On the 10th of July, the dis-
           ease appeared simultaneously in the two houses
           which face each other, forming the two corners
           injyhich Rector street terminates  at the wharf.
           These two houses,  were about  50 feet from
           where the lighters discharged. In one a grocery
           was kept, and the  clerk, named  Thomas, was
           the first resident attacked ;  in the other corner
           was the establishment of a cooper,  named Reder
           who had been engaged in repairing  the barrels,
           boxes, &c. which contained the landed freight.
           His two little daughters, one 11, the  other 9
           years  old, had been much with him during his
           work  on the boxes &c. at the wharf; and they
           were both taken sick on the same day, on which
           Thomas became sick.  On the  16th Thomas
           died,  with the black vomit.  On  the 15th the
           youngest girl died, with the black vomit.  On
           the 15th John Reder, brother to the girls, was
           taken  and died on the 22nd, with black vomit.
           On the 20th a little girl, daughter of Mr. Rose,
           who played with the Reder girls, sickened, and
           in a few days died with  black vomit.  On the
           24th and 25th, 4 new cases occurred in the same
           house with the  last.   In this way the  disease
           was traced from family to family,  as the result 
 
 
                       (  25   )
            of communication, until the  epedemic became
            general.  (For further particulars, See  Town-
            send on the Yellow Fever of New York in 1822.)
              This year the quarantine codes of New York
            and Philadelphia, were so modified,  as to re-
            move, to a great extent, the imperfections poin-
            ted out by Drs. Bayley, Townsend and others,
            and the regulations were made much more rigid.
 1823.—New-Orleans.   Cases occurred first among the
            Shipping in the harbour, in the month of July,
            and the disease became epidemic early in August.
   "    Natchez.  Introduced by  Steamboats from  New
            Orleans.  The first cases occurred in the city
            about the  middle of August, and the disease be-
            came  epidemic early in September.   (Monette
            p. (55.)
        Coonville.   At the  cross-roads, 4 miles  from
            Natchez.  Introduced from Natchez by the fam-
            ilies who fled from the epidemic.   The air of
            Coonville became as strongly infected as that of
            Natchez,  and  several  persons  who  passed
            through, or visited it, from the neighbourhood,
            took the disease and died  in the country  with
            black vomit.   (Monette p. 66.)
        Brooklyn,  New  York.   Introduced   by  Ship
            Diana, from New Orleans.  (See cases &c.)
        Sierra Leone, Coast of Africa.
        Island  of Ascension,  in  the  Atlantic Ocean,
            about 1000 miles from the Coast of Africa ; a
            mountainous and barren,  little island.  Intro-
            duced from Sierra Leone by  the British Sloop
            of War the Bann.  (Report of Wm. Barry,
            Staff Surgeon, on the Y. Fever of Ascension.)
1824.—New-Orleans.   Introduced by the tow-boats,
            which  were in the habit of towing up infected
            vessels lashed abreast, thus receiving the infec-
            tion, and in turn communicating it to  the  city.
            The first  cases occuring in  the city  were on
            board these tow-boats.  (See Documents in re-
            lation to the introduction of the Yellow  Fever
            into New-Orleans in 1S24.)
  "     Charleston,  S. C.
1^25.—New-Orleans.
  "     Natchez.  Introduced by  Steamboats from New
Dl 
                      (  26   )
           Orleans.  The first cases appeared under the
           hill, at the river, among the clerks of a Com-
           mission house, and  others at the landing.  It
           was conveyed to the upper town, by the remo-
           val of the sick from under the hill, to the houses
           of friends in the city.  (Monette p. 67.)
1825.—Washington, 6 miles back of Natchez.   Introdu-
           ced by refugees from Natchez, where the disease
           had become epidemic.  Within 10 days after
           their removal to Washington, 8 of them died of
           yellow fever, and the disease soon became epi-
           demic in the village, (Monette p. 67 & 68.)
  "    Pensacola.
1827.—Charleston, S. C.
1829.—New-Orleans.
       Baton Rouge.   This year, many  Spaniards fled
           to New-Orleans in consequence of the political
           revolution which had  taken place in  Mexico.
           Soon  after  their arrival in New-Orleans, the
           yellow  fever appeared, and they removed to
           Baton Rouge.  But they had been exposed to
           the infection, and the yellow  fever appeared
           among them about the time of their arrival at
           Baton Rouge, and many of them died.  The
           disease was soon communicated to the resident
           population, and raged with great mortality.
  "    Natchez. Introduced from N.Orleans,  (Monette.)
1830.—Charleston.
1831,—Charleston.
  "    New-Orleans.
1832.—Charleston.
1833.—New-Orleans.
1837.—New Orleans.  The first cases occurred on board
           of vessels from the West Indies.
  "    Baton Rouge.
       Natchez.  Introduced from N. Orleans. (Monette.)
       Plaquemine.  Introduced from New-Orleans.
       Opelousas.  Introduced  by a person  who came
           sick  from New-Orleans.   (See Letter of Dr.
           Cooke on the yellow fever of Opelousas in 1837.)
       Sierra Leone.  Coast of Africa.
       Island of Ascension.  Introduced from  Sierra
           Leone, by H. M. brigantine Forrester.  (See
           facts  &c.) 
 
 
s
                      (  27  )
1839.—New-Orleans.   Introduced from Havana.   We
           are informed  that the first cases  occurred on
           board Havanna vessels, and that the fever was
           during some time confined to the shipping.  It
           was epidemic about the middle of August.
  "    Mobile. Introduced from New-Orleans.
  "    Bay of Biloxi. Do.         Do.
  "    St. Joseph's.   Do.         Do.
  "    Tampa Bay.   Do.         Do.
  "    Navy Yard at Pensacola.   Introduced from
a          New-Orleans.   The first cases that occurred at
           the Yard, was  in a gentleman who had just arri-
           ved from New-Orleans, and who was sick at the
           house of Dr.------, of the Navy.  He  died
           with black vomit, on  the  5th  of September.
           The Dr. himself, and a negro man who had
           nursed the gentleman, were  taken sick simul-
           taneously with the fever, a few days after his
           death.  The next cases, were other members of
           the Docter's family, and several physicians and
           other persons,  who attended on, or visited the
           Dr.  while  sick.   The infection  then spread
           through the Yard.  (For this information we
           are indebted to the kindness of Dr. J. A. Wed-
           derburn, U. S. N.)                      _.._-.
       Galveston,  Texas.  Introduced  from New-Or-
           leans.  [See Ashbel Smith on Yellow Fever.]
       Houston, Texas.
       Donaldsonville.  Introduced from New-Orleans.
       Plaquemine.         Do.           Do.
       Port Hudson.        Do.           Do.
       Bayou Sara.        Do.           Do.
       Fort Adams.         Do.           Do.
       Natchez.           Do.           (Monette.)
       Grand Gulf.        Do.           Do.
       Vicksburg.          Do.           Do.
       Franklin.  Introduced from New-Orleans  under
          the following circumstanes.  " Direct commu-
          nication, between New-Orleans  and Attakapas,
          is seldom open, until towards January, and then
          the boats run through  the Bayou  Plaquemine.
          In October 1839, the Steamer Tomochichi was
          placed on the sea route.  On her first or second
          trip from New-Orleans, where the yellow fever 
                      (  28   )
           was epidemic, to Franklin, Henry Thompson
           of the latter place, was among the few persons
           who went on board of her.  He was taken sick
           with yellow fever in a few days  afterwards and
           was the first who died with black vomit in the
           village.   It was remarked, that nearly all those
           who visited him took the disease, and many of
           them  died.  Mr. BirdsalPs family were partic-
           ularly attentive to him, and they were all ill, and
           several of them died.   The neighbors who vis-
           ited Mr. B's  family were all taken sick, and
           the disease throughout could be traced by infec-
           tion from one  case to another."  (This state-
           ment  we received from  Mr.  Wilson  of  the
           Planter's Banner, of Franklin.)
1839.—New-Iberia.  The circumstances of the introduc-
           tion of yellow fever into this village in 1839, we
           are told are as follows :   " A young physician
           Dr. Smith, died of the disease,  at Plaquemine,
           and his remains  were carried to his friends in
           New  Iberia, and were exposed in  the village
           church, according to the usages of the  Catho-
           lics.  Many persons who entered the chapel for
           the purpose of seeing the remains, or for other
           purposes took the disease, and many died with
           black vomit, and the disease was communicated
           from  them to others.  (For this statement we
           are indebted to two highly accomplished physi-
           cians, Drs. Cooke and Taylor, of Opelousas :
           who however were not personally cognizant to
           the facts, but received them from  those who
           were.)
   "   St. Martinsville.  Introduced from New-Orleans.
   "   Opelousas.  Introduced from New-Orleans.  (For
           full account of its introduction, see Letter from
           Dr. Taylor, &c. on the fever of 1839.)
   "   Alexandria.   Introduced from New-Orleans.
   "   Charleston, S. C.  Introduced by  vessels from
           the West Indies ; of which 36 entered between
           the 1st of May and the  30th of July.  The first
           cases that occurred were from  the  ship  Bur-
           mah,  on the 7th of June ; that vessel having left
           Havana on the first of June.  The disease first
           spread among the shipping of the port,  and by 
 
