*
jmmk. 
 

THE         /ft/
HISTORY
SOUTH-CAROLINA,
ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT IN 1670,  ^^^^^^^(p '
TO
    THE YEAR 1808.

IN TWO  VOLUMES.

          VOL. I.
BY DAVID RAMSAY, M.  D.
" The Muse of history ha» been so much in love with Mars, that she has seldom
           conversed with Minerva."  Henry.
               CHARLESTON:
C. PUBLISHED BY DAVID LOKGWORTH, FOR THE AUTHOR-.

                    1809.
 

*b*V   •.   ..  A<V
\S\

\
  Dtstiut of South-Carolina, to wit:
7T) E it remembered, that on the seventeentli day of March, anno Domini one thousand
_Jtl> tight hundred and nine, and in the thirty-third year of the independence of the Uni-
ted States of America, Doctor David Ramsay of the said district, has deposited in this office
the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit:
  " The history of South-Carolina from its first settlement in 1670 to the year 1808, by David
Ramsay, M. D.
  " The Muse of history has Iteen so much in  love with Mars, that she has seldom conversed
7 tit A Minerva.    Henry."
  In conformity to tWaet of the Congress of the United States entitled " an act for the en-
couragement of leanihig, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books,  to the authors
and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned," and also to an act enti-
tled " an act supplementary to an act entitled an act for the encouragement of learning, by
securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies,
■during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts ol  de-
signing, en graving, and etching historical and other prints."
                                                       THOMAS HALL,
                                              Clerk of the dtitria ofSouth-CaroUn*. 
                     TO
      THE YOUTH OF CAROLINA,
               WHOSE ANCESTORS,
COLLECTED FROM VARIOUS NATIONS OF THE OLD WORLD,
       HAVE COALESCED INTO ONE IN THE NEW j
                   AND WHO,
            AFTER TWO REVOLUTIONS,
           IN LESS THAN ONE CENTURY,
  HAVING ACQUIRED LIBERTY AND  INDEPENDENCE,
          MADE  A  PRUDENT USE OF THESE
             INESTIMABLE BLESSINGS,
               BY ESTABLISHING,
                   ON THE
     BASIS OF REASON AND  THE RIGHTS OF MAN,
A SOLID, EFFICIENT, AND  WELL BALANCED GOVERNMENT J
          WHOSE OBJECT IS PUBLIC GOOD,
         WHOSE END IS PUBLIC HAPPINESS J
                   BY WHICH
         INDUSTRY HAS BEEN ENCOURAGED,
            AGRICULTURE  EXTENDED,
            LITERATURE CHERISHED,
              RELIGION PROTECTED
                     AND
 iUSTICE CHEAPLY AND CONVENIENTLY ADMINISTERED
       TO A RAPIDLY INCREASING POPULATION ;
   IN HOPES THAT THE DESCENDANTS OF SUCH SIRES
                  WILL LEARN,
             FROM THEIR EXAMPLE,
TO LOVE THEIR COUNTRY AND CHERISH ITS INTERESTS J
         THE FOLLOWING HISTORY
                     is
           AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED ,
                        BY
                          THE  AUTHOR. 
 
CONTENTS
                   VOLUME  I.

                                                 Page
Preface,     ....      .       .             vii
              Civil history  of South-Carolina.
  Chap.
    I.    Population,      ....         )
   II.    Proprietary government from its  commence-
           ment in 1670, till its abolition in 1719,    .     27
  III.    The revolution in  1719  from proprietary to
           royal government,      .       .      .      57
  IV.     Royal government from 1720 to 1776,     .      95
           Military history from 1670 to 1776.
   V.  Sect. 1.  Contests with Spaniards,     .     .     126
            2.  Contests with indians,       .     .     148
            3.  Military operations against pirates,  .     198
  VI.     The settlement of the back country,     .     207
     The Civil and Military  history of South-Carolina from
       a british province to an independent state.
  VII.  Sect. 1.  Of introductory events,  and taking  of
                 arms,       .       .      .       .219
            2.  Of the extinction of royal authority and
                  of the royalists,     .      .      .    249
            3.  Of the formation of  a regular  constitu-
                 tion,     .       ...    261
            4.  Of the attack of the fort on Sullivan's
                 island by sir Peter Parker and sir Hen-
                 ry Clinton, and the invasion of the che-
                 rokees by colonel Williamson,    .    268
            5.  Of independence,  and the  alliance with
                  France,     .       .      .       .285 
%
vi                    CONTENTS.
                                                  FACE
      Sect. 6.  Campaign of 1779,   .      .      .294
            7.  Campaign of 1780—fall of Charlestown,  318
            8.  Campaign of 1781,   .      .       .390
            9.  Marion's brigade,    .      •      .    399
           10.  Campaign of 1781 continued,       .    415
           11.  Campaign of 1782,   .      .      .    436
           12.  Revolutionary Miscellaneous history,    441 
PREFACE.
1 he growing importance of the United States ex-
cites  an  increasing curiosity to  be acquainted  with
their early history.   Of their wars, and of their late
revolution much has been  written, but a develope-
ment of the causes which in less than two centuries
have raised  them from poverty  to riches—from ig-
norance to  knowledge—from weakness to  power—
from a handful of people  to a  mighty multitude—
from rude woodsmen to polished citizens—from co-
lonies guided by the leading strings of a distant isl-
and  to a well regulated self-governed community,
has  not  been sufficiently  the subject of attention.
It is a work of too much magnitude to be  incorpo-
rated in  a general history of the whole, and cannot
be done to purpose otherwise than by local histories
of particular provinces  or states.     Much useful
knowledge on these subjects is already  lost, and
more is fast  hastening to oblivion.   A considerable
portion of it can now only  be recovered by a recur-
rence to  tradition ; for records of many events  wor-
thy of being transmitted  to posterity have either
never been made, or if made have been destroyed.
Every day that minute local histories of these states
are deferred  is an injury to posterity,  for by means
thereof more of that knowledge which ought to be
transmitted   to  them  will  be  irrecoverably  lost 
viii
PREFACE.
 These views  were so forcibly impressed on the au-
 thor of the  following  work, that he  began many
 years ago to  collect materials for writing a detailed
 history of the state in which  providence had cast his
 lot.  In vain did he  expect complete information
 from public records.   On many interesting subjects
 they were silent—the  most early were illegible—-
 others were lost in  the hurricanes or  fires which at
 several successive periods have desolated Charles-
 ton.  Much of what escaped from these calamities
 was destroyed in the invasions of the state by the
 british in 1779 and  1780.   Of what remained every
 practicable use was made, but  to remedy their de-
 fects application was made to the  only repositories
 of facts on which reliance could be placed.   This
 was the recollection of old citizens and especially of
 such as  were the descendants  of the first  settlers.
 To them in the year 1798  he addressed a  circular
 letter and  queries on a variety of subjects connected
 with  the history of Carolina*.   These were sent to
 well informed persons in every part of the state, and
 afterwards  printed in the  news papers.  In conse-

  * Sir,
      Having made some progress in collecting materials for
a general History of South-Carolina from its first settle-
ment, I beg the favor of you to furnish me, in Charleston, with
information on any subjects that may properly be incorporated
in such a work ;  and, in particular, with answers to all or any of
the following inquiries, at least as far as they respect the vicini-
ty of your residence.  If you should not have leisure for this 
PREFACE.
IX
 quence  thereof much  useful information has been

 received.

 purpose, I request that you would put them in the hands of
 some suitable person, who may be willing to collect and trans.
 mit the wished-for information.
               I am,  your most obedient humble servant,
   Charleston, November 19,1798.     DAVID  RAMSAY.
   The time when the settlement of your parish or county be-
 gan ?  the date of the  oldest grants  of land;  and  the  place
 from which the first  settlers migrated, with some account of
 the most remarkable of them ?
   The indian name of your parish or county ? what tribes of
 indians formerly occupied it ? notice of their monuments and
 relics which  may remain ? if they have disappeared, when and
 by what means ? if still in your settlement,  or the vicinity, what
 is their present state, condition, and number ?
   Biographical anecdotes of persons  in your settlement, who
 have been distinguished  for their ingenuity, enterprise, lite-
rature, talents civil or military ?
   Topographical descriptions of  your parish or county, or its
 vicinity—its mountains, rivers,  ponds, animals, useful and rare
 vegetable productions :  stones, especially such as may be useful
 for mills, lime, architecture, pavements, or for other purposes ;
 remarkable falls, caverns, minerals, sands,  clays,  chalk, flint,
 marble, pitcoal, pigments, medicinal or poisonous substances,
 their uses and antidotes 1
   The former and present state of cultivation—what changes
has it undergone ?  an account of the first introduction of  rice,
indigo, &c.  Your ideas of further improvements, either as to
the introduction of new staples or the improvement of the old,
or with respect to roads, bridges, canals, opening the navigation
of the rivers or boatable waters ?
   An estimate of the expenses and profits  of a well-cultivated
field, of any given dimensions, say 20  acres,  in tobacco,  cotton,
rice, wheat, or corn, with the average price of land ?
   The distinction of soils, with a notice of  the productions to
which they are respectively best adapted—a notice of the diffe-
rent kinds of  useful timber—the  proportion between cleared
and uncleared land—and of the proportions between the num-
ber of inhabitants and number of acres ?
   What are the natural advantages in  your vicinity for the
erection of mills,  and for other labor-saving machinery—for
catching and curing fish, and for raising stock ?
   Singular instances of  longevity and  fecundity ?  observations 
-\
PREFACE.
  All  the early  histories  which  treat of Carolina

were attentively  perused,  but from thern  little  of

consequence could be obtained.   Dr.   Hewat's his-

torical account of the rise and progress of the colo-

nies of South-Carolina and Georgia, was read with

much  more advantage—on it greater reliance was

placed—and of it more use has been made, than of

all the histories which had preceded.   To him every

Carolinian ought  to be obliged for preserving many

useful facts which  otherwise would  belore this day

have been forgotten.   His  valuable  work was writ-

ten  shortly  before the  american  revolution  when

tradition went further back and was  more recent

than at present.   Much of the information contain-

ed therein is said to have  been derived from lieute-

nant governor William Bull who  had  been a public

officer since 1740,  and who  was the  son of lieute-

on the weather, epidemic and other diseases, and the influence
of the climate or of particular situations, employments, or ali-
ments ; and especially the effects of spirituous liquors on the
human constitution ?
  Is your population, distinguishing white from black, increasing,
decreasing, or stationary ; and the causes and evidences thereof?
  \Y hat manufactures are carried on ? how have  they been
affected by the  independence of these states, and by the estab-
lishment of the federal constitution ; and your thoughts on the
further improvements of them ? what public libraries have
you ? what encouragement is  given to  schools and colleges ?
and what has been done, or is doing, to  advance literature or
diffuse knowledge ?
   What  churches are' there in your parish or county ? how
long they have  they  been erected ?  how  are they supplied
with preachers ? how are they attended on days of public wor-
ship ? what has been done, or is doing, to promote morality
and religion among  the people ?
  The date, extent,  consequences, and other circumstances of
freshes, whirlwinds, hurricanes, or  other remarkable events,
which  have  taken  place, as far back as can be recollected, in
•, o:r county or parish ? 
                   PREFACE.                  XJ
uant-governor Bull, and the grandson  of  Stephen
Bull, who had held public offices in succession from
the very first settlement of the colony.  For the 34
eventful  years  of revolutionary war  and  civil im-
provements which have intervened since Dr. Hewat
wrote and the year 1808, the author has been a co-
temporary  witness of all, and an actor  in several of
the scenes  which are the ground-work of the history
©f South-Carolina in that interesting period.
   Chalmer's political annals of the united  colonies
also afforded many statements of which  use has been
made.   His knowledge was derived from an authen-
tic source,  the plantation office.  In dates and early
matters of fact, where he differed from other writers,
his authority  has been considered as  paramount;
but in matters of opinion, his  assertions have been
received with large allowance for the  principles and
feelings of a man who, in consequence of  his  adhe-
rence to the king of Great-Britain, was not permitted
to continue an inhabitant of the United States du-
ring their revolutionary struggle for independence.
  Governor Drayton's view of South-Carolina affords
more interesting detailed views of the interior econo-
my of the state than had ever been given. His official
station and duties as governor, opened to him sources
of information inaccessible  to  all preceding  writers.
Much  original matter previously unnoticed  is con-
tained  in his valuable work,  and of it use has been
made in the following pages.
  After the proposals had been issued  for publish 
 Xli                  PUEFACi.
 ing the history  of South-Carolina, and the greater
 part of it had been written, aflood of local intelligence,
 in answer to the preceding queries, poured in on the
 author.   Much of this came too late to be incorpo-
 rated in its proper place;  it was too valuable to be
 suppressed, and was therefore introduced in  the ap-
 pendix in the form of statistical accounts.   To his
 many  correspondents the author returns  the warm-
 est acknowledgments for  their valuable  communi-
 cations, which will be noticed in their proper place.
 To the reverend Donald M'Leod he is under  very
 particular obligations for his minute, accurate, and
 satisfactory account of Edistoe island, and he begs
 leave to recommend it to others as a  model  worthy
 of imitation.   If one  or  more persons  in the diffe-
 rent districts or other  portions of the state, will take
 the trouble of furnishing  statements on  the plan of
 Mr. M'Leod,  the author pledges himself,  if  his life
 is spared, to connect the whole in one view, and give
 it to the public as a statistical account of South-Ca-
 rolina.  If this proposal should be carried into effect
 a collection of facts useful  to  philosophers, legisla-
 tors, physicians, and  divines,  would be brought to
 licrht.   The interior economy of the state, which is
 now the least known of any one in the union, would
 become the most  known.   South-Carolina  would
rise in  the esteem of the citizens of other  states,
many of whom, from not knowing better, load  it with
reproaches it does not deserve; and deny it much of
 that credit to which it is justly entitled.
                          DAVID  RAMSAY.
 Charleston, December 31st,  1808. 
CIVIL  HISTORY
SOUTH^CASOLINA.
CHAPTER I.
                  Population.