 
                      (  29   )
           the 10th of July it had become epidemic in the
           city.   (Strobel p. 171 et seq.)
1839.—Savannah,  Ga.   Introduced  from  Charleston.
           (Strobel.)
  "    Augusta, Ga. Introduced from Charleston. (Strobel)
  "    Portland, Me.  Introduced by a vessel from the
           West Iudies.
1841.—New-Orleans.  Introduced from  Havana.  It is
           yet well remembered in the city, that the first
           cases were  on board the---------from
           the West Indies, and it  prevailed some  time
           among the shipping before it became epidemic
           in the city.                                ____
  "    Navy Yard, at Pensacola.   The U.  S. Sloop      I
    •; ;../' I   of War the Levant came in from Vera Cruz,
           and as there were many cases  of yellow fever
           among her crew, she was deserted, and the crew
           encamped in a  large timber shed in the Navy
           Yard.  The disease continued to prevail among
           the crew, but for two weeks it did not commu-
           nicate to the inhabitants of the  Yard.   But at
           the  end of this time it spread to the building,
           nearest the shed, and finally through the Yard.
           (This fact was derived from  Dr. J. A. Wed-
           derburn, U. S. N.)
        Quarantine established at Natchez, which since that
           time has been effectual in preventing the intro-
           duction of yellow fever into that city.
1842.—New-Orleans.  The first  cases of yellow  fever
           occurred among the shipping from the West In-
           dies and Mexico,  and it continued to prevail
           among the shipping some time before it spread
           through the city.
  "     Opelousas.  Introduced from New-Orleans.  The
           first cases of yellow fever was a French pedlar,
           named Etienne Franquez, who had been to New
           Orleans, where the disease was prevailing.   He
           was attacked on the day  of his arrival at  Ope-
           lousas, and died with black vomit.
              The 2nd case was Chassan, clerk in the store
           of Chaudet, who had given his  personal atten-
            dance on Franquez, and watched with him one
            or more nights.  He also had black vomit be-
            fore his death.
              The 3rd case was Renaud, clerk in the store 
                       (   30  )
           of Blanchin, Riche & Co., had visited both of
           the first cases.   He  died with black vomit.
           Other  cases immediately succeeded,  and the
           disease soon became  epidemic.   (For these
           particulars we  are indebted  to  a young man,
           who saw all these cases, and was particularly
           intimate with the 2nd. and 3rd persons who died
           of the disease.)
1843.—New-Orleans.  All the first cases that occurred,
           were persons who had  arrived in vessels from
           Havana, Vera Cruz,  &c.  Those who saw the
           first cases,  were  satisfied that its source was
           foreign. It became epidemic early in September.
  "    Mobile.—Introduced from New-Orleans.  It did
           not occur here until about the middle of October.
  "    Baton Rouge.  The disease appeared here in Oc-
           tober.   There was daily communication  with
           New-Orleans by steamboats.
  "    Port Hudson.  Many cases occurred here in Oc-
           tober.    There  was  daily communication by
           steamboats with New Orleans.
  "    St. Francisville,   (the upper part of the town
           at Bayou Sara, it stands on the bluff adjoining
           the town of Bayou Sara.)   Many cases of yel-
           low fever with  black vomit occurred, and it was
           considered as of local origin.  But  a  case  of
           yellow fever was taken from Baton  Rouge to
           Bayou Sara—and C. Ratliff, Esq. informed us
           that he saw a man from New-Orleans who died
           at the  Hotel in St. Francisville  before  any of
           the citizens took the yellow fever, and  the man
           threw up a great  deal of black  matter.   The
           infectious nature of the fever, in these cases,
           was unquestionable, as the connexion  between
           the cases was perfectly obvious.
  "    Vicksburg.   Probably introduced from New-Or-
           leans, as there was a line of steamers, constant-
           ly plying between the two places, besides  the
           immense number of passing boats.
  "    Rodney.   Derived from the same source as that of
           Vicksburg.
  "    Washington, N. C,  at the mouth  of Tar river.
           Introduced by a vessel from the West  Indies.
           [Washington Republican Sept. 4th 1843.] 
 
 
                       (   31  )
  ON  THE TRANSMISSIBILITY OF YELLOW
                       FEVER.

  This has been the subject of remarkable  difference of
opinion, and of much controversy,  Among the believers in
its transmissibility, we may enumerate  the following bodies
and distinguished individuals:
  The Army  Medical Board of Great Britain,  in 1816.
The College of Physicians of Philadelphia, in 1793;  and,
also, in 1796.   The Commission sent by the king of France
to examine the yellow fever of Barcelona, in 1821.   The
Royal College of Physicians, in 1815; &c. &c.
  Drs. Francis, Fellowes, Sir Gilbert Blane, Currie, Mc
Griggor, Stewart, Chisholm, Hosack, Pimm, Robertson,
Townsend, De Witt,  Bayley, Dupuytren, Larrey, Wright,
Lining, MacKittrick, Pugnet, Arejula,  Palloni,  Cailliot,
Thiebault,  Bally, Ulloa, Lind, Desgenettes, Bruce, Moreau
de  St. Mery,  Moreau de  Jonnes,  Dickson, Dr. Litton,
Tweedie, Pariset, Francois,  &c. &c.
   While Humboldt, Rochoux, Gilbert,  Clark, and some
others, have very correctly stated the fact, that the disease,
though communicable under some circumstances,  lost, in a
measure, its property of being communicated under others.
Thus, though  in the  country, and in cold  weather, the in-
stances of its spreading are rare, yet in towns, &c, during
warm weather, it is  highly infectious.


Opinions respecting the Transmissibility  of Yellow Fever.

   Answer of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia to the
governor of Pennsylvania,  who called  on them  for  their
opinion in regard to it:—
   "No instance has ever occurred of the disease called yel-
low fever, having been generated in this city, or in  any other
part of the  United States, as far as we know ;  but there have
been frequent  instances of its having been imported, not only
into this, but into other parts of North America, and prevail-
ing for a certain  period of time.  From the rise,  progress,
and nature of the malignant  fever, which began to prevail
here about the beginning of last August,  and extended  itself
gradually over a great part of the city, we are of opinion that
this disease was imported into Philadelphia, by some vessels
which arrived at port after the  middle of July.  In this 
                         (  32   )
 opinion, we are further confirmed,  by various accounts  re-
 ceived from unquestionable authorities."
          Signed by order of the  College of Physicians,
    Nov. 26, 1793.         JOHN REDMAN, Presid't.

    Again, in 1797, the College maintained the same opinion
 to the legislature of Pennsylvania:
    " The College is of opinion, that the yellow fever is derived
 from imported contagion."  For which opinion,  they assign
 the following as among the reasons.  " The disease in ques-
 tion is essentially different from the fevers that occur  in this
 climate, and which originate from domestic causes.   It also
 differs essentially from them in being contagious."

   Dr. Rush has always been regarded as a violent opponent
 to the supposition of the  transmissibility of yellow fever, but
 he asserts most positively,—
   That yellow  fever may be contracted  by "sleeping in the
 sheets, or upon a bed impregnated with the sweats and other
 excretions, or by being exposed  to the smell of foul linen or
 other clothing, of persons who had the yellow fever.   [Med.
 Repository, vol. 6, p. 156.]
   Also, that "when the atmosphere is charged with miasmatic
 effluvia or pestilential exhalations, a single case of yellow fever
 will excite the disease in a whole  family."  [Med. Rep. vol.
 6, p. 160.
   He also states, that in  1741, it was introduced into Phila-
 delphia in a box of clothes."   [See Facts, &c.]
   He also advises us "to  prevent  the  landing of  persons
 affected with the ship fever, in our cities, and the more dan-
 gerous practice of ships  pouring streams of'pestilential air,
 from their holds  upon the citizens, who live near the docks and
 wharves"   [Op. Cit. vol. 6, p. 166.]

   In 1821, the  yellow fever prevailed in Barcelona.  The
 Royal Academy of France, by order of the king, sent three
 distinguished physicians, M.M. Pariset, Francois and Bally,
 to investigate the origin and nature  of the disease,  and  to
 report what steps would be necessary to prevent its introduc-
 tion into France.  The following extract from their  report,
 cuntains  an expression of their of opinion,  in regard to  its
transmissibility:—
   " The facts which  establish the property with which we
 are engaged, {contagion)  are so numerous, so various, and 
 
 
                        (   33  )
yet of so perfect an identity, even in their variations;  the
proofs, and counter-proofs of the transmission of the disease,
and of its non-transmission when precautions are used, are so
decisive, they speak so loud, that  the  mind  is subjugated,
and every objection falls to the ground.  Had  we only the
example of our unfortunate friend Barcelona, that example
would be peremptory.  Yes !  in our judgment, the yellow
fever  is contagious, and  the  conviction which we have ac-
quired, is confirmed by what took place at Tortosa, when
communication propagated it, as at Barcelona; by what took
place at Mahon and at Marseilles, where insulation limited its
progress, and extinguished  its activity.  This conviction,
now-a-days, has obtained even among the people, for in the
end nothing can resist the authority of facts,  and the good
sense of the public often takes  the advance of the hesitations
and sophisms of interest and science."
                                 P ARISE T,
                                 FRANCOIS,
                                 BALLY.
   Opinion of the Board of Health of New-Orleans, respect-
ing yellow fever in that city in 1822.
   " The researches made  by the  board at the commence-
ment of the late epidemic, lead them to believe that the yel-
low fever was imported towards the end of August last, by a
vessel from Pensacola, arrived at the basin of Canal Caron-
delet; and attention  was first  attracted  to the disease in a
family by the name of Lynch,  passengers  in said vessel.
This family, of which every member but one fell victims to
the yellow fever, had  removed to Bienville-street, when the
disease first spread, and from here extended through the city."
   " The Board of Health believe it their duty  to do away
with the impression, made by interested persons, to induce a
belief in the the inutility of the  powers which  you have  so
wisely conferred on the board, for  the establishment of quar-
antines, which these persons wish to  see destroyed." * * *
" This opinion is diametrically opposed to that of the Board
of Health, who believe that the yellow fever is contagious, and
that the establishment of quarantines is necessary to prevent
its introduction."   [Report of the Board  of  Health to the
Legislature of Louisiana, January  15th, 1823.]

   No one who has seen yellow fever becoming epidemic in
villages,  where the relations of daily life are  less complex
Kl 
                        (   34  )
than in a large city, and where communication is readily  as-
certained, can doubt that the disease is, often at least, com-
municated by infection;  and the same is easily remarked in
the communication of  the disease from one ship to another,
or from a ship to an island  or insulated town, or where it
occurs on plantations, &c.   This is rendered evident by the
facts, that—
   1st. Nurses, physicians, and other persons, attending on
or visiting yellow fever patients,  are generally the first to
have the disease, and that too, after the lapse of such a length
of time, as generally to lead to the opinion that they received
the disease from the sick.
   2nd.  The disease is generally taken by those who enter
an infected house, vessel, or place.
   3d. The  disease  is frequently communicated  from  one
vessel to another, when meeting and holding communication,
at sea or in port, and  also  from  vessels  to remote islands,
[as Ascension] and to insular towns.
   4th.  There are many instances in which the air from infec-
ted places, confined in vessels, boxes, &c,  has excited the
disease in those persons who enter, or open such holds, boxes,
&c, and  the disease has thus been  introduced into towns,
ships, and other places.
   5th.  If the disease is not communicable or infectious, why
is it that the arrival of cases of it in our cities, during sum-
mer,  from abroad, leads every one to dread the occurrence
of other cases among the citizens soon afterwards ?
   6th.  If yellow fever is not infectious, why is it  that it has
so frequently spread and become epidemic in quarantine es-
tablishments, as in that of New-York, when no disease of the
kind existed in the city ?
   7th.  If the disease is not communicable or infectious, how
can we  account for the fact,  that in a few years, five physi-
cians, health officers for the quarantine of New-York, have
fallen victims to it, while there has not been a case known in
that city during  22 years ?
 Instances Proving the  Transmissibility  of Yellow Fever.