Columbus, by  the  discovery of America,  intro-
duced the old world to an acquaintance with the
new.  No sooner was the existence of a western
continent known  to the maritime powers of Europe,
than they eagerly rushed forth to  seize a portion of
it for themselves.   Though that part of  the ameri-
can  coast which  stretches from the 36th degree of
north latitude to  St. Augustine,  was claimed by
Spain, England, and France, yet they all for a long
time neglected it.   Nearly  two  centuries passed
away subsequent  to its discovery, before any perma-
nent settlement was established in the tract of  coun-
try which is now called  Carolina  and  Georgia.
That germ of civilized population which took root,
flourished, and spread in South-Carolina, was first
planted at  or near Port-Royal, in  1670,  by  a few
  VOL. I.               $ 
CIVIL  HISTORY.
emigrants from England, under the direction of Wil-
liam Sayle, the first governor of the province.   Dis-
satisfied with that situation, they removed, in  1671,
to the western banks of Ashley river,  and there laid
the foundations of old Charlestown, on a plantation
now belonging to Elias  Lynch  Horry.   This site
Avas injudiciously chosen, for it could not be ap-
proached by  vessels of large burden, and was there-
fore abandoned.   A  second removal took place to
Oyster-Point, formed by the confluence of the  ri-
vers Ashley and Cooper.   There, in the year 1680*
the foundation of the present  city of Charleston
was laid, and in  one  year thirty  houses were  built.
Neither the number of these first settlers, nor  their
names,  with  the  exception  of  William  Sayle and
Joseph  West, have reached  posterity.  They  could
not, however, have been many; for all of them, to-
gether with provisions, arms, and utensils requisite
for their support,  defence, and comfort, in a country
inhabited only by savages, were brought  from Eng-
land to Carolina  in two  vessels.  To increase the
population, was a primary object.   There is no evi-
dence of any plan to procure settlers of any uniform
description, either as  to politics  or religion, farther
than that a decided preference was given to protes-
tants.   The  emigrants were a  medley of different

  * A monument in the circular church, erected to the memo-
ry of Robert Tradd, states, " that  he was the first male child
born in Charlestown," and " that he died on the 30th of March,
1731, in the 52d year of  his age." Though the precise ti'ne
of his birth is not mentioned, the whole accords with other his-
toric evidence, that Charlestown began, to be built in 1680. 
POPULATION.
3
nations  and principles.  From England the colony
received both Roundheads and Cavaliers, the friends
of the parliament, and  the adherents to the royal
family.   The  servants of the crown,  from motives
of policy, encouraged the emigration of  the former;
and grants of land were freely bestowed on the  lat-
ter, as a reward of their loyalty.  Liberty of con-
science,  which was  allowed to every one  by the
charter, proved a great encouragement to emigra-
tion.  The settlement commenced at a period when
conformity to the church of England was urged with
so high a hand, as to bear hard on many good men.
In the reign of Charles the second and James the
second, and till the revolution, which was eighteen
years subsequent to the settlement of the  province,
dissenters labored under  many grievances.  They
felt  much, and feared more; for,  in  common with
many others, they entertained serious apprehensions
of a  popish  successor  to  the  crown of  England.
Men of this description, from a laudable jealousy of
the rights of conscience, rejoiced in the  prospect of
securing religious liberty, though at the expense of
exchanging the endearments of home, and cultivated
society, for the wilds of America.   Such cheerfully
embraced the offers of the proprietors; and  from
them Carolina received a considerable number of its
earliest settlers.
  The inducements to emigration were so many and
so various, that every year brought new  adventurers
to the province.   The  friends of  the  proprietors
were allured to it by the prospect of obtaining land-
ed states at an easy rate.   Others  took  refuge in it 
4               CIVIL HISTORY.
from the frowns of fortune, and the  rigor of credi-
tors.   Young men reduced to  misery  by folly and
excess, embarked for the new settlement, where they
had leisure to reform, and where necessity taught
them the unknown virtues of prudence and temper-
ance.   Restless spirits, fond of roving, were gratifi-
ed by emigration, and found in a new country abun-
dant scope for enterprise and adventure.
  Besides individual emigrants, the colonv frequent-
ly received groupes  of settlers,  from their  attach-
ment to particular leaders—some common calami-
ty—or general impulse.   The first of these was  a
small  colony  from Barbadoes,  which  arrived  in
1671,  under the auspices of Sir John  Yeamans,
who had obtained a large  grant  of  land  from the
proprietors.  With these were  introduced the first,
and, for  a considerable time, the only slaves that
were in Carolina.
  Shortly after the colony received a valuable addi-
tion to its strength, from  the dutch settlement of
Nova-Belgia.   This in 1674 was conquered by Eng-
land,  and thereupon  acquired  the  name of New-
York.  Alter their subjugation,  many of the dutch
colonists, dissatisfied Avith their new  masters, deter-
mined  to emigrate.  The  proprietors of  Carolina
offered them  lands, and sent two ships for their ac-
commodation, which conveyed a considerable num-
ber of them to Charlestown.  Stephen Bull, surveyor
general of the colony, had  instructions to mark out
lands  on  the south-west  side  of Ashley river for
their accommodation.   They drew lots for their pro-
perty,  and formed a town which was called  James- 
POPULATION'.                5
town.   This was the first colony of dutch settlers
in Carolina.   Their industry surmounted incredible
hardships, and their success induced many from an-
cient Belgia afterwards to follow them to the west-
ern  world.  The inhabitants of Jamestown, finding
their situation  too  narrow,  spread themselves over
the country, and the town was deserted.
   In 1679, king Charles II. ordered two small ves-
sels  to be  provided at his expense,  to transport to
Carolina several  foreign protestants, who proposed
to raise wine, oil, silk, and other productions of the
soutK.  Though they did  not succeed in enriching
the country with these valuable commodities,  their
descendants form a part of the present inhabitants.
   The  revocation  of the  edict of  Nantz,  fifteen
years subsequent to the settlement of Carolina, con-
tributed much to its population.  In it, soon  after
that event, were transplanted from France the stocks
from which have v sprung the respectable families of
Bonneau, Bounetheau, Bordeaux, Benoist, Boiseau,
Bocquet, Bacot, Chevalier, Cordes, Couterier, Chas-
taignier, Dupre, Delysle,  Dubose, Dubois,  De-
veaux, Dutarque,  De la Consiliere, De Leiseline,
Douxsaint, Du Pont, Du  Bourdieu, D'Harriette,
Faucheraud,  Foissin, Faysoux,  Gaillard, Gendron,
Gignilliat,  Guerardj  Godin,  Girardeau,  Guerin,
Gourdine,  Horry, Huger, Jeannerette, Legare, Lau-
rens, La  Roche, Lenud, Lansac, Marion, Mazyck,
Manigault*, Mcllichamp, Mouzon,  Michau, Neuf-

  * A letter written in french by Judith Manigault, the wife
of Peter Manigault, who were the founders of the worthy fa-
mily of that name, may give some-faint idca.of the sufferings of 
6
CIVIL HISTORY.
ville,  Prioleau*,   Peronneau,  Perdriau,  Porcher,
Postell, Peyre, Poyas, Ravenel, Royer, Simons, Sa-
razin, St.  Julien, Serre, Trezevant.

these frcnch protestant refugees.  This lady, when about twen-
ty years old, embarked in 1685 for Carolina, by the way of Lon-
don.  After her arrival, she wrote to her brother a letter, giving
an account of her adventures.  This letter translated into eng-
lish, is as follows :—" Since you desire it, I will give you an ac-
count of our quitting France, and of our arrival in Carolina. Dur-
ing eight months, we had suffered from the contributions and the
quartering of the soldiers, with many other inconveniences. We
therefore resolved on quitting France  by night, leaving the sol-
diers in their beds, and abandoning the house with its furniture.
We contrived to hide ourselves at Romans, in  Dauphigny, for
ten days, while a search was made after us ; but our hostess being
faithful, did not betray us when questioned if she had seen us.
From thence we passed to Lyons—from thence  to Dijon—from
which place, as well as from Langres, my eldest brother wrote
to you; but I know not if either of the  letters  reached you.
He informed you that we were quitting France.  He went to
Madame de Choiseul's, which was of  no avail as  she was dead,
and her son-in-law had the command of every thing:  moreover,
he  gave us  to  understand  that he  perceived  our intention
of quitting  France, and if we asked  any favors  from him,  he
  * The rev. Elias Prioleau, the founder of the eminently re-
spectable family of that name in Carolina, migrated  thither
soon after the revocation of the  edict of Nantz, and brought
with him from France a considerable part of his protestant con-
gregation.  He was the grandson of Anthoine Prioli, who was
elected doge of Venice in the year 1618.  Many of his nume-
rous descendants, who were born and constantly resided in or
near Charleston, have approached or exceeded their 70th year:
and several have survived, or now survive their 80th. 
POPULATION.
/
   These,  and  several  other french protestants,  in
consequence of  the  revocation   of the  edict  of
Nantz, repaired  to Carolina, and became useful in-
habitants.   Many of  their  descendants  have been,

would inform against us.   We therefore made the best of our
way for Metz, in  Lorraine, where we embarked on the river
Moselle, in order to go to Treves—from thence we passed to
Cochieim,  and to Coblentz—from thence to Cologne, where
we quitted the Rhine, to go by land to Wesel, where we met
with an host, who spoke a little french, and who informed us
we were only thirty leagues from Lunenburg.  We knew that
you were in winter quarters there, by a letter of yours, receiv-
ed fifteen days before our departure from France, which  men-
tioned that you should  winter there.  Our deceased mother
and myself earnestly besought my eldest brother to go that
way with us ;  or, leaving us with her, to pay you a visit alone.
It was in the depth of winter: but he would not hear of it, hav-
ing Carolina so much in hi6 head that he dreaded losing any
opportunity of going thither.  Oh, what grief the losing so
fine an opportunity of seeing you at least once  more, has caus-
ed me !  How have I regretted seeing a brother  show so little
feeling, and how often have I reproached him  with it! but  he
was our master, and we were constrained to do as he pleased.
We passed on to Holland, to go from thence to England.  I do
not recollect exactly the year, whether '84 or 85, but it was that
in which king Charles of England died, (Feb. 1685.)  We re-
mained in London three months, waiting for a passage to Caro-
lina.  Having embarked, we were sadly off: the  spotted fever
made its appearance on board our vessel,  of which disease ma-
ny  died, and among them our aged  mother.   Nine months
elapsed  before our arrival  in  Carolina.   We touched at two
ports—one  a Portuguese, and the other  an island called Ber-
muda, belonging to the english, to refit our vessel, which had
b§en much injured in a storm.   Our captain having commit- 
8
CIVIL HISTORY.
 and  are,  respectable and  distinguished citizens*.
 They generally  at first  established  themselves  on
 Santee river ; and from them that part of the coun-
 try in old maps was called  French Santee.


 ted some misdemeanor, was put  in prison, and the vessel seiz-
 ed.  Our money was all spent, and it was with great difficulty
 we procured a passage in another vessel.  After  our arrival in
 Carolina, we suffered every kind of evil.  In about  eighteen
 months our elder brother, unaccustomed to the hard labor  we
 were  obliged to undergo, died of  a fever.  Since  leaving
 France we had experienced every kind of affliction—disease-
 pestilence—famine—poverty—hard labor.  I have been for six
 months together without tasting bread, working the ground
 like a slave ; and I have even passed three or four  years without
 always having it when I wanted it. God has done great things for
 us, in enabling  us to bear up  under so many trials.   I should
 never have done, were I to attempt to detail to you all our  ad-
 ventures : Let it  suffice that God  has had compassion on me,
 and changed my fate to a more happy one, for which  glory be
 unto him."  The  writer of the  above letter died in 1711,  se-
 ven years after she had given birth to Gabriel Manigault, who
 in a long and useful life accumulated a fortune bo large, as ena-
 bled  him to aid the asylum of his  persecuted parents with  a
 loan of S 220,000, for carrying on its revolutionary struggle for
 liberty and independence.  This was done at an early period of
 the contest, when no man was  certain whether it  would termi-
nate in a revolution or a rebellion.
  * Three of the nine presidents of the old congress which
 conducted the United States  through the  revolutionary war,
were descendants of french protestant  refugees,  who had mi-
 grated to  America  in consequence  of the  revocation of  the
 edict of Nantz.  The persons alluded to were Henry  Laurens,
 of South-Carolina; John Jay,  of New-York;  and Elias Boudi-
 not, of New-Jersey. 
I
                    POPULATION.                   Cj