  All the instances given in the chronological notice of epi-
demics, in which  the introduction of the disease could be
traced to importation, might be arranged under this  head : 
 
 
                        (  35   )
 but it is desirable to present individual instances separately,
 as they cannot with propriety be introduced into that list, and
 it is also desirable to present a few cases in which its origin
 can only be attributed to this source.
   1st.  In 1792,  when the ship Hankey, from Bulama, ar-
 rived at St. Jago* with  the  yellow fever on board,  and
 in  great  distress, she  fortunately  found there the Charon
 and Scorpion, sloops of war.   These vessels kindly furnished
 her with four seamen, and sent some of their people on board
 to make repairs in her rigging, &c.   These people, after re-
 turning to their ships, took the disease, anditwas communi-
 cated to the crews of both ships.   [See Chisholm ; Origin,
 &c, of the Bulam Fever.]
  2d.  On the 19th of May, 1795,  the Thetis and Hussar
 frigates, captured two French  armed ships, from Guadalope,
 on the coast of America.  One of these had the yellow fever
 on board, and out of fourteen  men sent from the Hussar, to
 take care of her,  nine  died before  she reached Halifax, on
 the 28th, and five others were sent to the hospital sick of the
 same disease.  Part of the prisoners were sent to the Hussar,
 and though care was taken to  select those seemingly in per-
 fect health,  the disease was introduced, and spread rapidly
 in that ship.   [Strobel,  p. 20.]
  3d.  In 1817, while the yellow fever was epidemic in New
 Orleans, Phillips' barge left  the city for St. Franeisville, and
 soon began to lose her passengers and hands.   To replace
 the latter, new hands  were  continually engaged,  who took
 the disease in succession, so that it  was with great difficulty
 the voyage was performed;  and finally, of the captain, crew
 and passengers, not one survived !   The owner of the barge,
 Mr. Stoker, who  resided at  St. Franeisville, having visited
 her at the landing, paid the forfeit of his life for his impru-
 dence."   [New-Orleans Gazette, Feb. 3, 1818.]
  This fact is well remembered by  many of the inhabitants
 both of Feliciana and New-Orleans.
  4th. About the middle  of August, 1822,  the cutter Ala-
bama, from Havana, arrived at Pensacola, having during her
passage lost two of her crew by yellow fever.   She  anchored
as near the shore  as the  water would permit, and on the same
day, the captain, who was unwell, went ashore  with his bag-
gage, and took lodging at Mr.  Stutson's boarding house, and
in a few days afterwards died of the black vomit.   The lady
of the house next took the disease and died ;  her  daughter
next died with yellow fever.    The boarders in the house, of
   *One of the Cape de Verd  Islands. 
                       (   36   )
which there were fourteen, fled to different parts of the town,
but they had already received the infection, and most of them
were immediately taken sick, and five or six of them died.
The fever spread over all the block of houses in which Stut-
son's stands,  and soon  throughout the city, and to the can-
ton in the neighbourhood.  [Barber's  Statement respect-
ing the Yellow Fever of 1822.]
   5th.  In 1822, while the yellow fever was  prevailing in
Pensacola, the brig Franklin, [one of the vessels which came
infected to Pensacola,] sailed from there for Mobile;  but at
the entrance of Pensacola Bay, she experienced  a  heavy
gale, which drove her on shore at Fort Barrancas.   She was
here sold, and in order to get her afloat, some of the artillery
men, in garrison at the fort, were employed.   A few days
afterwards, the  yellow fever broke out among them.  The
infantry stationed a short distance from the fort, and who had
not assisted in working at the brig,  did  not suffer at all."
[Letter of P.  Alba, Esq. of Pensacola.]
   6lh. The British sloop of war,  the Bann, bound to St.
Thomas,  left  Sierra Leone, where the yellow fever was pre-
vailing, on the 27th March, 1823, with three cases of yellow
on board.  After her departure, the fever cases accumulated
so rapidly, that instead of proceeding to the  island  of St.
Thomas,  she  went into the island of Ascension, on the 25th
of April,  and  there debarked her sick.   The infection was
communicated to the garrison of the  fort, and to the sloop of
war Driver, and many died.   [Report of Assistant Surgeon
Sinclair, of H. M. sloop of war Bann.]
   7th. In June,  1823, the ship Diana arrived at New-York,
 from New-Orleans, where the yellow fever was epidemic; and
having cases of the disease on board, was detained in quar-
 tine thirty days, and about the  1st of September was allowed
to come up to Brooklyn,  Long Island.   In a few days, the
yellow fever appeared in the village, in a family living close
 to where  the vessel lay, and which had  communicated with
 it.   The disease soon spread  in the village,  and  on  investi-
 gation, it was ascertained that there were cases on board the
 Diana, and that  there had been others on board previously.
 Many of the citizens of Brooklyn died of black vomit, among
 whom were many of its most respectable inhabitants.  [Dr.
 Townsend in a letter to Geo. De Passau, Esq.]
    8th.   In  1837, the yellow fever  prevailed  exensively
 at Sierra  Leone, when on the 5th  of  December,  H. M.
 brigantine, Forester  arrived there,  and remained until the 
 
 
                       (  37   )
9th, when she sailed for the island of Ascension.  About the
time she sailed, the yellow fever appeared among her crew,
and several died of it before they arrived at Ascension.   In
January, 1838.  She arrived at Ascension, and debarked her
sick at Comfort Cove;  from here the infection spread to the
barracks, and a large number of the garrison died.   [Strobel,
p. 80.]
Facts proving that Yellow Fever may be Communicated by the
     opening of Boxes, Rooms, the Holds of Vessels, Sfc, which
     have been closed in the midst of an infected atmosphere.

  1st.   Lind reports, that in 1741, the trunks containing the
clothes of a young man who died  of yellow fever in Barba-
does, being opened in Philadelphia, all the persons present
contracted the disease, which was afterwards communicated
to the rest of the city.   [See Lind on the Diseases of Hot
Climates ;  confirmed by Rush.]
  2d. In 1809,  Capt. Edward D. Turner, who resided at
Point Houmas Plantation, received  from New-Orleans  a
trunk of goods which was  packed during the prevalence of
an epidemic of yellow fever there.   It was opened and the
clothes taken out by a negro nurse in the presence of himself
and  his lady.  They all three were taken within a few days,
and  all died of black vomit.
  3rd. In 1817,  several  boxes of dry goods were forwarded
from New-Orleans, by Mr.  Wm.  Flower, to  Mr. Lindsey
at the Choctaw agency.  A few days after unpacking the
goods, Lindsey, who had not been to New-Orleans, was ta-
ken  with yellow  fever  and died with black vomit.   [This
circumstance is yet well remembered by several of the old
inhabitants of New-Orleans.]
  4th.  Mr. Allen, of  Jackson,  La. [an interior village,]
received a  lot of goods from New-Orleans, which  were
packed during the prevalence  of an  epidemic  in that city,
[the precise  year is not remembered.]   He was taken sick
with yellow fever, a few  days after unpacking them, and
died with black vomit.
   5th.  In 1821,  after the  union of Florida to the United
States; among other vessels employed in  transporting the
Spanish troops and inhabitants from  St. Augustine to Ha- 
                        (  38  )
 vana, was the schooner Florida.   On the 12th of August she
 returned from her trip to Havana, having lost several of her
 crew with yellow fever.  On her arrival, and while anchored
 in the bay, the clothing of  the crew  was sent ashore to  be
 washed,  and a family named Devellin,  undertook to do the
 washing.  By this means they  took the disease, and nearly
 all of them died, and they were among the first who died of
 it in St. Augustine.   [Strobel,  p. 132.]
   6th. The  schooner Alexander,  one of the  cartels which
 transported the Spanish troops, &c. to Havana from St. Au-
 gustine, arrived at the latter place on her return, on the 19th
 of August, having lost her  captain and all  her  crew except
 her cook,  and was brought into port by  assistance sent from
 the town.  While anchored near the town, the cook  also
 died, and his bedding and bedclothes were thrown overboard
 in cleaning the vessel, and were carried  with a flood tide up
 North River.  Mr.  Thomas Fitch, who was going to his
 plantation up the river, picked them up, and carried them in
 his boat.  He was taken sick,  as also a negro woman  who
 washed them, and both of them died of black vomit.  Mr. F.
 having returned to St. Augustine before he died, communi-
 cated the disease to his  whole family, and was the first per-
 son^ who died of it in ihe town.   [Strobel, p. 183.]   ^"3
   7th.  Dr. Bayley informs us,  that  "on  the 8th  of July,
 1822," the U. S. brig Enterprise,  from  Havana, arrived  at
 the quarantine ground of New-York, with ten cases of yellow
 fever on board, and twelve others were taken immediately after
 their arrival.   The vessel was perfectly  clean, and free from
 any animal or vegetable putrefaction, or bad odour.  The
 sick were removed to the hospital, and the well men were
 removed to the shore to avoid the infected air of the vessel.
 She was then thoroughly cleansed, ventilated, washed and
 whitewashed  with lime in a  ten-fold degree; lime was slaked
 in her timbers in large quantities—yet after this  purification,
 she retained the infection, and communicated the yellow fever
 to those who  afterwards  went on board, of whom five out of
 eleven died.  The process of purification was again institu-
ted—artificial ventilation with windsails  was constantly per-
performed—water was daily let in to the depth of several feet,
and pumped out again—lime was  strewed in the hold,  and
her timbers thoroughly whitewashed, and still the infection
was not destroyed until the  cold weather.   [See New-York
 Med.  and Phys. Journal, vol. 1, p. 426-7.] 
 
 
                       (  39   )
 ON THE LOCAL ORIGIN OF YELLOW FEVER,

And of the Condition of Locality, Miasm, Weather, Sfc, to
        which it has been supposed to owe its origin.

  1. Those who have looked for the causes of yellow fever
in local condition, have attributed it in  turn to filth, marsh
air, miasm, heat, &c.   We will examine each of these things
briefly in turn.
  2.   If marsh air, miasm, filth,  heat, &c., are the re-
quisites necessary to the production of the disease, it should
always occur when these concur;  but the cities are  just as
filthy, as marshy, the air as much charged with bad odours,
marsh  air and miasm,  and equally hot, during those years
when the disease does not occur, as during the worst  epi-
demic  seasons.
  3. If locality, marsh air, miasm, heat, &c, are capable of
producing yellow fever, why did it not occur in Charleston,
Philadelphia, New-York,  or any of the towns of the  United
States, between the years  1762 and 1791 ?   And why not
from the commencement of the embargo, 1807 until 1817,
after the termination of the last war ?  Why not in New-
Orleans, previous 1796 ?   And why  not  in New-York or
Philadelphia since 1822 ?   For during these periods when
the disease did not occur, we can conceive of nothing capa-
ble of modifying the  local conditions in which the disease is
supposed to take its origin.
  4. Some have asserted that  "yellow fever cannot spread
in high situations, but is dependent on low and flat countries,
or unhealthy wharves."  If this be the case, and an unhealthy
or marshy situation is requisite; how does it occur in Portland,
(Maine;) the bay of St. Louis; in Pensacola with its clean,
sandy beach, its pure springs, and its dry, hilly pine barrens,
affording  perhaps the  most  salubrious  climate of any town
on  our continent?   How in  the mountain site  of Medina-
Sidonia, Ronda, and Ubrique; in the heights of San Roque ;
the barren and mountainous island of Ascension ; the barren
and elevated rocks of Cura§oa, of  Cadiz, and  Lisbon ; the
sea-girt and lofty rock of Gibraltar ? all of which  places fan-
ned by the refreshing breezes from the  sea, are remarkable
for the salubrity and  purity of their air, the entire absence of
marshes and fens;  and the mere supposition of miasm and
putrid exhalations in such situations would be preposterous.
Still, when the yellow fever is carried by commerce to these 
                        (  40   )
 places, it is in no degree less terrible  than  in  the  low and
 marshy situations of New-Orleans, Mobile and Charleston.
   5. If yellow fever is produced by domestic influences,
 why has it never been known to occur in Natchez, Vicksburg,
 Rodney,  Bayou Sara, Port Hudson, Baton Rouge, Plaque-
 mines,  Alexandria,  Opelousas,  Franklin, St. Martinsville,
 New-Iberia, Donaldsonville, or in any of the towns of the
 interior, which trade with New-Orleans in those numerous
 years when it did not  occur in that city ?  And why is it,
 that when it does occur in those towns, it does not appear
 until after it has been prevailing in New-Orleans, from 15 to
 to 30 days at leat?  Why has it never been known to occur
 in Savannah or Augusta,  except when Charleston has first
 first suffered?  Why has it never  been known to occur in
 the  innumerable interior towns of Andalusia, in Spain,  ex-
 cept on particular occasions, when  the  great commmercial
 sea  ports  of  Cadiz,  Seville, and Barcelona, have received
 the infection of the disease from abroad, and been  ravaged
 by the terrible pestilence ?   And why, as  in all other cases,
 did  the interior cities suffer, only after the prevalence, during
 some time, of the disease in the seaports?
   6. If yellow fever is generated by filth,  marsh air, miasm,
 heat, &c., why does it not  begin its ravages in the back parts
 of New-Orleans ; and why, formerly, did it not begin in the
 middle  of New-York, the dirtiest parts,  respectively, of these
 cities;  and why does  it  always  first  show  itself  in, and
 spread among the shipping, then to parts of the city nearest
 to the sickly ships ?   [For  the facts in  reference to New-
 York, see Townsend, p. 290.]
   7. If a crowded population, filth, marsh  air, miasm and
 high temperature are  capable of  generating yellow fever,
 why does it not appear in  Venice, built in the midst of sea-
 marshes, traversed by stagnant and filthy canals, and inhabited
 by a crowded, idle and negligent population; or in Ravenna,
 built in  marshes, traversed by muddy and filthy streets, and
surrounded with putried fens?
  8. If filth and bad odours have anything to do with gene-
 rating yellow fever, why is it, that clean, well  ventilated, and
 sweet vessels, are  not less subject to the disease than those
 which  are foul?  Dr. Bayley, who was for  many years
 health officer in New-York, says,  " many infected vessels,
 arrived here without any unusually offensive smell,  and  the
 infection spread to  others; while many from tropical regions
 have cargoes of animal and vegetable matters  in a state of 
 
 
                         (   41  )
  putrescency, with great foulness, and  the extrication  of
  much stench ; yet no disease existed among the crews, or in
  those who assisted in discharging the putrid cargoes.   [Dr.
  Bayley's letter to Dr. Townsend; Townsend on Yellow Fe-
  ver, p. 92.]
    9. It is asserted by many that  yellow  fever would never
  prevail in New-Orleans in seasons when there had been great
  rains, or when  the  Mississippi  river was  very high, and
  the swamps filled with water.   To  this, we have only to
  oppose  the last  summer, (1843) when the  water  was  very
  high and the summer very rainy;  and 1837, when it rained
  a great deal;  and yet in each of  these years there was an
  epidemic.
    10. A high temperature is generally supposed to be a re-
  quisite to the production of yellow fever, but the history of
 the disease shows that neither its occurrence, nor its violence,
 bears any direct relation to temperature.   Thus, the physi-
 cians of Cadiz  inform us, that the  years in which it occurred
 in the Spanish cities,  were by no  means warmer than others,
 and that the summer of 1804 was very cool  compared with
 those of 1787, '89, '90, '91, '94, and 1810, when the disease
 did not appear there.
   We learn from Dr. Townsend, and from the  tables kept
 in New-York,  by Mr.  Laight and Dr.  Pennell,  that  the
 occurrence of yellow fever in that  city, was not dependent on
 the degree of heat and dryness, or heat and moisture; each
 of which combinations have been respectively  regarded as the
 sine qua non;  but that it occurred there, likewise, in remark-
 ably cool summers, and did not occur in many of the hottest
 ones.  Thus, in the summer of 1796, the fever prevailed in
 New-York, though it was remarkably cool and dry.  In 1809,
 the fever prevailed, and it was one of the coldest summers ever
 known, and very wet.  While it did not prevail in 1793 and
 1841, which were  among the hottest and dryest summers
 ever known,  nor in 1820, which was hotter than any year
 when it prevailed, excepting two,  and was very wet.
   In New-Orleans and Natchez  the  same   remarks   are
 equally applicable.  Thus both in 1817 and 1819, the sum-
 mers were much cooler than those of 1814, 1S16, and 1818,
 and the former  were bad years; in fact, 1817 was one of the
 worst years ever experienced for yellow fever, while the latter
three years were healthy.  [Parlee on the Yellow Fever of
 1817 and 1819.]  In Natchez, the years  1824 and 1825
may be compared.
                          Fl 
(  42   )
August.... ....	1824. 1825.			
	Temperature.	Rainy Days.	Temperature.	Rainy days.
	86 82£	12 9	81 83£	12 11
	84^	21	1 S2£	23
  Now this table* shows that the summer of 1824 was much
warmer  and rather dryer than 1825; but in 1824 Natchez
was entirely clear of fever, while  in  1825 it  prevailed as
early as August with great violence.   (Monette, p. 36.)
  In New Orleans the summers of 1837 and 1843 were re-
markably cool and wet and the yellow fever prevailed in this
city both years to a  terrible extent.   In  1839, 1S41,  and
1842 the summers were hot and dry ; the first was a bad yel-
low fever year; while in the latter it was comparatively mild.
  In Natchez, the summer of 1837 was  cool and wet, while
that of 1836 was hot and dry, and the yellow fever neverthe-
less prevailed there both years.   In 1841, to the  contrary,
memorable for the intensity and duration  of  the heat, and
equally  remarkable for its excessive  dryness;  and in 1843, an
excessively wet and remarkably cool  summer,  there was an
entire exemption  from yellow fever in Natchez.
  11. One writer asserts, that "the occurrence of yellow fe-
ver depends principally upon the want of ventilation of the
climate  by powerful winds ; hence the popular opinion that
hurricanes and fevers do not prevail the same  year.!  This
notion shows a want of the most ordinary observation, for
many of the epidemics of New-Orleans have been preceded
by gales;  in other cases, storms have occurred during the
prevalence of epidemics, without in any degree checking its
ravages.  We learn too from Mr. Laight and Dr. Townsend,
(p. 329) that in August, 1791, there were gales, and that the
fever broke out in New-York after they had occurred.  That
in 1801, during the month preceding the appearance of the
fever there were no calms,  and that there were several very
hard gales and squalls,  (p. 368.)   That  in  1803, during
the epidemic, the deaths increased after a violent gust. (p. 368.)
   It will be remembered, that in Louisiana, there was a vio-
lent storm of wind and rain about the 1st of October, 1837,
during  the prevalence of the  epidemic in New-Orleans and
Natchez, but the  disease did  not abate at all—and  it was a
few days after this storm, that the yellow fever made its first
appearance in Opelousas.
  * From Tables of Dr. Tooley of Natchez, as quoted by Monette, p. 36, 
 
 
(  43   )
  In conclusion then, we may safely say, that though the
transmission of yellow fever is favoured by high temperature,
yet it does not essentially depend on such a condition to be-
come epidemic.   And when it once becomes epidemic in a
city, it is well known not to require a high degree of heat to
continue its ravages ;  and nothing less than a freezing  tem-
perature seems capable of entirely checking it.
  Filthiness of streets, sewers,  yards, and want of cleanliness
in houses, person and apparel,  though apparently inadequate
to generate yellow fever, unquestionably has the effect of ag-
gravating the disease, and promoting  its  extension, in the
same way as it does that of typhus or any  other disease.
   ON THE  INFLUENCE  OF  COMMERCE  IN
        INTRODUCING YELLOW FEVER.

   The influence of commerce, in introducing yellow fever,
into cities, cannot fail to be remarked by examining the facts
which have been presented; and it will be observed that as
far as is known, there  has never been  an  epidemic  of this
disease, in any  city not having  communications with the
ports  of the West Indies,  or with some place in which the
disease is epidemic.
   But in order to render this  fact more  apparent, and to
dissipate any doubts that may remain of the means of its in-
troduction, we will give a  brief sketch  of the history of its
occurrence, in some of the principal commercial towns of
the United  States, in which it has been of almost habitual
occurrence,  New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, New Or-
leans, &c.  And at the same time that we show the relations
between the state of commerce  and the introduction of the
disease, we will  show what have  been  the effects of restric-
tions and suspensions of commerce in preventing its appear-
ance in our cities.
   In glancing over the  imperfect chronological sketch which
we have given, it will be perceived that the different seaports
which have been subject to the visitations of yellow fever,
have not been equally so at different epochs of their history;
that during  long periods  they  have  been almost annually
subject to the disease, and then  again during long spaces of 
                       (  44  )
time, they have entirely escaped.   As it is impossible to at-
tribute this to any local circumstance, we will seek for other
causes, that may be deemed efficient to account for  these
variations in the frequency of its occurrence.
   In examining into the  commercial relations of our cities,
it will  be necessary to  bear in mind  that they were founded
by  different nations, with  different  customs  and different
commercial connexions, and that the commerce of each was
not necessarily affected by the treaties, which protected  or
discouraged, or the wars that prostrated the commercial in-
tercourse of the others.  Thus Philadelphia, New York and
Charleston, were either  settled by or fell into the hands of
the English at an  early period; while  St. Augustine,  Pen-
sacola and New Orleans belonged  to the French and Span-
ish until a comparatively recent time.  We will therefore ex-
amine them under two heads.
   The difficulties which were encountered in the settlement
of the  British American Colonies were only  partially sur-
mounted, when they began to engage actively  in commerce,
which was soon carried on in vessels of their  own building.
As early as 1660 their commerce  had  become so important
as to excite the jealousy of the mother  country; every year
many  of their vessels were seen in the  most  distant oceans,
and in the Mediterranean even, they began to compete suc-
cessfully in some  branches of trade, with European nations
and with  England herself.  The jealousy of the English
gave   birth to  the famous navigation act, which originated
1660,  embodying the most  odious system of  commercial
monopoly, that ever disgraced a civilized nation.   The ob-
ject of the act was to  secure the monopoly of the important
trade of the colonies to the mother country.   Notwithstand-
ing the restrictions  and duties imposed by this act, a trade
sprung up between the  continental colonies and the British
West Indies.   The northern  colonies  sent lumber, staves,
fish,  flour, corn  &c,  while  from  Charleston  were shipped
lumber, staves, and after 1724 rice.  In return  they receiv-
ed sugar, molasses and  rum.  Scarcely was this trade  es-
tablished by annual visits of vessels from Charleston,  when
the yellow fever began to make its visits also, and these visits
increased in frequency, with the increase of intercourse with
these  islands.   Previous  to 1724, there were  in Charleston
two epidemics, which  are supposed to have been yellow fe-
ver ;  but at that time the trade increased so rapidly, that in
 1740, the annual  amount of rice exported was  91,100 bar- 
 