   Besides  the  french refugees who  came directly
from France, there was a considerable number which,
after a short residence in the northern countries of
Europe and of America, particularly  New-York, re-
paired to Carolina", as a climate more similar to the    *
one  from  which they had been driven,  than the
bleaker  regions  to  which they had first resorted.
Thus Carolina  became  a general  rendezvous of
french protestants,  as had been originally  contem-
plated -by one of  their distinguished leaders, shortly
after the discovery of America *.
   In the year   1696, Carolina received  a small ac-
cession of  inhabitants, by the arrival of a congrega-
tional church  from Dorchester in  Massachusetts,
who,  with  their minister, the rev. Joseph  Lord,

   * As early as .the  year 1562 admiral Coligny,  a zealous hu-
guenot, formed a  project  for founding an asylum for french
protestants in America.  He  succeeded so far as to effect a
settlement under the direction of John Ribault somewhere on
the coast of Carolina, most probably on or near the island of St.
Helena.  These french seitlers not  being well supported, be-
came  discontented; and afterwards  the whole of them put to
sea, with a scanty stock of provisions.  Pinched  with hunger,
they killed one of their  number, who consented  to be made a
victim to save his comrades.  The  survivors were taken up
by an english ship, and carried into England.  Two years after,
or in 1564, M. Rene Laudonniere,  with a  considerable  rein-
forcement, arrived at-the river of "May on  the same coast after
it had been abandoned.  This second groupe of french protes-
tants was killed by  Pedro Melendez a Spanish officer, who had
received orders from his king to drive the huguenots out of
the country, and to settle it with good catholics.   In execution
©f this order  lie hung several of the french settlers, and sus-
   VOL.  I.                C 
10
CIVIL HISTORY.
settled in a body near the head of Ashley river, about
twenty-two miles from Charlestown.
   In the year  1712 the  assembly passed a law di-
recting the public receiver to pay, out of the treasury,
fourteen  pounds  current money  to  the owners or
importers of each healthy male british servant, not a
criminal, betwixt the age of twelve and thirty years.
   No considerable groupes of settlers are known to
have emigrated to South-Carolina,  between  \696
and 1730, but the province continued to advance in
population from  the  arrival  of many individuals.
It in particular received  k considerable accession of
inhabitants from  Georgia,  at the first settlement of
that colony.  The colonists there were  prphibited
the  use of spirituous  liquors,  and were not suffered

pendcd over them a label  signifying, " I do not do this as to
frenchmen, but as to lutherans."  The Spanish conquerors took
the stand of the vanquished french, and fortified it,  But their
cruelty was retaliated by  Dominique De Gourges, who  soon
after sailed from France with a considerable force.  On his ar-
rival he  successfully attacked the Spanish settlement, and after
killing many in action, he hung the survivors on the same trees
on which his countrymen had been previously hung, and with
a searing iron impressed on a tablet of wood this inscription,
" I do not do this as to Spaniards, but as to robbers and murder-
el's."  The victors, after razing the forts and destroying the
settlement, returned to France.   The country, thus abandoned
by both french and Spaniards, remained in the undisturbed pos-
session of the indians for more than a hundred years.  Soon
after the end of that period, it was taken possession of by the
english, and under their auspices became an asylum for french
protestants, as it had been  originally  intended  by  admiral
Coligny. 
POPULATION.                11
to own slaVes.  Several of them  soon found that
Carolina Mould suit them better.   In  a few years
after the royal purchase of the province in  1729,  vi-
gorous measures,  which shall be hereafter relatsd,
were adopted by government for filling the country
with inhabitants.   Contracts were made—bounties
offered—free  lands assigned—and  other  induce-
ments  held  out to allure settlers.  The door was
thrown open to protestants of all nations.  Besides
the distressed subjects of the british dominions, mul-
titudes of the poor and unfortunate closed with these
offers; and emigrated  from Switzerland, Holland,
and Germany.   Between the years 1730 and 1750,
a great addition was made to the strength of the pro-
vince  from  these  sources ;  Orangeburg, Congaree,
and Wateree, received a large proportion of the ger-
man  emigrants.    Numbers  of palatines  arrived
every year.   The vessels which brought them over
usually returned with a load of rice, and made pro-
fitable voyages.  After  some time the king of Prus-
sia suddenly put a stop  to this intercourse, by refu-
sing to the emigrating palatines a passage through
his dominions.   Williamsburg township was the ren-
dezvous  of  the irish.   The swiss took their stand
on the north-east banks  of the river Savannah.  Soon
after the suppression of the rebellions of 1715 and
1745,  in Scotland, many of the vanquished Highlan-
ders were  transported to, or voluntarily sought an
asylum in South-Carolina.
   In the course of eighty years, or about the middle
of the 18th century, the most valuable lands in  the
low country were taken  up; and settlements were 
12
CIVTL HISTORY.
gradually progressing westwardly on  favorite spots
in the  middle and upper  country.  The extinction
of indian claims by a cession of territory to the king,
was necessary to the safety  of the advancing set-
tlers.  This was  obtained in  1755.   In that year,
governor Glen met the cherokee warriors  in their
own country, and held a treaty with them.   After
the usual ceremonies were ended, the governor-made
a speech to the assembled warriors in the  name of
his king; representing his great power, wealth, and
goodness, and his particular regard for his  children
the Cherokees.  He reminded them of the happiness
they had long enjoyed by living under his protection ;
and added, that he had many presents to make them
and expected  they would surrender a  share of their
territories  in  return.   He informed  them  of the
■wicked designs of the french, and hoped they would
permit none of them to enter  their towns.   He de-
manded lands to build two forts in their country, to
protect them against their enemies, and to be a retreat
to their friends and allies, who furnished them with
arms, ammunition, hatchets, clothes, and every thing
that they wanted.
   WThen the governor had finished his speech,  Chu-
lochcullak arose, and in answer spoke to the follow-
ing effect.   " What I now speak, our father the
great king should hear.  We are  brothers  to the
people of Carolina; one house covers us all."   Then
taking a  boy by the  hand, he presented him to the
governor saying, " we, our wives, and our children,
are all children of the great king George;  I have
firought this child, that when  he grows up he may 
POPULATION.
13
remember our agreement on this day, and tell it to
the next generation, that it may be known for ever."
Then opening his bag of earth, and laying the same
at the governor's feet, he said :  " We freely surren-
der a part of our lands to  the  great  king.  The
french want our possessions, but we will defend them
while one of  our nation shall remain alive."  Then
delivering the governor a string of wampum, in con-
firmation of what he said, he added ; " My speech
is at an end—it is the voice of the cherokee nation.
I hope the governor will send it to the  king,  that it
may be kept  for ever."
   At this congress, a prodigious extent  of territory
was ceded to  the king of England.   Deeds of con-
veyance were drawn up, and formally executed, by
the head men of the cherokees in the  name of the
whole nation. It contained not only much rich land,
but an air and climate more healthy than in the mari-
time  parts.   It exhibited many pleasant and roman-
tic scenes, formed by  an intermixture   of beautiful
hills—fruitful vallies—rugged rocks—clear streams,
and  pleasant waterfalls.   The acquisition, at  that
time, was of  importance to Carolina; for it remov-
ed the savages at a greater distance from the  settle-
ments, and allowed the inhabitants liberty to  extend
backwards in proportion as their numbers increased.
   After  the  cession of these lands, governor Glen
built a fort about three hundred miles from Charles-
town.   This  was  afterwards called  fort  Prince
George, and  was situated on the  banks  of the river
Savannah, and within gun shot of an indian town cal-
led Keowee.   About an hundred and seventy miles 
14
CIVIL HISTORY.
farther down a second strong hold, called fort Moore,
was  constructed in a beautiful commanding situa-
tion, on the banks of the same river.  In  the year
following a third fort was erected, called fort Lou-
don, among the upper cherokees, situated  on Te-
nessee river, upwards of five hundred  miles from
Charlestown.
  At the time governor Glen was  procuring addi-
tional territory for South-Carolina, the events of war
were furnishing inhabitants for its cultivation.  The
province of Nova-Scotia  was originally settled by
the french, under the name  of Acadie.   When the
province was surrendered  to the english, by the trea-
ty of Utrecht, it was stipulated  for  the inhabitants
that they should be permitted to hold their  lands on
condition of taking the oath of allegiance to their ne$
sovereign.  With this condition they refused to com-
ply,  without annexing to it as a qualification  that
they should not be called  upon to bear arms in de-
fence of the province.
  Though  this qualification to  their oaths  of alle-
giance,  which was acceded to by the  commanding
officer of the british forces, was afterwards disallow-
ed by the crown, yet the french inhabitants of Nova-
Scotia continued to consider themselves as  neutrals.
Their love  of, France,  however, would not  permit
them to conform their conduct to the character they
had assumed.   In all the contests between the two
nations, respecting the possession of their country,   '
or the boundaries of Nova-Scotia, their conduct was
influenced  rather by their  wishes  than  their duty,
and  about  three hundred of them were cantured in 
POPULATION.
15
the year 1755,  with the french garrison of Beau Se-
jour, fighting against the english.
   In the obstinate conflict which was then commenc-
ing between France and England  for american ter-
ritory, the continuance of these acadian neutrals in
Nova-Scotia was thought  dangerous.  To  expel
them from the country, leaving them at liberty to
choose their place of residence, would be to reinforce
the french in Canada.  A council was held for  the
purpose of deciding on the destinies of these unfor-
tunate people;  and the severe policy was adopted of
removing them  from their homes,  and dispersing
them among the other british colonies.  This harsh
measure was immediately put into execution. About
 1500 of them  were sent to Charlestown.  Some of
these exiles have risen to wealth and distinction in
Carolina, though it was not originally their country
either by  birth  or choice; but most of them in a
short time after peace, left the country.  They were,
in general, a hard-working people.   Among them
were several industrious fishermen,  who plentifully
supplied the market with fish.
   Soon after the conclusion of the  treaty,  between
 governor Glen and the indians, the settlers began to
stretch backward, and occupied lands above an hun-
dred and fifty  miles  from the shores of the atlantic.
New emigrants  from  Ireland,  Germany,  and the
northern colonies,  obtained grants in these interior
parts;  and  introduced  the  cultivation  of wheat,
hemp, flax, and tobacco, for which the soil answer-
ed better than  in the low-lands near the sea.  Their
cattle,  sheep, hogs,  and horses, multiplied rapidly1: 
\6!
CIVIL
HISTORY.
 having a country of vast extent to  range over, they
 found plenty of provisions in almost every  season.
 New settlers  were invited to  these hilly and  more
 healthy parts, where they labored with  greater safe-
 ty than  among the  swamps.   By degrees, public
 roads were made, and they conveyed their produce
 in waggons to the capital, where they found an ex-
 cellent market for all their productions.
   The  lands  thus  obtained  by treaty  form the
 present  districts of  Edgefield,  Abbeville, Laurens0
 Newberry,  Union,  Spartanburg,  York, Chester,
 Fairfield, and  Richland.   Their value,  in a  few
 years after their cession, was enhanced by the peace
 of Paris, in 1763; for the stipulations therein con-
 tained gave security to the frontiers, and settled all
 disputes about the boundaries of the english colonies.
 By the cession of Florida it removed  troublesome
 neighbors,  and left the savages  so much in the pow-
 er of the english as to deter them from future hos-
 tilities.  The population of the newly acquired ter-
 ritory, from that period,  increased  with unusual  ra-
 pidity.   The  assembly,  desirous  of strengthening
their  frontier,  wisely appropriated  a  large fund  for
bounties to foreign protestants,  and such industrious
poor people of Britain  and Ireland, as should resort
to the province within  three years and settle on the
inland 'parts.    Two  townships,  each   containing
4S,000 acres,  were  laid out to be divided among
emigrants,  allowing  one hundred  acres  for every
man,  and  fifty  for  every  woman  and  child, that
should come and settle in them.   The  face of the
country in those interior parts, is variable and beau- 
POPULATION.                17
 tiful.  The air mild and wholesome, and the soil ex-
 ceedingly fertile.   The salubrity of the climate, con-
 nected with the provincial bounty, and the fertility
 of the soil, induced great numbers to fix themselves
 in these western regions.
   About  the same time, a remarkable affair happen-
 ed  in Germany,  by which South-Carolina received
 a considerable acquisition.   One Stumpel,  who had
 been an officer in the king of Prussia's service, be-
 ing reduced at the peace, applied to the british mi-
 nistry for a tract of land in America; and having
 got  some encouragement  returned  to Germany,
 where, by deceitful promises, he  seduced  between
 five and six hundred ignorant people from their na-
 tive country.  When these poor palatines arrived in
 England,  Stumpel, finding himself unable to perform
 his promises,  fled,  leaving thein without money or
 friends, exposed in  the  open field, and ready to pe-
 rish through want.  Wrhile they were in this starv-
 ing  condition, a  humane clergyman took  compas-
 sion on them, and  published their deplorable  case
 in a newspaper.    He  pleaded  for the mercy and
 protection of government,   until  an   opportunity
 mipht offer of transporting them to some of the bri-
tish  colonies.  A bounty of  three hundred pountls
was  allowed them.  Tents  were ordered for the ac-
commodation  of such as had  been permitted to
come ashore, and money was sent for the  relief of
those that were confined on board.  The public spi-
rited citizens of London chose a committee to  raise
money for the relief of these poor palatines.   In a,
few  days   these  nnfortunate strangers, from the
   vol. i.              D 
18
CIVIL HISTORY.
depth of indigence and distress, were raised to com..
fortable circumstances.   The committee, finding the
money received more than sufficient to relieve their
present distress, applied to the king to know his roy-
al pleasure with respect to the future disposal of the
german protestants.   His majesty,  sensible that his
colony of South-Carolina had not its  proportion of
white inhabitants, signified his desire of transporting
them to that province.
  Accordingly two ships  of two hundred tons each
were provided for their accommodation, and provi-
sions of all kinds laid  in for the voyage.  An hun-
dred and fifty  stand of arms were given to them for
their defence after their arrival in America.   Every
thing being ready for  their embarkation, the pala-
tines  broke up their  camp  and proceeded  to  the
ships,  attended by several of their benefactors, of
whom they  took their  leave with songs of praise to
God in their mouths and tears of gratitude in their
eyes.
  In the  month of April, 1764,  they arrived at
Charlestown, and presented a  letter from the lords
commissioners for trade and plantations to governor
Boone; acquainting  him  that his majesty had been
pleased to take the poor palatines under his royal
care and  protection; and, as many of  them were
versed in the culture of silk and vines, had ordered
that a settlement be provided for them in Carolina,
in a situation most proper for these purposes.   The
assembly  voted five hundred pounds sterling to  be
distributed among them.  That they might be  set-
tled in a hody, one of  the two townships was allot- 
POPULATION.
19.
ted for them and divided in the most equitable man-
ner into small tracts, for the accommodation of each
family,  and all possible  assistance was given  to-
wards promoting their speedy and comfortable set-
tlement.
   In the  same year Carolina received 212 settlers
from France.   Soon after the peace  of Paris, the
rev.  Mr. Gibert, a pupular preacher, prevailed on a
number of persecuted protestant families to seek an
asylum in South-Carolina.   On  his solicitation, the
government of  England encouraged the project, and
furnished the means of transportation.   Mr. Gibert
repaired to England, and directed the movements of
the  refugees.   They  found it  necessary  to leave
France  privately,  at different times,  and  in small
numbers.   After leaving their native country, they
rendezvoused at Plymouth, and sailing from that port
arrived in Charlestown in April, 1764.  They were
received by the Carolinians with great kindness and
hospitality.  They,  generally,  retired to spend the
approaching summer in Beaufort.  But in the month
of October following they returned to Charlestown.
and  set out for the back country, having  lost but
one of their number since their landing.  The pro-
vince furnished them with the means of conveyance
to Long Cane.  Vacant  lands  were  laid  out for
their use; and  they received warrants for the quan-
tities of land granted  to  them respectively, by the
bounty of the provincial assembly.   On their arri-
val at the place  assigned them, they gave it the name
of New-Bourdeaux, after the capital of the province
from which most of them had emigrated. They have 
l20               CIVIL HISTORY.
been distinguished for their industry and good mo-
rals.  The climate has agreed so well with them,
that they have generally enjoyed good  health, and
several  of them  have survived their  80th  year.
The manufacture of silk is still continued among
them.   The nephew of the original projector of the
settlement is one  of  the present representatives of
Abbeville district, in the state legislature.  This was
the third groupe of settlers Carolina received from
France.
   Besides foreign protestants, several persons from
England and  Scotland resorted to  Carolina after
the peace of 1763.  But of all other  countries, none
has furnished the province  with so many inhabitants
as  Ireland.  Scarce a ship sailed from  any  of its
ports for  Charlestown that was  not crowded  with
men, women, and children. The bounty allowed to
new settlers, induced numbers of these  people  to
resort  to Carolina.   The merchants  finding this
bounty  equivalent to the  expenses of the passage,
persuaded the people to embark.  Many causes may
be  assigned for this spirit  of  emigration from Ire-
land,  but domestic oppression was the most power-
ful and  prevalent.
   Nor  were  these the only sources from which an
increase Of population was  at this time derived.
Notwithstanding the vast  extent of territory  con-
tained in the provinces  of  Virginia and  Pennsylva-
nia, a scarcity of improvable lands began to  be felt
in these colonies, and poor people  could not find
vacant spots in them equal to their expectations.  In
Carolina the case  was difterent;  for  there large 
POPULATION.                21
tracts of the best lands lay  waste.  This  induced
many of the northern  colonists to migrate to the
south.   About  this time above  a thousand  families
with their effects, in the space of one year,  resorted
to South-Carolina, driving their cattle,  hogs,  and,
horses over land before them.  Lands were allotted
them in its western woods,  which soon became the
most populous  parts of the province.  The  frontiers
were not only strengthened and secured by  new set-
tlers, but the old ones began to stretch backward,
and  the demand for lands in the interior parts every
year increased.  From the time in which  America
was  secured by the peace of 1763, and particularly
for the twelve  subsequent years, the province made
rapid progress  in agriculture, numbers, and wealth.
   In the revolutionary  war, which commenced  in
 1775, little addition was made either to the popula-
tion or settlements in  South-Carolina.   But this was
amply compensated by the multitudes from Europe
and the more northern parts of America, which pour-
ed into the state, shortly after the peace of 1763. The
two new western districts now called Pendleton and
 G reenville,  which were obtained by treaty founded
on  conquest from the cherokee  indians  in  1777,
 filled  so rapidly with inhabitants,  that in  the  year
 1800  they alone  contained upwards  of 30,000 in-
habitants;  which  exceeded the population  of the
whole province in the 64th year  from its first set-
tlement.
   Hitherto  Carolina had been an asylum to those
 who fled from tyranny and persecution—to the ex-
 ile__the weary and heavy laden—the wretched and 