 
                       (  45  )
rels, and in consequence of jhis increase of intercourse, we
have  the yellow fever  introduced frequently,  and finally,
almost annually.
  Philadelphia carried on  its trade in flour, bread stuffs &c,
likewise  with the British West Indies, and the yellow fever
began to appear in 1732, and the  epidemics became almost
as frequent as in Charleston.
  New  York  came  into the possession  of the  English  in
1674, and began its trade with the British West Indies at a
later  period than the former cities, and  was for some time
much less subject to the epidemic of yellow fever.
  Now each of these cities existed a great number of years
without ever having a case of yellow fever to occur; and it
was only after this commerce with the West Indies, that they
became subject to the disease.
  The principal of commercial monopoly, commencing  in
1660, runs through 29  acts of Parliament ending in 1764;
but the monopoly had become gradually more oppressive un-
til  about 1750, when  it had almost destroyed the trade
between the  colonies and the West Indies.   The  conse-
quence was that the introduction of yellow fever into those
cities was entirely prevented, and it did not occur in Charles-
ton  after 1755, and  in New  York  and  Philadelphia after
1762, so long  as the commercial monopoly was in force,
which was only interrupted by the  war  of the  revolution,
which of course likewise entirely prevented this  trade.  No
sooner however, were the treaties of peace ratified after the
revolutionary war, than  our commerce again sprang up with
redoubled life and vigor, and in 1791 we have  the  yellow
fever occurring again in New York ; in 1793 in  New York,
Philadelphia  and Charleston,  and all  of these  three cities
were  again subject  to almost annual  epidemics  of the
disease.
  Thus  in this  period of commercial  prostration, we have
30 years or upwards elapsing,  without a  single  case of the
disease appearing in these cities, which had been continually
liable to its  attacks  during  the  time in which trade had
flourished.
  After  the revolution,  the  trade of these cities continued
prosperous and without interruption until December 22d,
1807, when the embargo  was laid  on all vessels bound  to
foreign ports, and continued in  force until March 1st, 1809,
at which time, so much  of the act as concerned  vessels not
belonging to, or trading with England, France and their de- 
                        (   46   )

pendencies, was repealed.   This non-intercourse with Eng-
land, France &c, continued  in  force until May 2d, 1811,
after which it had effect only against Great  Britain, until
April 4th, 1812,  when  an embargo  was  again  declared
against all vessels trading to any foreign ports, for 90 days,
at the  expiration of which time,  war  was declared  against
Great Britain, which lasted until 1815.   Here we have a pe-
riod of eight  years,  during which the trade  of these three
cities with the West Indies  was entirely prostrated, or at
least it was only during three years  from 1809 to 1812,  that
the trade was permitted even with the Spanish West Indies,
and their trade with these had always been very limited.   In
fact as far as these three cities were concerned, the Embargo
and non-intercourse Act had the effect of closing their ports
against the trade with  the West Indies.
  As soon, however as peace was declared, and commerce
was re-established, we  have  the disease again appearing in
our  sea-port towns;  and in  1817   was introduced  into
Charleston, Baltimore, and Philadelphia.   After this period
New-York and  Philadelphia were regularly subject  to  epi-
demics of yellow  fever, until  they respectively established
rigid quarantine regulations, which was effected in 1822, by
amending that in force there before  that period, since which
time the disease has been totally unknown in those cities.
It has, however, been almost annually brought  in many West
India vessels  to the  quarantine  ground;  it has sometimes
spread in the quarantine establishment, and it is only by great
strictness, that  it has been prevented from reaching these
cities.
  The cities on the  southern coast, St. Augustine,  Pensa-
cola, and  New-Orleans,  carried on but little trade previous
to their cession to the United  States, which, for the latter,
was  in  1803, and,  for  the former, in 1821.   The conse-
quence was, that they were rarely visited by yellow fever.  In
New-Orleans,  it appeared first in 1796, and but once more
before it came into the possession of the Americans.
  In Pensacola, it appeared in 1765, after its transfer to
Great Britain, when it was introduced by the  arrival of En-
glish troops from the West Indies;  after this time, it did not
occur until 1822, the year after its  transfer to the  United
States.  St. Augustine never suffered from yellow fever pre-
vious to 1821, when it was introduced from Havana by our
transports, which had carried the Spanish troops and inhabit-
ants who removed  at the change of government. 
 
 
                       (  47  )
  The commercial intercourse between New-Orleans and the
West Indies, being principally confined to the Spanish islands,
was only interfered with by the embargo laws from 1807  to
the spring of 1809, and by the war from 1812 to 1815, leav-
ing three  years  of  uninterrupted  trade with the  Spanish
islands, during a  period in  which trade with the British and
French West Indies was  entirely prevented.  The conse-
quence that the yellow fever was epidemic in two  of those
years in that city; while it did not appear in any of the years
during which the  embargo was in force, or  during the war.
But  no sooner was peace declared, than New-Orleans be-
came the mart of a most prosperous and  active  commerce.
With the revival of this commercial prosperity, the epidemics
of yellow fever again commenced their devastating invasions,
since  which time  the city has been continually liable to  its
attacks during the summer season.  In 1821, a mockery, in
the shape of a quarantine was  established,  which in conse-
quence of its total inefficiency, had no effect in preventing the
introduction of the disease.   It had, moreover, a most per-
nicious effect, in  prejudicing many well intentioned persons
against the establishment of such an institution, by leading
them  to regard it as a useless  restriction upon trade.   The
fact is well known, that the inadequacy of that institution was
solely attributable to the imperfection of the law, and not to
the fallacy  of the principle upon which quarantine is based.
We should also bear in mind, that perfection is not immedi-r
ately  attainable in anything ; and if our legislators, instead of
repealing this law, had ascertained by experience its defects,
and remedied them by amendments and additions, we should
long  ere this  have been relieved of the  epidemics, which
since that time have destroyed  so  many valuable lives and
brought such desolation into our city.
            GENERAL CONCLUSIONS.

  1. Yellow fever is a disease not native to the continent of
America; but of foreign origin;  introduced first from Siam,
and afterwards  aggravated in its type by the importation of
the Bulam fever.   [See Historical notice.]
  2. No well authenticated case of the specific disease called
yellow fever has yet been known to occur on the American
continent, under circumstances which  precluded the possi- 
                        (   48  )
bility of infection, or ever  rendered it probable that it origi-
nated independent of transmission either by going into infect-
ed localities, opening boxes or parcels from infected places,
visiting boats or  vessels from infected towns, or  opening
rooms closed during the prevalence of an epidemic*
   3.  Since the introduction of the yellow fever into America,
it has always existed on some part of its coast.   It prevails
almost perpetually near  the equator, where the temperature
of winter is rarely low enough to destroy the infection;  and
it is carried by commerce to the  countries lying north during
the portion of the year between February and November,
and to the regions to the  southward from August  to May.
Thus in Surinam and  Demarara it is indifferent as to  sea-
sons; in Campeachy, Vera Cruz and Havana it begins from
February to May; in the United States from June to Octo-
ber ;  while at Pernambuco  and  Rio  Janeiro it  prevails
generally from November  to  May.   In this way it  prevails
perpetually, changing its place as the seasons vary, visiting
the cities as soon as they are filled  with fresh subjects, and
when commerce  offers facilities for its introduction.
   4.  Yellow fever is a disease sui generis and peculiar, and
not a grade or type  of bilious fever;  as is shown by the fact
that, as in the plague, measles, small pox, and other specific
and infectious diseases, one attack  diminishes the liability to
and almost exempts from a second attack; while it in noway
diminishes the liability to  bilious fevers at all.   Neither do
attacks of bilious fevers, of the severest grades, in any man-
ner diminish the  liability to take  the yellow fever.
   5.  The yellow fever is not produced by a crowded popu-
lation, neither by heat, moisture,  marsh air, miasm, filth, nor
by any combination or  concurrence  of these;  otherwise it
should always occur when these concur, and should not oc-
cur when the particular combination  is absent:  neither of
which we find to be true.
   6.  The transmission of yellow fever  depends exclusively
on intercourse and commercial relations; any city being lia-
ble to infection in  the precise ratio of its proximity to, and of
its unrestricted communication with  ports or places where
the disease is epidemic.   It is  from this circumstance that
quarantine derives its pre-eminent efficacy in the exclusion of
this disease from  cities.   Dr. Townsend remarks that  "al-
though the imperfection of medical  science places the cure of
  * In large cities, the complicated relations of daily life render it difficult
to trace up the infection to its source; and it is only in small towns that
we can always arrive with certainty at the desired information. 
 