CIVIL HISTORY.
unfortunate—and  to  those who were bowed down
with poverty and oppression.  A new variety of hu-
man misery was lately presented for the exercise of
its  hospitality.   The  insecurity  of life,  liberty, and
property,  in revolutionary  France,  and the indis-
criminate massacre of frenchmen  in St. Domingo,
drove several hundreds in the last  years of the  18th
century to the shores of Carolina.  They were kind-
ly received;  and,  such as Avere  in need, received a
temporary accommodation at the expense of the pub-
lic.  Most of  them fixed their  residence in or near
Charleston.
  These were the last groupe of  settlers the state
received from foreign countries.  The new states and
territories to the southward and westward, draw to
them so many of the inhabitants of South-Carolina,
that emigration from it at present nearly balances mi-
gration  to it.  Its  future population must in a great
measure depend on the natural  increase of its  own
inhabitants.  So much of the  soil is unimproved, or
so imperfectly  cultivated, that the introduction and
extension of a proper system  of husbandry  will af-
ford support to ten times the  number of its present
inhabitants.
  So many  and so various have been  the  sources
from which  Carolina  has  derived her  population,
that a  considerable period must elapse,  before the
people amalgamate into a mass possessing  an  uni-
form national character.  This  event daily  draws
nearer;  for each successive generation drops a part
of the  peculiarities of its immediate predecessors.
The influence of climate and  government will have 
POPULATION.
23
a similar effect.  The different languages and dia-
lects, introduced by the settlers from different coun-
tries, are gradually giving place to the english.  So
much similarity prevails among the descendants of
the early emigrants from  the old world, that  stran-
gers cannot ascertain the original country of the an-
cestors of the present race.
   If comparisons among the different nations which
have contributed to the population of Carolina were
proper it might be added, that the scotch, and dutch,
were the most useful emigrants.  They both brought
with them, and generally retained in an eminent de-
gree, the virtues of industry and  economy so pecu-
liarly necessary in a new country.   To the former
South-Carolina is  indebted  for  much  of its  early
literature.   A great proportion of- its physicians,
clergymen,  lawyers, and schoolmasters, were from
North-Britain.   The scotch, had  also the address
frequently to advance themselves by marriage. The
instances of their  increasing the property thus ac-
quired, are many—of  their dissipating it very few.
   Emigrants from all countries on application readi-
ly obtained grants of land; either  by private agree-
ment from the proprietors, or from officers appoint-
ed by  them, and acting under their instructions.
The fees of office were not unreasonable.  The price
first fixed by the proprietors, was at the rate of <£20
sterling for  a thousand acres,  and  an annual quit-
rent of one shilling for  every hundred acres.   W'hen
a warrant for taking up land was obtained the per-
son, in whose favor it was  granted,  had to choose 
24
CIVIL HISTORY.
 where  it should be located.  It was then surveyed
 and marked.   Plats and grants were  also signed,
 recorded, and delivered to the purchasers.  This was
 the common mode of obtaining landed estates in Ca-
 rolina,  and the  tenure was a freehold.   They who
 could not advance the  purchase money, obtained
 their lands on  condition of their paying one penny
 annual  rent for  every acre.   The first settlers,  hav-
 ing the first choice of lands, had great  advantages;
 and many of their descendants now enjoy large and
 valuable estates, purchased by their ancestors for in-
 considerable sums.   This mode of settlement by in-
 discriminate location, dispersed the inhabitants  over
 the country without union  or system.   The settlers
 generally preferred  the  sea coast—the margins of
 rivers-—and other fertile grounds ; and gradually lo-
 cated  themselves westwardly on  the  good  land,
'leaving  the bad untouched.   For the first eighty
 years, they had advanced very little beyond an equal
 number  of miles;  but in the  following  fifty,  they-
 stretched to the alleghany mountains nearly three
 hundred miles from the ocean. While the people of
 New-England extended their settlements exclusively
 by townships, presenting a  compact front to the in-
 dians, and coextending the  means of instruction  in
 religion and learning with  their population, South-
 Carolina, in common with  the other southern  pro-
 vinces proceeding on  the former plan, deprived her
 inhabitants of the many advantages connected  with
 compact settlements.  These evils  are  now  done
 away; for, since the revolution, nearly all the vacant 

                  POPULATION.                25

iand in the state  has  been taken up.   They who
have been  obliged to content themselves with t.ie
long neglected poor lands, have the consolation that
what they lost one way is made up in another : lor
it is found, that the high and dry pine land is by far
the most healthv.
VOL. i. 
 
      CIVIL HISTORY
              OF

SOUTH-CARQLINA.
                CHAPTER II.


Proprietary government, from its commencement in
         1670, till its abolition in 1719-

In the course of the  130 years, in  which South-
Carolina increased from a handful of adventurers to
345,591 inhabitants,  the government was changed
first, from proprietary to  regal; and secondly, from
regal to representative.  The first continued forty-
nine years, the second  fifty-seven; and the third, af-
ter a lapse of thirty-two  years, is now in the bloom
and vigor of youth, promising a long duration.
   Near the  end of the  15th century  the king of
England, according to currently received opinions,
obtained a property in the soil of North America,
from the circumstance that Cabot, one of his sub-
jects,  was the first christian who sailed along the
coast.  Property  thus easily acquired,  was with
equal facility given away.   Charles the second, soon
after his restoration to the throne of his  ancestors,
granted to Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke
of Albemarle,  William  lord  Craven.  John lord 
^8
CIVIL  HISTORY.
Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carte
ret, sir William Berkely, and sir John Colleton,  all
the lands lying between the 31st and 36th degree of
north latitude.   In two years more he  enlarged  the
grant from  the 29th degree of north  latitude to  36s
30', and from these points on the sea coast westward-
ly in parallel lines  to  the pacific ocean.   Of this
immense region the king constituted  them absolute
lords and proprietors, with the reservation of the do-
minion  of the country to  himself and  successors.
These extensive  limits underwent many changes
from  the resumption  of  royal  charters—treaties,
particularly those  of 1763 and  1783—royal instruc-
tions to governors—boundary lines run, and settle-
ments made  by  authorized  commissioners—state
cession  to congress—conquests  from,  and  treaties
with indians.
   The present situation and limits of South-Caroli-
na, are as follows.   It is situated in North America;
between thirty-two and  thirty five degrees eight min-
utes, and six degrees ten minutes west longitude, from
Washington, the seat of government of the  United
States of America.  North-Carolina stretches along
its  northern  and  north-eastern  frontier.   Tenessec
along its  north-western, and Georgia along its south-
ern frontier; and the atlantic ocean bounds its eastern
limits.
   South-Carolina is bounded northwardly,  by a line
commencing  at a  cedar stake  marked  with  nine
notches on the shore of the atlantic ocean, near the
mouth of  Little river, then  pursuing by many traver-
ses a course w est north west, until it  arrives at  the 
  PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT,  1670--1719-  29