 
                         (   49  )
 the disease too often beyond our control, and that our means
 of counteracting its progress are limited, a wise Providence
 has indemnified us for these losses, by putting into our hands
 an effectual method of totally  preventing its  occurrence, by
 shutting out its introduction from abroad.  It is left for us to
 carry into execution what our own judgment must now teach
 us is the only resort that is left."
   "I firmly believe that the source of the disease can only
 be cut off  by a rigorous code of quarantine restrictions."
 [Townsend, p. 228.]
   7.  "Yellow fever requires forks transmission, a moderate
 summer temperature,  a  certain accumulation of people, as
 the crew of a vessel or the population of a town, city, &c."
   8.  Under certain circumstances of population and tempe-
 rature, the introduction of persons with yellow fever, or of
 the air from places where the disease is epidemic, will fre-
 quently give rise to new cases, and finally to  an epidemic of
 the disease.   The infection may be conveyed.
     lstly.  In boats or vessels which remain at the wharves,
   &c, in the infected city, receiving and discharging freight,
   and then closing their hatches upon the contained air, may
   become the sealed vehicles of the transmission.
     2dly.  Boxes  or bales,  containing goods, particularly
   woollens, if packed and closed in an infected atmosphere,
   may convey the infection.
     3dly.  The clothes, bedding, &c, which have been used
   by persons with yellow fever, have been known to commu-
   nicate the disease.
   9. Certain ports are almost annually subject to epidemics
of yellow fever.   These,  during the summer, we should al-
ways regard as infected,  and during that period we should
strictly enforce quarantine against all vessels sailing from or
touching at  them.   Now such rigour towards towns  of the
United States, would be  unnecessary;  for  should cases of
yellow fever occur in any of our towns, we would hear of it
by mail,  before it  could  become epidemic in the place, and
often in less time than it would require for a vessel to arrive
here from there.   But with  the West Indies, the case is dif-
ferent, for we learn that at the quarantine in New-York, the
first intimation they have  of the disease prevailing in those
places, is from cases of, or death by it occurring on  vessels
arriving from them.   So that if we only enforce quarantine
against those places where the  disease  is known to prevail,
we may have " cargoes of infection" introduced into  our ci-
Gl 
                        (   50  )
ties before the health officer even suspects any place of being
the seat of an epidemic.
   10.  The healthy state of a vessel's crew, is no proof that
she may not be infected; for the crew may all be acclimated,
while the infection may be sealed up in her hold, or contained
in the cargo, &c., and may only exhibit itself after the arrival
at a healthy port, and among the unacclimated  persons who
may visit or receive freight from her.  [See Bayley's letter,
Townsend, p. 92.]
   11.  Cleaning and ventilation do not always destroy the in-
fection in a vessel.   Therefore, quarantine, with these pre-
cautionary measures, is not a sufficient guarantee for the pub-
lic health.  [See case of the brig Enterprise ;  also, case of
ship Diana, which introduced  the disease into Brooklyn in
1823.]
   12.  The only measure by which the public safety can be
guarded, is to prevent all vessels coming from sickly ports or
places, from  coming above the quarantine ground, whether
their crews be sickly or not.   Provision should be  made,
enabling them  to  discharge and  receive  freights safely and
expeditiously,  and arrangements should  be maintained by
which the freight so discharged should be delivered  to  the
consignees, as soon as the time expires which may be deemed
necessary for its perfect ventilation aud disinfection.
   13.  The principle difficulties against which  it will be ne-
cessary to guard in establishing quarantine for New-Orleans,
is presented by the tow boats engaged in towing vessels from
the mouth of  the  river.  These boats,  by communicating
with infected vessels, or towing them up abreast, or even at
hawser's length, become liable to infection,  and in turn  be-
come the  medium of infecting the city.   The fact  is estab-
lished beyond  a doubt,  that in two of the years during the
time the quarantine was in force here, the introduction of the
disease was mainly attributable to these boats;   and experi-
ence  should  lead us to provide against similar disasters in
future.
   14.  It would certainly be safest to prohibit tow boats from
towing up vessels from infected places at all;   as in the va-
rious turnings of their course and shiftings of wind, it is pos-
sible that infection would be communicated even at hawser's
length.   At  any rate, whatever the law provides, should be
most scrupulously and strictly enforced, and towboats should
be placed under the heaviest bonds to insure their observance
of all the particulars of the law. 
 
 
                        (  51   )
   15. An accurate account should be kept by the quarantine
establishment of the state of health on board of each of these
boats, which should be subject to the same kind of examina-
tion as vessels coming in from sea ; they should be required
to report the occurrence of any case of fever,  or any infec-
tious  or contagious disease occurring on board ; and, during
the period from the 1st of May to the 1st of December, their
sick should immediately be sent to the quarantine infirmary.
   16. In  case of their crews becoming infected with any of
the contagious or infectious disorders contemplated by quar-
antine arrangements, they should be subjected to the same
restriction and rules as other infected vessels.
   17. They should be particularly prohibited from taking as
passenger any person from vessels detained in quarantine, or
from receiving any freight, box, parcel, or package, from on
board such vessel.
   18. A landing or wharf should be provided for tow boats,
at a point not in front of the thickly inhabited portions of the
city.
     OUTLINE OF  QUARANTINE FOR NEW
                      ORLEANS.

   The quarantine ground should be  at least as low as the
English Turn, and on  the opposite side of the river.
   There should be a comfortable lazaretto on shore, for the
reception of the sick, from vessels detained in quarantine.
   There should be  strict regulations, and these should be
rigidly enforced,  preventing the escape of persons from the
quarantine  establishment,  or  communicating  with  others
from without.
   The quarantine should be kept up throughout the year.
And it should be the duty of the health officer, to board and
examine  every  vessel  or  boat coming from  sea,  up  the
Mississippi, to any place above quarantine ground; and he
should be authorised to administer oaths to  the officers or
crew of any such vessel or boat.
   It should be the duty of every master of vessel to submit
to such examination  as the health officer may deem expedi-
ent, and to give the  assistance ot his crew in unlading, clean-
ing, &c,  when required by such officer.  In refusing so to 
                       (   52  )
do, he should suffer heavy penalties;  and for false swear-
ing, pay the forfeit of perjury.  For infringing any quarantine
regulation, he should forfeit, &c.
   Quarantine being intended only to exclude infectious dis-
orders, should only operate on vessels from ports where such
diseases are of habitual occurrence, and  on such only from
healthy ports, as are known to have such disorders on board.
   During a portion of the year, inference would lead us to
regard as infected with yellow fever, all vessels coming from
any port in the West Indies, including the Bahama islands,
the Antilles,  the Carribbean islands, and  all other islands of
the Gulf of Mexico or  the Atlantic, lying near the continent
of America, south of the  24th degree  of north latitude, and
from every port of the  Gulf of Mexico  or Atlantic, belonging
to the shore of the continent, south of the mouth of the Rio
del Norte.   The same rule should apply to any vessel which
may have touched or stopped at any of these ports.
   As the  yellow  fever  has never been known to be introduced
from any of the above  places, earlier than the first of May, or
later than the first of November,  it would probably be suffi-
cient to enforce during this period, the absolute restrictions,
which would be indispensably requisite to the exclusion of
the disease.
   Therefore, from  the 1st of May to  the 1st of November,
no vessel  or  boat sailing from ort ouching at any port above
designated, should  be  allowed to ascend the river above the
quarantine ground; but  should  anchor  and  discharge its
freight,  &c,  by lighters into a warehouse provided for the
purpose, from whence they should be  again shipped  to the
consigness, after free ventilation for three days,  or as much
longer thereafter  as the health officer may deem it safe for the
public health.  In the  same manner the  said vessels should
receive  their return freights, which ought to be sent from the
city to the warehouse,  from thence on board by lighters.
   All persons arriving in  such vessels, during the above pe-
riod,  should be subject to detention in the quarantine estab-
lishment, during 7 days from the time of leaving the vessel.
   Whenever there are reports, or suspicions, that cases of yel-
low fever have occurred in any place in the United States, Tex-
as, or elsewhere, the vessels coming from such place or places,
should be  subjected to  the same restrictions as those comino-
from ports habitually subject to the disease.
   The defects of the quarantine code of 1821 were very nu-
merous, and it may be  well to remark upon some of them. 
 
 
                        (   53  )
  1st.  It regarded personal infection as the principal, if not
the  only mode of communication, and overlooked the danger
to be apprehended from opening the holds of vessels, boxes,
&c, which had been closed in an infected city.
  2d.  It regarded ventilation and cleaning as a sure means
of disinfection; disregarding the fact, that as far as we know,
low temperature is the  only agency that  can be relied on
safely to destroy the infection of this disease.
  3d.  It regarded the absence of disease on board a vessel,
as in some measure proving that the vessel was not infected,
whereas the infection  may be sealed in the hold, and the crew
all  acclimated or proof against infection, the disease only ex-
hibiting itself after the hatches are opened, and unacclimated
persons of the city breathe the atmosphere which  escapes.
   4th. It overlooked the danger  to be apprehended from
communication  between the tow boats and the city;  while
these boats towing (even at cable's length) infected vessels
and holding communication with them in other ways, almost
necessarily became infected, and in turn communicated the
infection to the city.
THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF
        QUARANTINE  TO THE  CITY  OF
                  NEW-ORLEANS.

  Quarantine is intended to facilitate the operations of com-
merce ;  and its restrictions, operating to tha temporary in-
convenience of but a small number, have the effect of per-
manently benefitting the whole.
  The interruptions of commerce,  resulting  from the estab-
lishment of a quarantine in New-Orleans, would be confined
to a few vessels,  and these generally of the smaller  class,
engaged in trade with the West Indies.  Even these would
be interrupted only, in their summer voyages to some tropi-
cal ports;  not  being allowed  to approach  the city  nearer
than the quarantine ground, and causing them to discharge their
freight there, for which every facility should  be offered.   It
is very  doubtful, whether on the part of the  vessel, such an
arrangement  would cause a moment's delay; and therefore
the  delay  would only  be  on the part of the consignees, 
                         (  54   )
 whose  freight would  be detained from three to seven days,
 if it were  deemed necessary to  ventilate  it, before  its en-
 trance into the city.
   Quarantine for New-Orleans, by rendering the city healthy
 would  obviate the necessity which  now exists  of enforcing
 quarantine against our vessels  during the summer, in New-
 York, Philadelphia and other ports where there are sanatory
 regulations.   And these delays are more injurious perhaps
 to the commerce of this  city than would be the  entire  de-
 struction of our West India trade.
   By rendering our city healthy, it would  become the per-
 manent abode instead  of the mere winter quarters of its citi-
 zens, and millions of dollars now expended in travel  abroad
 would be saved to the city; changes would be gradually ef-
 fected and very  soon  we should have  introduced all  the
 modes of  recreation adapted to the summer season, and our
 city would become a place of resort in summer instead 01
 the habitation of pestilence.
   Now who  is so blinded to every sense of justice and human-
 ity, as to compare the trivial inconvenience resulting from the
 delay of a  few persons, or a small quantity of freight, for only
 a few days, to the desolating catastrophe, the great public ca-
 lamity, of  an epidemic of yellow fever.   Who  is there that
 will confess himself the advocate  of a system, that values at
 so insignificant a  price the lives of our citizens ?
   The unimportant inconveniences'  to  which a very small
 portion of our trade would be subjected, during a few months
 of the year,  would be much more than counterbalanced by
 the immense advantages which our commerce with the im-
 portant mercantile portions of the world would derive during
 the same period,  from  the arrangement.   And it can scarcely
 be doubted by the reflecting mind,  that the prosperity and
 pecuniary interest of all would be advanced by the exemption
 of our city from the great public distress, the irreparable dis-
 asters and horrors of pestilence.
   But  this  protection  would not  be confined  to  New-
 Orleans, or its citizens ;  every town on the banks of the Mis-
sissippi, every village of our state, and every person trading
 with,  or visiting these towns, would feel its happy influence,
 in certain security from the invasions of this foreign plague.
 As it  is, all the towns and landings in the state are subject to
 infection on account of their necessary communications with
 this emporium; and it is a painful fact that our best citizens
are annually falling victims to the  yellow fever, contracted in 
 
 
                       (  55  )
the towns in their neighbourhood, which they visit most fre-
quently with a view of seeing or nursing their friends or rela-
tives attacked by this disease.
  Natchez has wisely adopted a policy, in harmony with the
present state of medical knowledge, and has completely pro-
tected her citizens against the infection, which has by means
of commerce been carried from New-Orleans to Vicksburg
and Rodney; and  she certainly has  cause to  congratulate
herself on having escaped a pestilence, that has carried deso-
lation to these towns.
  If we have been correctly informed,  the corporate towns
of our state, possess no power whatever of self protection,
their charters not permitting them the privilege of restricting
the commercial intercourse between themselves and  other
cities.
   The expense of the quarantine establishment would be but
trifling compared with the vast advantages we might reason-
ably expect to derive from it.  The amount paid  in  New-
Orleans alone, in yellow fever cases, for physicians' bills, medi-
cines,  and funeral expenses,  during  an epidemic season,
would ten times  over support the most expensive quarantine
establishment in  the world.
            FACTS AND  DOCUMENTS

In relation to  the Introduction of Yellow Fever into New-
                Orleans in the year 1S24.