iork of Catanba river—thence due  west until it ar-
rives  at  a point  of intersection in  the  Apalachean
mountains.   From thence, due south until it strikes
Chatuga, the most  northern branch or  stream of
Tugoloo  river.   Thence along the  said river Tugo-
loo to its confluence with the river Keowee.  Thence
along the river Savannah, until it intersects the afelan-
tic  ocean by its most northern mouth.    Thence
north-eastwardly, along the atlantic ocean including
the islands, until it intersects the  northern boundary
near the entrance of  Little  river.   These  bounda-
ries include an  area somewhat triangular, of about
twenty four thousand and eighty square miles; where-
of nine thousand five hundred and seventy lie above
the falls  of the  rivers, and  fourteen thousand  five
hundred  and ten, are between the falls and the atlan-
tic ocean.
   King Charles the second  also gave  to the lords
proprietors of Carolina, authority to enact,  with the
assent of the freemen  of the colony,  any laws they
should judge necessary—to  erect courts/of judica-
ture—and  to appoint  judges, magistrates,  and offi-
cers—to erect  forts, castles, cities, and  towns—to
make war, and in case of necessity, to exercise mar-
tial, law—to build harbors—make ports—and enjoy
customs  and  subsidies, imposed with the  consent of
the freemen,  on goods loaded and  unloaded.  The
king also granted to the proprietors authority to al-
low indulgences and  dispensations in  religious af-
fairs,  and that no person to whom such liberty should
be granted was  to be  molested for  any  difference of
speculative opinions with respect to religion, provid-
ed he did not disturb the peace of the community. 
30
CIVIL HISTORY.
  The preamble of  this grant states,  " That the
grantees  being excited  with a laudable and pious
zeal for the propagation of the gospel, begged a cer-
tain country in the parts  of America, not yet culti-
vated and planted,  or only  inhabited by some bkr-
barous people who had no knowledge of God."  In-
vested with  these  ample powers,  the  proprietors
formed a joint stock  for the transportation of set-
tlers to their projected colony.  To induce adventu-
rers, they declared,  " That all persons settling on
Charles-river, to the southward of  Cape Fear, shall
have  power to fortify its banks,  taking  the oath of
allegiance to the king, and submitting to the govern-
ment of the proprietors: that the emigrants may
present to them thirteen persons, in order that they
may appoint a governor and  council of  six for three
years : that an assembly,  composed of the governor,
the council, and delegates of the freemen, should be
called as soon as  the  circumstances of the  colony
would allow, w ith power to make laws which  should
be neither  contrary to the laws of  England,  nor  of
any  validity after the publication  of the  dissent of
the proprietors: that every person, should enjoy the
most  perfect freedom in religion :  that during five
years every freeman should be allowed one hundred
acres of  lands and fifty for  every servant, paying
only one halfpenny an acre : that the same freedom
from customs which had been conferred  by the royal
charter, should be  allowed to every one."   Such
were the original conditions  on which Carolina was
planted.   And thus  it was established  upon the
broad  foundation of a  regular system  of freedom.
both civil and religious. 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT,  1 670--1719.   31
  The proprietors, anxious to improve their proper-
ty,  with the  aid of the  celebrated John Locke,
framed a constitution and  laws for the  government
of their colony.  These were in  substance as fol-
lows :  " The eldest of the  eight proprietors was al
ways to be  palatine,  and at his decease was to be
succeeded by the eldest of the seven survivors. This
palatine was to  sit as president of the palatine's
court, of which he and three more of the proprietors
made a quorum, and had the management and ex-
ecution of the powers of their charter.   This court
was to stand in room  of the king, and give their as-
sent or dissent to all laws made .by the legislature of
the  colony.  The palatine was  to have power  tQ
nominate and appoint the governor, who, after ob-
taining the  royal approbation, became his  repre-
sentative in Carolina.   Each of the seven proprie-
tors was to have the privilege of appointing a depu-
ty to sit as  his representative in parliament, and  to
act  agreeably  to his instructions.  Besides a go-
vernor, two  other branches, somewhat similar to the
old Saxon constitution, were to be established; an
upper  and  lower house of assembly:  which three
branches were to be called a parliament, and  to
constitute the legislature of the country.  The par-
liament was to be chosen every two years.  No act
of the legislature was to have any force unless rati-
fied in open parliament  during the same session, and
even then to continue no  longer  in force than the
next biennial parliament, unless in  the mean time it
be ratified  by the hands and seals of the palatine,
and three proprietors.    The upper house was to con- 
32
CIVIL  HISTORY.
 sist of the seven deputies, seven of the  oldest land-
 graves and  cassiques, and seven chosen by the as-
 sembly.  As in the other provinces, the lower  house
 was to be composed of the representatives from the
 different counties and towns.   Several officers were
 also to be appointed, such as an admiral, a secretary,
 a chief justice, a surveyor, a treasurer,  a  marshal,
 and register;  and  besides these each county was to
 have a sheriff, and four justices of the peace. Three
 classes of nobility were to be established, called ba-
rons, cassiques, and landgraves ; the first to possess
 twelve,  the second twenty-four, and  the third  forty-
eight thousand acres of land, and  their possessions
were to be unalienable.    Military officers were also
to be nominated; and all inhabitants, from sixteen to
sixty years of age,  as in the times  of feudal govern-
ment,  when  regularly summoned, were*to appear
under arms, and in time of war to  take the field.
  With respect to religion, three terms of communion
were fixed.   First, to believe that there is a  God.
Secondly, that he is to be worshipped.  And thirdly,
that it  is law ful and the duty  of every  man  when
called upon by those in authority, to  bear witness to
the truth.  Without  acknowledging  which7 no man
was permitted  to be a freeman, or to have any es-
tate or habitation in Carolina.  But  persecution for
observing different modes and ways of worship, was
expressly forbidden;  and every man was to be left
full liberty of conscience, and mig';t worship God in
that manner which he thought most conformable to
the divine will and revealed word.
  Notwithstanding these preparations, several  year* 
/
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-   33

elapsed before the proprietors of Carolina made any
serious efforts towards its settlement.   In 1667 they
fitted out a ship, gave the  command of it to captain
William Sayle, and sent him out to  bring them some
account of the country.  He  sailed along the coast
of Carolina, where he observed  several large naviga-
ble rivers emptying themselves into the ocean; and a
flat country covered  with woods.   He attempted to
go  ashore in his boat,  but observing  some savages
on  the banks  of the rivers  he desisted.  Having ex-
plored the coast and  the mouths of the rivers, he re-
turned to England.
   His report to the proprietors was favorable.   He
praised their  possessions,  and  encouraged them to
engage with vigor in the execution of their project.
Thus encouraged, they began to make preparations
for sending a  colony to  commence a  settlement.
Two ships were procured ;  on board of which  a num-
ber of adventurers embarked w ith provisions, arms,
and utensils  requisite for  building and cultivation.
William  Sayle, who had  visited  the country,  was
appointed  the  first  governor of it; and received a
commission,  bearing date July 26th 1669.   The
expenses of  this  first embarkation  amounted to
twelve  thousand pounds sterling.   The settlers must
have been few in number, and  no  wrays adequate to
the undertaking*.   The country now called Caro-

   * We  have  the authority of John Archdale,  governor of
South-Carolina in  1695,that the number of hostile indians was
eonsiderably lessened about the time this settlement took place.
In the second page of his description of South-Carolina, printed
in 1707, in London, he observed, " That in the first settlement
of Carolina, the hand of God was eminently seen in thinning
   vol.  I.               F
4 
34
CIVIL  HISTORY.
lina, on  which  they settled, was then an  immense
hunting ground filled with wild animals ;  overgrown
with  forests—partly  covered  with  swamps—and
roamed over, rather than inhabited, by a great num-
ber of savage tribes, subsistingt on the chase and
often at war with each other.
  Governor Sayle first landed at or near Beaufort,
early  in  1670,  but soon moved  northwardly and
took possession of some high ground on the western
banks of Ashley river, near its mouth; and there laid
the foundations  of old Charlestown.   This was also
abandoned; and in  1680 Oyster Point, at the con-
fluence of Ashley and Cooper rivers, was fixed up-
on  as the seat of government, and head-quarters of
the settlement.    Soon  after  his  arrival  governor
Sayle died,  and  was succeeded by Joseph West; and
he by sir John Yeamans, who left the colony, and
was succeeded by Joseph West on a second appoint-1
ment.   These changes took place in the short space
of four years.   The people, who  had hitherto lived
under a species of military government, began about
this time to form a legislature for establishing civil
regulations.  In the year 1674 the freemen of Ca-

the indians to make room for the english.   As for example ;  in
Carolina in which were seated two  potent nations, called the
westoes and savannahs, which contained many thousands, who
broke out into an unusual civil war; and thereby reduced them-
selves into a small number:  and the westoes, the more cruel
of the two, were at the last forced quite out of thui province; and
the savannahs continued  good friends and useful neighbors to
the english.   But again it at other times pleased Almighty God
to send unusual sicknesses amongst them, as the small-pox, &c
to lessen their numbers ; so that the english, in comparison to
the Spaniards, have but  little indian blood to answer for."

                                           » 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670—1719-   35

rolina, meeting  by summons  at  old  Charlestown,
elected  representatives  for  the  government of the
colony.   There  was now the governor, and  upper
and loweriiouse  of assembly; and these three branch-
es took the name of parliament.    Of the  laws pas-
sed by them nothing is known.   The first law which
has been found on record in the office of the secreta-
ry of the province,  is  dated  May 26th, 1682 ;  eight
years subsequent to  the first meeting  of the  first
parliament in Carolina.  Many  were  the difficulties
Avith  which these  settlers had  to contend. ,  They
were obliged to  stand in a constant posture  of de-
fence. While one party was employed  in raising their
little habitations, another was  always  kept under
arms to watch  the indians.  While  they gathered
oysters with  one hand for  subsistence,  they were
obliged to carry guns in the other for  self-defence.
The  only fresh  provisions they could procure were
fish  from  the river,  or what game they  could  kill
with their guns.   They raised  their scanty  crops
not only with the sweat of their  brows, but at the
risk  of their  lives.  Except  a  few negroes, whom
sir John Yeamans and his followers brought with
them from Barbadoes, there were no  laborers but
europeans.   Till  the  trees  were  felled, and the
grounds cleared,  domestic animals could afford to
the planters no assistance.   White men, exposed to
the heat of the  climate and the  terrors  of  surround-
 ing savages, had alone  to encounter the hardships of
 clearing and cultivating the ground.   Provisions,
 when raised, were exposed  to the plundering parties
 of indians.  One day often robbed  a planter of the
 dear-bought fruits of a  whole year's toil.   European 
36
eiviL
HISTORY.
 grains, with whicn were made the first experiments
 of planting, proved  suitable neither to soil nor cli-
 mate.   Spots of barren and sandy land, which were
 first and most  easily cleared, poorly  rewarded the
 toil  of the cultivator.  It was difficult for the pro-
 prietors to  furnish a regular supply of provisions.
 All the horrors of a famine were anticipated.  The
 people  feeling much, and fearing  more, threatened
 to compel the governor to abandon  the settlement*.
 One sloop  was dispatched to Virginia,  and another
 to Barbadoes to bring provisions.   Before their re-
 turn a supply arrived  from England,  together with
 some new  settlers, which reanimated  the expiring
 hopes of the colonists.
   It might have been  expected  that these adventu-
 rers, who were all embarked on the  same  design,
 would  be animated  by  one spirit and zealous  to
 maintain harmony, and peace, among themselves; for
 they had all the same hardships to encounter, and
 the same enemies to fear; yet the reverse took place.
 The most numerous party in the country  were dis-
 senters from the established  church of  England.  A
 number of cavaliers having  received  ample grants
 of lands, brought over their families and effects and
 also settled in Carolina.  The cavaliers were highly
 favored  by the proprietors, and respected as men of
 honor,  loyalty, and fidelity.   They met with great
 encouragement, and were  generally preferred to of-

   * A similar measure had been carried  into effect by some
 french settlers, « ho had located  themselves on  the coast of Ca-
 rolina, about 120 years before.   Their settlement was abandon-
ed in less than two years after its commencement, and was
never renewed. 
.-.-/
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-   37

flees of trust and authority.  The puritans, on the
other hand, viewed  them  with jealous eyes;  and
having  suffered from them in England,  could not
bear to see the smallest atom of power committed to
them in Carolina.  Hence the seeds of strife and di-
vision  which  had been  imported into  the colony,
began  not only to spring,  but to  grow rank.  No
common dangers nor difficulties could obliterate the
prejudices and animosities  which  the first settlers
had  contracted in England.  The odious  terms ol
distinction which had prevailed in  the mother coun-
try,  were rev ived and propagated among the people
of the infant colony.   While one party was attached
to the church  of England the other,  which had fled
from the rigor of ecclesiastical power,  was jealous
above  all  things  of  their religious liberties  and
could bear no encroachment on  them.   The same
scenes of  debate  and contention  which had taken
place in England, for some time before and after the
restoration of Charles the  second, were  acted  over
a^airi on the little theatre of Carolina;  but without
bloodshed or legal persecution.
   Another source  of difficulty arose to  govern-
ment from the different  manners of the colonists.
Several of the first emigrants, unaccustomed to rural
labors and frugal simplicity, were  pampered  citi
zens ; whose wants luxury  had increased and  ren-
dered impatient of fatigue.   By such, the sober lives
and  rigid morals of  the puritans were made the ob-
jects of ridicule.   The puritans on the other hand,
exasperated against their scorners,  violently opposed
their influence among the people.   Hence arose dif-
ficulties  in framing  laws—in distributing justice— 
38              CIVIL HISTORY.
and  in maintaining public order.   Governor  West
was  at no small pains to restrain these dissentions;
but having a council composed of cavaliers, was un-
able to calm the tumult.  In spite  of his authority,
the puritans  and  cavaliers continued to insult and
oppose each other.  In  consequence of their fierce
contentions,  the colony was distracted with domestic
differences, and poorly prepared for defence against
external enemies.  Disputes between the proprietors
and settlers, were also of an early origin.
   In most measures for the  immediate  support  of
the colony, they for some  time cordially concurred;
but this was of  short duration.   The same  scenes
which for more than 5000 years had taken place in
the old world, began to open in this  settlement  of
the new.   Those  who  govern and those who are
governed, think  they can never gain too much  on
each other.   The  existence of a court and country
party, results from the nature of man ; and is found
more or less  in every government.
   The first contest, between the proprietors and the
settlers, was  respecting  advances for the  encourage-
ment of the  settlers.   The former for some time gra-
tuitously supplied  the latter with provisions, clothes,
and  farming utensils.   The  proprietors afterwards
annually sent out similar supplies to be exchanged
with the colonists for the productions of their  labor,
or sold to them  at a small advance on the original
cost.  After expending upwards of 18,000 sterling,
in this manner, for the encouragement of the settle-
ment, they wished to hold their  hands and to leave
the settlers to depend on their own exertions.   The
difficulties attendant on the first stage of cultivation 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT,  1670—1719-  39

furnished the inhabitants with apologies for solicit-
ing a continuation of the customary supplies,  and a
farther  extension  of time  to pay  for  them.   The
economy of the proprietors  and the necessities  of
the settlers, could not easily  be compromised.  The
one thought they had already done too much; the
other that  they had not received enough.  To the
latter, requesting a supply of cattle to be sent out
to  them,  the  proprietors  replied,  as a reason for
their refusal,  " That they wished not to  encourage
graziers but planters."
   It is from  this epoch that we may date the pros-
perity of  Carolina;  because she was then taught a
lesson, which  it is of the greatest importance for eve-
ry  individual and every state to know, " That she
must altogether depend on her own exertions."
   Two parties arose; one in  support of the preroga-
tive  and  authority of the  proprietors,  the other in
defence of the rights and  liberties of the people.
The  former  contended that  the laws -received from
England respecting  government, ought to be impli-
citly observed.  The latter kept in view  their local
circumstances; and maintained that the freemen of
the colony were under obligations to observe them
only so far as they were consistent with the interests
of individuals, and the prosperity of the settlement.
In this situation  no governor  could long support
his  power among  a number of bold  adventurers,
who  were  impatient of every restraint which had
the least tendency to obstruct their favorite  views.
Whenever he attempted to  interpose his feeble au-
thority, they  insulted his person and complained of
his administration till he was removed from office. 
4-0
€IVIL
HISTORY;
 .  In the short space of four years, from  1682 till
 1686, there were no less than five governors;  Jo-
 seph Morton, Joseph West,  Richard Kirle, Robert
 Quarry, and James Colleton.   The last named, who
 was a landgrave, and brother to one of the proprie-
 tors as well as governor, determined to exert his au-
 thority in  compelling  the  people to pay  up their
 arrears of quit-rents; which, though  very trifling,
 were burdensome; as not one acre out of a thousand,
 for  which quit-rents were demanded, had  hitherto
 yielded  any profit.    For  this  purpose governor
 Colleton wrote to the  proprietors, requesting  them
 to appoint such deputies as he knew to be most fa-
 vorably  disposed  towards their  government,  and
 would most readily assist him in the execution of his
 office.  Hence the interest  of the  proprietors  and
 that of the people were placed in  opposite scales.
 The more rigorously the governor exerted his autho-
 rity, the more turbulent and riotous the people  be-
 came.  The little community was turned into a
 scene of confusion.
   Landgrave Colleton, mortified at the loss of pow-
 er, was not a little puzzled in determining w hat step
to take.  Gentle means, he perceived, would be vain
 and  ineffectual.   One  expedient  was suggested
 which he and his  council flattered themselves might
 induce the people,  through  fear, to return to  his
 standard and support the person who alone had au-
 thority to punish mutiny and sedition.   This was to
 proclaim martial  law, and try to  maintain  by  force
 of arms the proprietary jurisdiction.   Accordingly,
 without letting the people into his secret, he caused
 the militia to  be  drawn up as  if some danger had 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-   41

threatened the country and publicly proclaimed mar-
tial law  at their head.   His  design, when disco-
vered, served only to exasperate.   The members of
assembly  met,  and taking this  measure under their
deliberation, resolved,  that it was  an encroachment
upon their liberties, and an unwarrantable exertion
of power, at a time when the colony was in no dan-
ger.  The governor insisted on the  articles of war,
and tried to carry the martial law into execution ; but
the disaffection was  too general to admit of such a
remedy.   In the year  1690, at a meeting of the re-
presentatives,  a bill was brought in and passed  for
disabling  landgrave James Colleton from  holding
any office or exercising any authority, civil or mili-
tary, within the province.   So exasperated were they
against him,  that   nothing  less  than  banishment
could appease them ; and therefore they gave notice
to  him that in a limited time he must depart from
the colony.
    During  these public commotions Seth  Sothell,
pretending to  be a proprietor by virtue of some re-
gulations  lately made in England,  usurped the  go-
vernment of the colony.  At first the people seemed
disposed to acknowledge  his authority;  but  after-
wards finding him  to  be void of every  principle of
honor and honesty, they abandoned him.  Such was
the insatiable  avarice of this usurper, that his popu-
larity  was  of small  duration.   Every  restraint of
common justice and equity  was trampled upon by
him, and  oppression extended her iron rod over the
distracted colony.  The fair traders from Barbadoes
and Bermuda were seized as pirates,  bv order of this
governor, and confined until  such  fees as he was
   VOL. i.             G
) 
42
CIVIL HISTORY.
pleased to enact were paid.  Bribes from felons, and
traitors, were accepted to favor their escape.   Plant-
ations were forcibly taken into possession, upon pre-
tences  the most frivolous—planters were compelled
to give bonds for large sums of m&ney to procure
from him liberty to  remain  in  possession of their
property.   These, and  many more acts of the like
atrocious  nature, were  committed by this  rapacious
governor  during  the short time  of his administra-
tion.   At length the people,  weary of his imposi-
tions and extortions,  agreed to take him by  force and
ship him off for England.   Then he humbly begged
of them liberty to remain in  the country, promising
to .submit his  conduct to the  trial of the  assembly
at  their  first meeting.    When  the  assembly met
thirteen different charges were brought against him,
and all supported by the strongest evidence; upon
which, being found  guilty,  they compelled him to
relinquish the government and country for ever.  An
account  of his infamous conduct was drawn up and
sent to the proprietors, which filled them with as-
tonishment and  indignation.   He  was ordered to
England to answer  the accusations brought against
him,  and  was informed that his refusal  would  be
taken  as a further evidence and  confirmation of his
guilt.  The law for disabling landgrave James Col-
leton from holding any authority, civil or military, in
 Carolina, was repealed; and strict orders  were sent
out to the grand council to support the power and
prerogative of the proprietors.   But, to compose the
 minds of the  people, they declared their detestation
 of such  unwarrantable and wanton oppression and
 protested that no governor should ever be permitted
 to  grow rich on their ruins. 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT,  1670--1719-   43

   Hitherto South-Carolina had been a scene of con-
tention ar.d misery.   The fundamental constitution,
which  the proprietors  thought the  most  excellent
form of government upon earth, was disregarded.
The governors were either ill  qualified  for their of-
fice, or the instructions  given them were injudicious.
The inhabitants, far from living  in  friendship  and
harmony among themselves, had also been turbulent
and ungovernable. The proprietary government was
weak,  unstable, and  little respected.   It did not ex-
cite a  sufficient interest  for its own support.  The
title of landgraves were more burthensome than pro-
fitable ; especially  as  they were only  joined with
large tracts of land, which from the want  of labor-
ers lay uncultivated.   The money arising from  the
sale of lands and  the quit-rents, was  inconsiderable
—hard to be collected—and  by no means equal to
the support of government.   The proprietors were
unwilling to involve their english estates for  the im-
provement of american property ;  and on the whole,
their government was ill supported.
   Another source of controversy between the  propri-
etors and the people, was the  case of the french re-
fugees.  Many of these, exiled from their own coun-
try towards the close of the 17th century, had set-
tled in the province; particularly in Craven county*.
They were an  orderly,  industrious, religious people.

   * South-Carolina, soon after its first settlement, was divided
into four counties, Berkeley, Craven, Colleton, and Carteret.
Berkeley county filled the space round the capital; Craven to
the northward;  and Colleton contained Port Royal, and the
islands in its vicinity, to the distance of thirty miles.  Carteret
lay to the south-west. 
44
CIVIL  HISTORY.
Several brought property w ith them  which enabled
them to buy land, and settle with greater advantages
than many of the  poorer english emigrants.  While
they were busy in clearing and cultivating their lands
the english settlers began to revive national antipa-
thies, against them,  and to consider the French as
aliens and foreigners; legally entitled to none of the
privileges and  advantages of natural  born subjects.
The proprietors took part with the refugees and
instructed  their governor, Philip Ludwell, who  in
1692 had  been  appointed the  successor  of  Seth
Sothell, to allow the french settled in Craven coun-
ty the same privileges and liberties with the english
colonists ;  but the people carried their jealousy  so
far that at the next election for members to serve in
the assembly, Craven county, in which the french re-
fugees lived, was not allowed a single representative.
At this  period the assembly of South-Carolina con-
sisted of twenty members, all chosen in Charlestown.
   A farther cause of dissention respected the trial
of pirates.   The proprietors,  mortified at the  inef-
ficacy of the laws in bringing these enemies of man-
kind to justice,  instructed governor  Lee to change
the form  of  drawing  juries;  and required that all
pirates should be tried and punished  by the laws of
England,  made for the suppression of piracy; but
this innovation  in the laws of the colony was op-
posed by the people.
  There subsisted a constant struggle between the
inhabitants and the officers of the proprietors.  The
former claimed great exemptions on account of their
indigent circumstances.  The  latter were anxious to
discharge the  duties of their trust,  and  to comply 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-   45

with the instructions of their superiors.   When quit-
rents were demanded, some refused payment; others
had nothing to offer.   When actions were brought
for their recovery, the planters murmured and were
discontented  at  the terms  of holding  their lands.
The fees of the courts and sheriffs were  such,  that in
all actions of small value they  exceeded  the debt.
To remedy this inconvenience the assembly made a
law  for empowering justices of the peace to hear,
and finally to determine  all causes not  exceeding
forty shillings sterling.  This was  agreeable to the
people, but not to the officers of justice.   Governor
Ludwell  proposed  to the assembly  to consider of a
new form of  a deed  for holding lands by Avhich he
encroached on the prerogative of  the  proprietors,
incurred  their displeasure,  and was soon after re-
moved from the government.
   To  find another man equally well  qualified for the
trust,  was a matter of no small difficulty.   Thomas
Smith, being  in high  estimation for his  wisdom and
probity, was  deemed to  be the most proper person
to succeed Ludwell.  Accordingly a patent was sent
out creating him  a landgrave*; and, together with it,

   * This patent, dated May 13th, 1691, after reciting the au-
thority  of the proprietors to constitute titles and honors in the
province ; and to prefer men of merit, and to adorn such with
titles and honors; and also stating the fundamental  constitu-
tions by which  it was established—" that there should be land-
graves  and cassiques, who should be perpetual and hereditary
nobles and peers of the province; and that Thomas Smith, a per-
son of  singular merit,  would be very serviceable by1 his great
prudence and industry ;" proceeds to constitute him landgrave,
together with four baronies of 12,000 acres of land each: and 
46
CIVIL  HISTORY.
a  commission investing him with the  government
of the colony.  Mr. Ludwell  returned to  Virginia
happily relieved from a troublesome office; and land-
grave Smith,  in the year 1693, under all possible ad-
vantages  entered on  it.   He was  previously  ac-
quainted with the state of the colony, and  with the
tempers and  dispositions  of the leading men in it.
He  knew  that  the interest of the proprietors, and
the  prosperity of the  settlement were  inseparably
connected.   He  was disposed to allow  the people,
struggling  under many hardships, every  indulgence
consistent with the duties of his trust.
  The government of the province still remained in
a confused and  turbulent state.   Complaints from
every quarter were made to the governor,  who was
neither able  to quiet the minds of the people nor to
afford them the relief they wanted.   The french re-
fugees were uneasy that there was no provincial law
to secure their estates  to the heirs of their body, or
the next of kin; and feared that on the demise of the
present  possessors,  their  lands  would  escheat  to
the proprietors  and their children become beggars.