  " The schooner Emigrant arrived atthe quarantine ground,
from Havana,  about the 20th of July;  one of the passen-
gers was dying with yellow fever when the health officer board-
ed,  and another had been dangerously sick.   The  health
officer reported the circumstances to the board of health."
(Louisiana Advertiser,  August 18th, 1824.)   This  vessel
was towed abreast of the towboat Balize, from the  mouth of
the river to within a short distance of the quarantine ground,
and communication was held with her by the people belong-
ing to the towboat.   (See Docs.l & 2.)
   The first cases of yellow fever that occurred this year in
the city  of New-Orleans, were in the hands of the towboat
Balize.  (See Doc. 3.) 
                       (  56   )
  Other  towboats  were  likewise in the  habit of towing
abreast, vessels from ports infected with yellew fever.  (See
Docs. 4 & 5.)  A  regulation was subsequently adopted  to
prevent this,  but it was not  put in force  until too late;  the
fever had already spread from the towboats to other boats
and vessels in the harbour.
                  Document No.  1.
        Extract from the affidavit of Samuel Kirker.
   " Before me, Lemuel Knight, Justice of the Peace, for
 the Parish of Orleans, personally appeared,"
   " Samuel Kirker, of  the State of  Ohio, who being duly
 sworn, deposeth and saith,"
   " That he was employed as  fireman an board the steam
 boat Balize.   That he went down in  her to the Balize, from
 whence they towed up a schooner to the quarantine ground,
 on or about Tuesday last, which had arrived from the  Ha-
 vana.  That  on board  the said schooner there were two
 persons sick,  of whom,  one  was on  the recovery; but  the
 other was  extremely sick of yellow fever, as he understood
 from the mate of said schooner.—That the deponent, as well
 as others  belonging to  the steamboat, went on board  the
 said schooner, where  they saw  the sick man  who looked
 extremely yellow, and who  appeared  to  the deponent to be
 nearly in a dying situation, blood and matter issuing from his
 mouth, ears and nostrils."
                   SAMUEL  KIRKER, his X mark.
       Witness—HENRY MARTIN.
   " Sworn to, and subscribed before me, at New-Orleans,
this 27th day of July, 1824."     LEMUEL KNIGHT,
            Justice of the Peace for  the Parish of Orleans.
                  Document No. 2.
      Extract from the affidavit of Adams, Thorn, fyc.
   " The undersigned, master and passengers  on board the
schooner Emigrant,  being sworn, say that the steamboat"
(Balize)  " made fast to us, a short distance below Plaque-
mines ; that she towed us abreast until six or seven miles of the
quarantine ground, when she dropped us astern, and towed
us in  that situation to the quarantine ground.   That there 
 
 
                       (  57   )
was no communication between the two vessels after we were
towed in that situation;  and that the situation we were towed
in, until dropped astern,  was not communicated to the Health
Officer."          BENJAMIN ADAMS, Master.
                  F. THORN,          ) Passen,ers
                  O. DE  SADOVANY, ] rassenSers-
                  DOLORES BARCELO,
                  A. DELAITE  TAST.
  G.  G. FORSYTH, Justice of the Peace for the quaran-
tine ground.
  Quarantine  Ground, 28$ July, 1824.
                  Document  No. 3.
            " To the Editor of the Advertiser'''
  " Having seen several publications made in your Gazette
with a view of showing that the yellow fever has this year
been introduced among us by the steamboats, that towed the
infected vessels up the river; and believing fully that the dis-
ease has been imported;  permit  me  to  offer the following
items of evidence in support of the position."
  " The following report of  the  prescribing Physician of
the  Charity Hospital was made to the resident Physician on
the  8th inst.,"—{August.)
  " John  White entered yesterday from the steamboat Ba-
lize, and died this morning.—Black matter in his mouth,
and he purged black before his death."
     Signed,              W.  ROGERS,
                                Prescribing Physician.
  "It is worthy of remark, that the above boat towed  up the
schooner Emigrant,  and the crews had communicated with
each other."
  " Two cases of yellow fever from the steam boat Post Boy
taken last night to Dr. Davidson's infimary.   One died this
morning."   August 10th.                   J. K.
  N.  B.—" Two more  cases from  the Balize (steamboat)
reported to the board, by the resident  physician as yellow
fever."  [Advertiser, New-Orleans,  August  11, 1824.]
  "Captain Adams,  of the schooner Emigrant,  died of yel-
low fever  at the quarantine hospital, 22d August."   [La.
Advertiser, August 24th, 1824.]
HI 
                      (  58  )
                  Document No. 4.
               Affidavit of Samuel Blare.
The State of Louisiana, 7 T   .   ,  „
     t»  • u  c r\ i     ? Justice s Court.
     Parish oi Orleans, )
  " Personally appeared before me, the undersigned, Justice
of the Peace,  Samuel Blare, of Pope County, State of Illi-
nois, but now of the  city of New-Orleans, who  being duly
sworn on oath, deposeth and saith"—
  That being  engaged as a fireman  on board the steamboat
Enterprise,  he went in her  from the  Levee, on  or about
Thursday, the 22d inst., when she towed a brig down to the
Balize.  That immediately after their arrival, the said steam-
boat was engaged to  tow  up the schooner Dorothy to the
quarantine ground, where she arrived,  and left the  schooner
on  Sunday evening, the 25th inst., and then returned up to
the city.  That from the time  of taking her in  tow,  the
schooner was lashed  close alongside the steamboat, (whose
wheel is in the stern)  and continued in that situation till they
arrived within view of the vessels riding quarantine, at which
time the schooner was dropped astern, and  was  towed by a
hawser to the  quarantine ground.  That during their passage
up  the river,  frequent intercourse passed between the two
vessels, and that deponent himself was several times on board
the schooner,  which  he understood had arrived  from Tam-
pico."                           SAMUEL BLARE.
  Sworn to and subscribed before me, at New-Orleans, this
31st day of July, 1824.       LEMUEL KNIGHT,
          Justice of the Peace  for the Parish  of Orleans.
                   Document No. 5.
   Personally appeared before me, the undersigned, Justice
of the Peace for the Parish of Orleans, William Freburger of
the city of New-Orleans, who being duly sworn on oath, de-
poseth and saith—
   " That being a fireman on board the steamboat Enterprise,
he went in her from the city to the Balize, to which  place
they towed the brig Margaret;  and immediately afterwards
the said steamboat took in tow the schooner Dorothy, from
Tampico, which they  towed abreast of the steamboat until
they arrived within about three quarters of a mile of the quar-
antine flag, at which time the schooner was dropt astern and
towed by the hawser.  That in the course of the passage, the 
 
 
                       (  59  )
deponent went aboard the said schooner several times, as did
others of the crew.  That having left said schooner to perform
her quarantine,  the steamboat returned to her station in this
city, on Saturday night, the 25th July."
                         WILLIAM FREBURGER.
  Sworn and subscribed before me, at New-Orleans, this 3d
day of August, 1824.         LEMUEL KNIGHT,
         Justice of the Peace for the Parish of Orleans.
 Extract of a Letter from Dr. T. A. Cooke, on the Opelousas
                    Epidemic of 1837.
                      Opelousas, La., Nov. 12, 1843.
   Dr. W. M. Carpenter,
            Dear Sir,—"In the fall of 1837, the yellow fe-
 ver, for the first time, appeared as an epidemic in the town
 of Opelousas.   The first resident who took the disease, and
 who died with all the symptoms of yellow fever was a tailor
 by trade named  Emile Bessant.  He was taken sick about
 the 20th October, and died on the 28th.   A short time before
 his attack, but how long cannot now be well ascertained, he
 had given his personal attentions, in Gabriell's Hotel, near
 his residence, to a stranger who had come directly from New
 Orleans, and who, speedily after his arrival in Opelousas, was
 violently attacked with fever, which terminated fatally in  a
 few days with the black vomit.  The next case was that of
 Victor Miramond, resident for  many  years, who attended
 E. B. in his dying moments, and followed the corpse to the
 grave.   In about 24 hours  after the funeral, he was violently
 attacked, and in four days he was dead.   He threw up an
immense quantity of black matter.   From and after the 1st
of November, the disease gradually extended for some 3 or
 4 weeks, after which period it gradually subsided, but did
not disappear until after several severe  frosts."
 y                              T. A.  COOKE, M.D.
Dr.  Taylor's  Letter on the Opelousas Epidemic  gf 1839.
                        Opelousas, Nov. 19th, 1843.
  Dear Doctor,—I hasten  to comply with my long delayed
promise of furnishing you  with some facts in relation to the
Fever which prevailed here in 1839. 
                       (   60  )
  On the 16th  of August, 1839, I was requested to see a
man  by the name of Fisk, who had  been brought into the
village that evening, from the steamboat landing.   On the
following day, impressed with the belief that the disease did
not possess the  ordinary characteristics of the fevers of the
country, I requested Drs. Cooke and Jewell to visit the patient
with me, who after a careful examination concurred with me
in pronouncing it a  case of yellow fever.
   The treatment pursued  was unsuccessful,  and   he died
with black vomit on the fifth day from the time I first visited
him.
   Upon enquiry, I learned that he was unacclimated, that he
had  been to New-Orleans, where he had remained some four
or five days,  and that he was taken sick  on the boat  on his
way to this place.   Between the 21st of August and the 14th
of September, although several cases of fever occurred in my
practice in the village, I do not now remember whether they
possessed or not the characteristic features of the disease of
which Fisk died ;  owing, perhaps, to the fact that my atten-
tion was not  strongly directed to the probability of the exist-
ence of such a  disease  amongst us, until it had begun to as-
 sume somewhat the characteristic of  an epidemic.   If the
 fevers treated by me intermediately, between the 21st of Au-
 gust and the 14th of September,  had a  common origin with
 the  wide spread and fatal epidemic, which immediately suc-
 ceeded, they were mild and manageable, and not of a cha-
 racter to be  remembered at this distance of time.
   I find that the following cases occurred in  the  order in
 which they are set down.
   September 14th, P. Roy;  16th, Madame  Alfred ;  17th,
 S. C. Craft, F. David, N. Wenslier; 18th, Mr. Pressy, C.
 L.  Swayze,  and a negro of Andrews;  19th, B. R. Gannt,
 Young Walker; 20th, J. Bell, Mrs. Andrews, Mr. Ward,
 Mr. Bowen,  E. W. Taylor, and negro ;  21st, O. A. Guidry,
 Reid, Bossier, and a negro of Gannt's,  &c.
   I give the cases  of the first five days to show the progress
 the  disease made after it had fairly assumed an epidemic form.
 There was one fact in  connection with  the  disease, which
 was remarked by all the attending physicians at the time, and
 that was—that when one member of a family was attacked,
 it generally went through the whole family.  E. W. Taylor
 had a family at the time, of some 10 or 12, of whom but one
 I believe, escaped.  There  was a singular sort of fatality at-
 tending those who nursed the sick in the village.  Mr. Gannt, 
 