it farther declares, " that the said title and four baronies should
for ever descend to his heirs, on  paying an annual rent of a
penny lawful money of England for each acre."
  If the proprietary government had continued, the title, honors,
emoluments, and lands derived from this patent, would now be
possessed by Thomas Smith, son of Henry, who is the  lineal
heir of the original Thomas Smith.  Such have been the changes
which in the course of a little more than a century have  taken
place, that this is the only known instance in which  any one of
Mr. Locke's Carolina nobility can trace back  his pedigree to
the original founder.    i 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-  47

The english colonists  also  perplexed the  governor
with their  complaints  of hardships and  grievances.
At last landgrave Smith wrote to the  proprietors
that he despaired of ever uniting the people in in-
terest and affection—that he and many more, weary
of the fluctuating state of public affairs, had resolved
to leave the province; and that he  w as convinced
nothing would bring the settlers to a state of tran-
quillity and harmony;  unless they sent out one of the
proprietors with full powers to redress grievances,
and settle differences in their colony.
   The proprietors  resolved to try  the  expedient
landgrave  Smith had suggested, and sent out John
Archdale,   a man  of  considerable  knowledge and
discretion—a quaker and a proprietor.
    The arrival of this pious man occasioned no small
 joy among all the settlers.   Private  animosities and
 civil discords seemed for a while to lie buried in ob-
 livion.  The governor soon found three interesting
 matters demanded  his particular attention: to re-
 store harmony and  peace among  the colonists :  to
 reconcile them to the jurisdiction and  authority of
 the  proprietors;  and  to regulate their policy and
 traffic w ith the indians.  Such was the national an-
 tipathy of the english settlers to the french refugees,
 that Archdale found  their  total exclusion  from all
 connexion with the legislature was absolutely neces-
 sary; and therefore issued writs of elections directing
 them only to  Berkeley and Colleton counties.   Ten
 members  for the one and ten for the other^all english-
 men, were accordingly chosen by the freemen of the
 same nation.   At  their meeting the governor  made
 a seasonable speech to both  houses, acquainting 
48
CIVIL HISTORY.
 them with the design of his appointment—his regard
 for the colony—and great desire of contributing to-
 wards its  peace and  prosperity.   They in return
 presented affectionate  addresses to him, and entered
 on public business Avith  temper and moderation.
 Governor Archdale, by his great discretion, settled
 matters of general moment to the satisfaction of all
 excepting the french refugees.   The  price of lands,
 and the  form  of conveyances,  were fixed  by law.
 Three years rent was remitted to those who held land
 by grant, and  four years to such as held them by
 survey without grant.   It was agreed  to take the ar-
 rears  of quit-rents either  in money or commodities at
 the option of the planters.   Magistrates were ap-
 pointed for hearing causes between the  settlers and
 indians, and  finally determining all   differences be-
 tween them.  Public roads were ordered to be made,
 and Avater passages cut  for the more easy convey-
 ance of produce to the market.   Some former laws
 were altered, and such  new statutes  made as  were
judged requisite for the government  and peace  of
 the colony.   Public affairs began to put on an agree-
 able aspect, and to promise  fair towards  the future
 welfare of the settlement.  But as for the french re-
 fugees, the governor  could do no more than to re-
 commend to the english freeholders to consider them
 in the most friendly point of light and to treat them
 with lenity and moderation.
   No  man could entertain more benevolent senti-
 ments  Avith respect to the savages,  than governor
Archdale.  To  protect  them against insults,  and
establish  a  fair trade  and  friendly  intercourse
Avith them, Avere regulations Avhich  humanity re- 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-  49

quired and sound  policy dictated.   But the rapa-
cious spirit of individuals could  be curbed by no
authority.   Many advantages were taken of the ig-
norance  of indians in the way of traffic.   Several
of the inhabitants,  and some of'those Avho  held high
offices, were too deeply concerned in the abominable
trade to be easily restrained from seizing their per-
sons and selling them for slaves to  the West-india
planters.
   Governor Archdale having  finished  his negocia-
tions in  Carolina, made preparations for returning
to Britain.   Though the government, during his ad-
ministration, had acquired  considerable respect and
stability, yet the differences among  the people still
remained.   Former  flames were rather smothered
than extinguished,  and were ready on  the first stir-
ring to break  out and burn Avith increased violence.
Before he  embarked the  council presented to him
an address, to be transmitted to the  proprietors, ex-
pressing " the deep sense they had of their lordships
paternal care for the colony,  in the appointment of
a man of- such abilities and integrity to the govern-
ment, who had  been so  happily instrumental in es-
tablishing its  peace and security."   They observed,
•'  that they had now no contending  factions nor
clashing interests among the people, excepting what
respected the  french refugees; who Avere unhappy at
their not being allowed all the privileges and liber-
ties of english subjects, particularly those  of sitting
in assembly and voting at the election of its members,
which could not be granted them without losing the
affections of the english settlers and involving the
   vol.  i.               H 
50
CIVIL HISTORY.
colony in  civil broils—that governor Archdale,  by
the advice of his council, chose rather to refuse them
these privileges than disoblige the bulk of the eng-
lish  settlers—that by his Avise  conduct  they  ho-
ped  all misunderstandings between their  lordships
and the colonists Avere  happily removed—that they
would for the future cheerfully concur with them in
every measure for  the  speedy population  and  im-
provement of the country—that they were iioav levy-
ing  money  for building fortifications to defend the
province against foreign attacks, and that they would
strive to maintain harmony and peace among them-
selves."  Governor  Archdale received  this address
with peculiar satisfaction, and promised to present
it to the proprietors.
   After his arrival in England he laid  this address,
together with a state of the country and the regula-
tions he had established in it, before the proprietors;
and showed them the  necessity of abolishing many
articles in the constitutions, and framing a new plan
of government.   Accordingly they began to compile
neAV constitutions from  his information.    Forty-one
different articles were drawn  up, and  sent out, by
Robert Daniel, for the better government of the  co-
lony.   But when governor Joseph  Blake,  successor
of Archdale, laid these  new laAvs before the assembly
for their assent and approbation, they  treated them
as they had done the former constitutions; and  in-
stead of taking them under  deliberation laid them
aside.
   The national  antipathies  against  the french re-
fugees in process of time began to abate.   In com- 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670--1719-   51
ir.on with others, they had defied the dangers of the
desert and  given ample  proofs of their fidelity to
the proprietors,  and their zeal for the success of the
colony.  They  had cleared  little spots of land  for
raising the necessaries of life, and in some measure
surmounted the difficulties of the first state of colo-
nization.   At this  favorable juncture the refugees,
by the advice of the governor and other  friends, pe-
titioned the legislature  to be incorporated with the
freemen of the colony and allowed the same  privile-
ges, and liberties, with those  born of english parents.
Accordingly an act passed in 1696  for making all
aliens, them inhabitants, free—for enabling them to
hold lands, and  to  claim the same  as heirs  to their
ancestors,  provided they either had petitioned, or
should Avithin three months petition, governor Blake
for these privileges and take  the oath of allegiance to
king  William.   This same laAv  conferred liberty of
conscience  on  all christians, with  the  exception of
papists.   With  these  conditions the refugees, who
were all protestants, joyfully complied.   The french
and english settlers being made equal in rights,  be-
came united in  interest and affection, and have ever
since lived together in peace  and harmony.
   This cause of domestic discord was scarcely done
away, when another began to operate.   In the year
1700 a new source of contention broke out between
the upper and lower houses of assembly.   Of  the
latter Nicholas  Trott was made speaker, and warm-
ly espousea1 the cause of the people in opposition to
the interest of  the proprietors.   The governor and
council claimed the privilege of nominating public 
j*
CIVIL HISTORY.
officers, particularly a receiver general, until the plea
sure of the proprietors was known.   The assembly,
on the other hand, insisted that it belonged to them.
This occasioned much altercation, and several mes-
sages between the two houses.   However, the upper
house  appointed  their man.   The loAver  house re-
solved that the person  appointed by them  was no
public receiver, and that whoever should presume to
pay  money  to him as such should  be deemed an
enemy to the country.   Trott denied that they could
be called an upper house as they differed, in the most
essential circumstances,  from the house of lords in
England; and therefore  induced the assembly to call
them the proprietors'  deputies, and to treat  them
with indignity and  contempt,  by limiting them to a
day  to pass their  bills  and to an hour to  answer
their messages.  At that  time Trott was eager in
the  pursuit of popularity;  and by  his uncommon
abilities and  address succeeded so far, that no man
had equally engrossed the public favor and esteem,
or carried matters w ith so high a hand in opposition
to the proprietary counsellors.
  In the  14  years which followed governor Arch-
dale's  return  to England, or from  1696 to 1710,
there were four governors;  Joseph Blake, James
Moore, sir Nathaniel Johnson, and Edward Tynte.
The  principal  events, in this period, were an unsuc-
cessful invasion of St. Augustine  by  the Carolinians,
and a successful defence of the province against an
attack  of the  french and Spaniards;  which shall be
more particularly explained in their proper places.
  In governor Johnsons administration, which last- 
   PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 16*70-—1719.   53

ed from  1702 to  1709, parties in church  jmd state
ran high, and there were great commotions among
the people; but on the death of governor Tynte, in
1710,  a civil Avar was  on the point of breaking out.
When Tynte died there remained only three deputies
of the lords proprietors.   Robert Gibbes,  one  of
these three,  was chosen and proclaimed governor;
but by the sudden death of Mr. Turbevil, one of
the three deputies, w ho in the morning of the elec-
tion day had voted for  colonel  Broughton  another
of the three deputies,  but upon adjournment to  the
afternoon  changed his mind  and \roted for Robert
Gibbes,  it was discovered that Robert Gibbes had
obtained the said second vote of TurbeAdl by bribery.
Colonel  Broughton laid claim to  the government,
alleging  Turbevil's primary  and uncorrupted vote
in his  favor.  Gibbes  insisted on his right*, as  ha-
ving added his OAvn vote to Turbevil's and  thereby
obtained  a majority;  and  in  consequence thereof
was proclaimed governor, and quietly  settled in the
administration.   Each persisted in his claim. Many
sided  with  Broughton,  but more Avith Gibbes.
Broughton drew together a number of armed men at
his  plantation,  and  proceeded  to   Charlestown.
Gibbes having intelligence thereof, caused a general
alarm  to be fired and the militia to be raised.   At
the approach of Broughton's  party to the  Avails and

  * These particulars relative to the contest between Gibbes
and Broughton for the office of governor are stated on the au-
thority of an old manuscript in the hand-writing of the venera-
ble Thomas  Lamboll,  a native of  South-Carolina,  who died in
the year 1775, upwards of  80 years old. 
54
CIVIL HISTORY.
gates of Charlestown, Gibbes ordered the draw-
bridge,  standing near the  intersection of Broad and
Meeting-streets, to be hauled up.  After a short par-
ley,  Broughton's  party asked  admittance;  Gibbes
from within the walls inquired why they came arm-
ed in such a number, and if they would own him
for their  governor?  they answered,  that  they
heard there was an alarm  and were come to make
their  appearance  in  Charlestown ; but would not
own him, the said Gibbes, to be their governor. He
of course denied  them entrance;  Avhereupon many
of them gallopped  round the Avails towards Craven's
bastion, to get entrance there ; but being prevented,
they soon  returned  to  the drawbridge.   By this
time some of the  inhabitants of the tOAvn, and many
sailors appearing  there in favor of Broughton, they
proceeded  to force  a passage and let down the
drawbridge.  Gibbes's party opposed, but were not
allowed to fire upon  them.  After blows and wounds
were  given  and received,  the sailors and  men  of
Broughton's party  prevailed so far as to lower down
the draAvbridge over Avhich they entered and  pro-
ceeded to the watch-house in Broad-street.   There,
the two town companies  of militia were posted un-
der arms  and with colors flying.    WThen  Brough-
ton's party came near they halted,  and one of them
drew a paper out  of his pocket, and began to read;
but could not be  heard, because of the noise made
by the  drums of  the  miljtia.   Being  balked  they
marched towards  Granville's  bastion,  and ay ere es-
corted by the seamen on foot who were ready for
any mischief.  As they passed the front of the mili- 
  PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT, 1670—1719.   55

tia, whose guns were presented and cocked, one of
the sailors catching at the ensign, tore it off the staff.
On this provocation some of the militia,  Avithout
ony orders, fired their pieces but nobody  was hurt.
Captain Brewton resolutely drew his sword, went up
to the sailor which had committed the outrage, and
demanded  the torn ensign.   Captain Evans, a con-
siderable man of  Broughton's  party,  alighted and
obliged the sailor to return it.  Broughton's party
continued their march for some time, and then pro-
claimed Broughton governor.   After  huzzaing, they
approached the fort gate,  and made  a show of for-
cing it; but observing captain PaAvley with his pistol
cocked, and  many other gentlemen with  their guns
presented and all forbidding them at their peril to
attempt the  gate, they retired to a  tavern  on  the
bay;  before which they first caused their written  pa-
per or proclamation to  be again read,  and then  dis-
mounted.  After much altercation, many  reciprocal
messages and ansAvers, and the mediation of several
peace-makers, the controversy was referred to the de-
cision of the lords proprietors; und it was agreed that
colonel Gibbes should continue in  the administration
of government, until they determined Avhich of the  two
should  be obeyed as governor.   Their determination
was in favor  of neither.  The proprietors  appointed
Charles Craven, who then held their commission as
secretary, to  be governor.   He was proclaimed in
form, and took upon him the administration.  During
his Government, the province  was involved in  two
sharp contests with  the  indians.   One  in  North-
Carolina with  the  tuscaroras, and  another much 
I
56              CIVIL "history.

more  distressing Avith  the yamassees, Avhich  were
ably and successfully conducted by the governor, as
shall be related in its proper place.   On his depar-
ture for England,  in*  1716,  he appointed  Robert
Daniel  deputy-governor.   In  the  year following,
Robert Johnson, son of sir Nathaniel Johnson, suc-
ceeded  to the office of governor.   He was the last
who held that office under the authority of the pro-
prietors. 
               CIVIL  HISTORY

                       OF

        SOUTH-CAROLINA,


                CHAPTER  III.