 
                        (   61  )
I remember,  had three nurses in  as  many days, who were
taken sick one after the other, and all proved to be extremely
ill.   These are instances out of many such that subsequently
occurred.  There is another fact which has occurred to me
since I spoke with you on the subject.  The  first case, that
of Fisk, was  carried to the Eagle Hotel.   I do not recollect
a single individual connected with  that house, either of the
boarders or servants, who escaped the epidemic.
  I have thrown this together very hurriedly, but if it contains
anything that tends to throw light on the subject you are in-
vestigating, I am  sure you will excuse the hurried and im-
perfect manner in which the information you ask is conveyed.
                   With great respect, yours,
  To W. M. Carpenter, M. D.       J.  A.  TAYLOR.
  Note to Letter of Dr. Taylor on Epidemic  o/*1839.—Dr.
G. Hill informed me by note that he had visited " a Mr. Harts-
horn, on the  2d of September, who died with black vomit on
the 7th.  Hartshorn had nursed Fisk until his  death, attended
to his funeral arrangements, put him in his coffin  and  went
to his funeral."   The case of Hartshorn is evidently one of
the links of connection between the first case and those occur-
ring about  the 14th of Sept.                W.  M. C.
          FACTS AND CIRCUMSTANCES
Relating to the alleged occurrence of Yellow Fever in America
  previous to the year 1690, the period at which history fixes
  its  introduction, as stated in the historical notice, p.  9,
  et seq.
  1st. It has been asserted  by many,  that the yellow fever
prevailed among the Indians of New-England, Virginia, and
other parts of North America, from 1617 to 1623.  We have
in relation to this pestilence, facts which establish beyond a
doubt that it  was not yellow fever,  but a disorder similar in
many respects to the matlazahuatl, the epidemic  disease de-
scribed by the Mexicans, &c. The following are some of them :
  "On the 19th of May, 1619, Capt.  Dermer in an English
vessel,  sailed from  Monhiggan, an indian town  (perhaps in
New-York) along the coast, on his way to Virginia, and landed
at several places where  he had been the year before;  and  he
found many indian towns totally depopulated;  in others a few
natives  remained alive, but not free from sickness.   "Their
disease, the plague, for we might perceive the sores of some that
had escaped ; who described the spots of such as usually die."— 
                         (   62   )
 [Purchas, vol.4,1778. Webster on Pestilence, vol.1, p.176.]
   " Richard Vines and his companion,  who  had been sent
 by  Ferdinando Gorges,  to  explore the country, wintered
 among the indians during the pestilence,  and remained  un-
 touched, the disease attacking none of the English." [Belknap's
 Life of Gorges; Am. Biog. vol. 1. p. 355. Webster, op. cit.
 vol. 1, p. 176.]
   " Some of the settlers of Plymouth went to Massachusetts,
 (now Boston)  in 1622, to purchase corn of the  natives, and
 " found among the indians a great sickness,  not unlike the
 plague, if not the same."   It  raged in winter,  and affected
 the Indians only."   [Purchas, v. 4, p. 1858. Prince's Chron.
 124. Webster, op. cit. vol. 1. p. 177.
   Again, in 1763, we have accounts of  a similar epidemic
 among the indians.
   " In August," of this year, " the indians of Nantucket were
 attacked by the bilious plague, and  between that time  and
 February following, their number was reduced from 358 to
 136.  Of  258 who were affected,  only 36 recovered.  It
 appeared infectious among the Indians  only, for no  whites
 were attacked,  although they associated  freely with the dis-
 eased.  Persons of mixed blood were attacked, but recovered;
 not one died except of full Indian blood."   [Philosophical
 Transactions of 1764; Historical Collections, vol. 3, p. 158;
 and MS of Moses Brown, quoted by Webster on Pestilence,
 vol. 1, p. 252-3.]
   "In December of the the same  year; the indians of Mar-
 tha's Vineyard, distant eight  leagues from Nantucket, were
 invaded by a like fever;  not a family escaped.   In this in-
 stance, the  disease discriminated  nicely  between the whites
 and the Indians."   [Phil. Trans.;  Hist. Coll.;  Webster,
 op. cit. 253.]
   2d.  It has been stated by several writers,  that the yellow
 fever prevailed in Barbadoes in 1647.   There are however,
 many facts that establish the point that the pestilence which
 prevailed there this year was of a catarrhal nature.   The fol-
 lowing are some of them—
   " A. D.  1647.    This year there appeared an epidemic ca-
 tarrh in America, and the first of which we have any account.
 It is not named either influenza or catarrh, but is clearly the
 same disease."   [Webster on Pestilence, vol.  1, p. 188.]
   " In 1647, an epidemic sickness, passed through the whole
 country, affecting  the colonists  and  the natives, English,
 French and Dutch.  It began with a cold, and in many ac-
companied with a light fever.   Such as bled or used cooling 
 
 
                        (  63   )
drinks died ; such as  used cordials or more strengthening
things, recoverod  for the most part.  It extended through the
plantations in America and the West Indies.  There died at
Barbadoes and St. Kitt's 5  or 6000 each.   [Hubbard's MS.
p. 276, quoted by Webster, op. cit. vol. 1, p. 188.]
   In further support of the opinion that yellow fever did not
prevail  in Barbadoes  previous to 1690, we may make the
following quotations:
   " Warren, though he lived at Barbadoes, in 1739, sup-
poses it never appeared in that  island until about the year
1721, and it was then brought from Martinique, in the Lynn,
man of war.   He says the second appearance of it there was
in 1739,  and that it came  also from Martinique."  [Mosely
on Diseases of Tropical Climates, p. 375.]
   " Hughes, who was not himself a medical man," goes far-
ther back for its first introduction into  Barbadoes, and says,
" that Doctor Gamble remembered that it was very fatal in
the year 1691,* and that  it was  called the new distemper,
and  afterward's Kendall's  fever,  and the pestilential fever.
[Mosely, op. cit. p.  378,]
   In support of the opinion that yellow fever is uot a na-
tive  of America, and that it did  not prevail there for a long
time after its settlement by the whites, we  may add the fol-
lowing quotations.
   Ulloa says, " the  vomito prieto was unknown at Carthage-
na, and all along the coast until the years 1729 and 1730."
(Ulloa, Viage a la America, Book 1, ch. 5, quoted by Mosely
op. cit.)
   "Notwithstanding that the degree of causust which we call
the yellow fever appears, from the nature of the disease, to
be indigenous to the torrid zone, there was no notice taken of
it in the  West Indies until  nearly  two  centuries had elapsed
from their discovery."  (Mosely op. cit. p. 373.)
   In consequence of yellow fever  being principally confined
to commercial ports,  and  introduced  generally by vessels
&c, it has been called by the French,  "Fievre deMatelot."
   In Mexico and  the West Indies it is confined to seaports
and  commercial places and is only carried  accidentally and
rarely to the interior, and "there are many medical gentlemen,
natives of the West Indies, who have hardly  ever seen it, their
practice  lying at  a distance from any seaport town where
strangers usually arrive." (Blane, diseases of seamen, p. 427.)
  * It will be remembered that this was the year after its first introduction
into Martinique.
  t Ardent Fever. 
                       (  64   )
  APPENDIX  TO CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH.
   1693.—Boston.—"In 1693 the seamen and soldiers, un-
der Sir Francis Wheeler, who was sent to conquer Martinico,
were seized with the plague of America, and three fourths
of them perished.  Hutchinson, (vol. 2, p. 72,) relates  that
this fleet came to Boston and introduced the disease into  that
town, where it occasioned a deplorable mortality.  Douglas
relates the same fact."    (Webster,  op. cit. vol. 1, p. 207.)
   1702.—" In New  York  raged   the American  plague,
which was  said to have been imported from St. Thomas."
"On account of it the Assembly was held at Jamaica, Long
Island."  (Webster, op. cit. vol. l,p.217.)
   1794.—New  Haven, Conn.—The  facts  respecting  the
introduction of yellow fever into this town are the following.
" In the beginning of  June, Capt.  Truman arrived from
Martinico in  a sloop, which was  hauled up by the store of
Mr. Elijah  Austin, a few rods from  the house of Mr. Gor-
ham.   This sloop was supposed to be infected with the pes-
tilential  fever of the  West  Indies.   From  this sloop was
landed a chest of clothes which had belonged to a seaman,
who died of the fever  in Martinico;  which chest was  open-
ed and the  contents inventoried by Mr. Austin, in his store
in the presence of Capt. Truman, Henry  Hubbard, and of
Polly Gorham.  Mr. Austin and Mr. Hubbard were seized
with the fever in a few days and  died on the  20th of  June.
Polly Gorham was seized on the 12th and died on the 17th
of June."  (Webster, op. cit. vol. 1, p. 303.)  From these
many others took the disease.
   1795.—New York.—The first case that occurred was  Dr.
Treat, health  officer, who died  on  the 29th of July.   He
had visited  a man sick with yellow fever on the brig Zephyr,
from the West Indies,  and assisted in burying him when he
died."
   " Three  or four seamen, from the  ship  William were
also seized  with the distemper, in consequence of visiting the
Zephyr."  (Webster,  op. cit. vol. 1, p. 312.)
   1797.—Philadelphia.—Introduced by the  ship Arethusa,
from Jamaica and Havana.  (Webster, op. cit. vol. 1, p.325.)
   1797.—Providence,  R. I.—Introduced by the schooner
Betsey, from the Mole, Cape St. Nicholas, St. Domingo.—
(Webster, op. cit. vol.  1, p.  328 et seq.)
Errata—Page 8, line 18—for 1741 read 1691.
        Page 11, line 10—for George de Passan read George dePassau, 
 

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