 The revolution in 1719 from proprietary to royal
                    government.

In the administration of Robert Johnson, a revo-
lution from proprietary to a regal system of govern-
ment Avas accomplished.   The explosion took place
in the year 1719 ;  but the train of events which oc-
casioned it was of prior origin.   From  the first set-
tlement of the province, short had  been the  inter-
vals of contention  betAveen the proprietors  and the
people;  but from  the year  1715,  various  causes
contributed to widen the breach and  destroy all con-
fidence betAveen them.  One in  particular, which had
a decided influence,  resulted from the war of  1715,
betAveen  South-Carolina and the yamassee indians.
While this hard struggle was pending, the legislature
made application  to the proprietors for their pater-
nal help ;  but, being doubtful Avhether they w ould be
inclined to involve their english  estates in debt for
supporting their property in Carolina, they instruct-
ed their agent, in case of failure w ith them, to  apply
to  the king for relief.   The merchants entered cor<-
  vol.  i.              I 
58           REVOLUTION OF 1719-
dially into the measure for making application to the
king,  and perceived at  once the many  advantages
Avhich Avould accrue to them from being taken under
the immediate care and protection of the crown.   It
Avas alleged that ships of Avar would soon clear the
coast of sea robbers, and give free scope to trade and
navigation—that forces by land Avould over-aAve the
warlike indians—prevent their inroads,  and  procure
for the inhabitants  peace and security.   The people
in general,  Avere dissatisfied with living under a go-
vernment unable to protect them.  They therefore
Avere very unanimous in the proposed application to
the crown for royal protection.
   About the middle of the year  1715  the agent for
Carolina Avaited on the proprietors, with a represent-
ation of the calamities under which their colony la-
bored from the ravages  of indians and the depreda-
tions  of pirates.  He acquainted them that the yp
massees, by the influence of Spanish emissaries, had
claimed the  whole  country as their  ancient posses-
sion;  and  had conspired with  many other tribes to
assert their  right  by force of arms,  and therefore
urged the  necessity of sending immediate  relief to
the colony.  But not being satisfied with their an-
SAver, he petitioned the  house of commons in behalf
of the distressed  Carolinians.   The  commons ad-
dressed  the king,  praying tor his interposition  and
immediate assistance.   The king referred the mat-
ter to the lords commissioners  of trade and planta-
tions,   The lords  of trade made an  objection  that
the province of Carolina was one of the proprietary
governments; and were of opinion, that if the nation
should be  at the expense of protecting it, the go- 
REVOLUTION OF 1719.           59
vernment thereof ought to be  vested in the crown.
Upon  which lord Carteret wrote a letter to the fol-
loAving effect:  " We,  the proprietors  of Carolina,
are utterly unable to afford  our colony suitable as-
sistance in this conjuncture;  and, unless his majesty
Avill graciously please to interpose, Ave can foresee
nothing but  the  utter destruction  of his majesty's
faithful subjects in those parts."  The lords of trade
asked lord Carteret,  " What sum might be necessary
for that service, and whether the government of the
colony should  not devolve  on  the crown if Great-
Britain  should agree to bear the expense of its de-
fence ?"   To which lord Carteret replied : " The
proprietors  submitted to his majesty  w hat sum of
money he should be pleased to grant  for their as-
sistance ;  and  in case the money advanced for this
purpose  should not in a' reasonable time be repaid,
they humbly conceived that then his majesty would
have an  equitable right to take the government un-
der his immediate care and protection."
   The same year a bill Avas brought into the house
of  commons in England, for the better regulation
of the charter and proprietary governments in Ame-
rica ;  the chief design of which was' to  reduce all
charter and  proprietary governments into regal ones.
Men conversant in the history  of past ages, particu-
larly in  that of  the  rise and  progress of different
states,  had long foreseen  the rapid increase of ame-
rican colonies;  and  wisely judged that it would be
for the interest of the kingdom to purchase them for
the crown as soon as possible.
   One of the  ostensible  grounds on which the pro-
prietors had obtained their charter, was the prospect 
\
60           REVOLUTION  OF 1719-
of their propagating the gospel among the indians.
Their total neglect of this duty, contrasted with the
active policy of the Spaniards at St.  Augustine,  Avas
considered by  the  inhabitants as a procuring cause
of all their sufferings from the yamassee Avar.  To
answer the public exigencies growing out of that Avar,
large emissions of paper money were deemed indis-
pensable.   While struggling amidst these hardships,
the merchants of London complained to the proprie-
tors of  the increase of paper money as injurious to
trade.  In consequence of Avhich they directed  the go-
vernor to  reduce it. These several matters formed a
circle of embarrassment from Avhich the inhabitants
saAv no prospect of extrication, but from throwing
themselves on the croAvn for protection.  They refer-
red their  war Avith the indians  to the neglect of the
proprietors  in conciliating their affections.  The
proprietors, Avhen called upon to  assist in repelling
the  attacks made by these neglected indians, de-
clared themselves incompetent.  On application for
royal aid, they were told by ministers that it was un-
reasonable to expect  it while they were the  tenants
of the proprietors.  Disappointed of aid  from both,
they had  made exertions to defend themselves; but
the proprietary governor,  agreeably to his instruc-
tions,  thwarted their  endeavours to  equalise  and
lessen the expenses of  the Avar by  an emission of
paper money.  A dissatisfaction with  the proprie-
tors, and an eagerness  to  be under the  immediate
protection of the crow n, became universal.
   This Avas  increased from another source.    The
yamassees being  expelled  from indian  land  the as-
sembly passed tAvo acts to appropriate these lands, 
REVOLUTION OF  1719-           6l
gained by conquest,  for the use and encouragement
ol such of his majesty's subjects as should come over
and  settle upon them.  Extracts of these two acts
being published in  England, and Ireland, five hun-
dred  persons  from  Ireland transported themselves
to Carolina to take  the benefit of  them.  But the
whole project was  frustrated by the proprietors, who
claimed  these lands as their  property and insisted
on the right of disposing of them as they thought fit.
Not long afterwards, to the utter ruin of the irish
emigrants,  and  in breach  of the provincial faith,
these indian  lands  were  surveyed by order of the
proprietors for their own use,  and  laid out in large
baronies.  By this  harsh usage the old settlers, ha-
ving lost the protection ot the neAv  comers, deserted
their plantations  and  left the  frontier open  to the
enemy.  Many of  the unfortunate irish emigrants,
having  spent  the  little money they  broug.it  with
them, were reduced  to  misery and  perished.   The
remainder removed to the northern colonies.
   The struggle between the proprietors and posses-
sors of the soil became daily more serious.   The pro-
vincial assembly passed about this time some very
popular  laws.   One for the better regulation of the
indian trade,  by Avhich commissioners were nomina-
ted to carry it on and to apply the profit arising from
it to the public benefit and defence.  Another was
for  regulating elections; by  which it was enacted
" that every parish  should send a certain number of
representatives, not exceeding thirty-six in the whole,
and  that they should be ballotted for at the different
parish churches."  This, though much more conve-
nient to the  settlers  than  their former  custom of 
62           REVOLUTION  OF  1719-
electing all the members in Charlestown, was disa-
greeable to - fx^e members  of the council avIio per-
ceived its tendency to  lessen their influence at elec-
tions.   Chief justice Trott and  William Rhelt, re-
ceiver general,  men of great  abilities and influence,
opposed both thes«  bills.   Though  they  could not
prevent their passing in Carolina, they had influence
enough Avith the proprietors to send them back re-
pealed.   The  colonists  were  exasperated;  and in
severe language censured the proprietors as tyranni-
cal, regardless of the convenience of the inhabitants,
and  unfeeling for their distresses.
  The yamassee indians, smarting  under their re-
cent defeat as  shall be hereafter related,  were san-
guinary and vindictive.  Being supplied  with arms
and  ammunition from the Spaniards, they Avere so
troublesome as to make  it necessary for the assem-
bly to maintain a company  of  rangers  to  protect
their  frontier settlers.   Presents were necessary to
preserve the friendship of other indian tribes.  Three
forts were also erected  and  garrisoned lor the de-
fence, and at the cost of the province.  These public
expenses consumed the fruits of the  planter's  indus-
try.   The law appropriating  the  profits  of the in-
dian trade, for  the public protection, had been re-
pealed by the  proprietors.  Public credit aa as at so
low an ebb, that no man was willing to trust his mov
ney in the provincial treasury.   None  would risk
their lives in defence  of  the colony without  pay;
and the province, oppressed with a load of debt, was
utterly  unable   to  furnish  the  necessary supplies.
The  people complained of  the  insufficiency of that
government which  could  not protect them,  and at 
REVOLUTION OF 1719.
63
the same time  prevented  the  interposition of the
croAvn  for  their relief.   Governor Daniel  joined
them in their complaints ;  and every one seemed ar-
dently  to wish for those advantages, Avhich other co-
lonies  enjoyed  under the  immediate care and  pro-
tection of a poAverful sovereign.
   Robert Johnson, who in 1717  succeeded Robert
Daniel as governor, had instructions  to reduce the
paper currency.  He recommended to the assembly
to consider of Avays, and means, for sinking it.   The
indian  war had occasioned a scarcity of provisions.
Large  emissions of paper money sunk its  value.
Both contributed to raise the price of. country com-
modities.   The merchants and money lenders were
losers  by these bills of credit;  and the  planters, who
Avere  generally in debt, gained  by them.   Hence
great debates about paper money  arose in the assem-
bly, between the planting and  mercantile  interests.
The governor had  so  much influence  as to  prevail
Avith the assembly to pass a law for sinking and pay-
ing off their bills of credit in three years,  by a tax
on lands and negroes.  Their act for that purpose/
c-avre great satisfaction both to the proprietors and
people concerned in trade.
   This compliance of the assembly Avith the govern-
or's instructions, gave him some faint prospect of re-
conciling them  by degrees to the supreme jurisdiction
of the  proprietors : but  his hopes Avere of short du-
ration. The planters finding the tax act burdensome,
began  to complain and to contrive ways and means
for eluding it by stamping more bills of credit.  The
proprietors having information of this, and also of a
design formed  by the assembly  to  set a price  on 
64           REVOLUTION  OF  1719-
country  commodities  and  make them at  such a
price a good tender in  laAv for the  payment of all
debts, enjoined their governor not to give his assent
to any bill framed by the assembly, nor to render it
of any force in  the colony,  before  a  copy  thereof
should be laid before them.   About the same time
the king, by his order in council, signified to the pro-
prietors that they should repeal an act passed  in Ca-
rolina of pernicious consequence to the trade of the
mother country; by Avhich u a duty of ten per cent.
was .laid on all goods of british manufacture import-
ed into that province."   Accordingly  this  act, to-
gether Avith that " for regulating elections,"  and an-
other, " for declaring the right of the  assembly to
nominate a public receiver," Avere all repealed ;  and
sent  to governor Johnson in a letter Avhich enjoined
him instantly  to dissolve the assembly,  and call an-
other to be chosen in Charlestown according to the
ancient usage of the province.   The proprietors con-
sidered themselves as  possessing not  only  power
to put a negative on all  laws made  in the  colony,
but also to repeal such as they deemed pernicious.
   Governor Johnson,  sensible  of the  evil  conse-
quences that A\-ould attend the immediate execution
of these orders, convened  his council to take their
advice on  Avhat Avas most proper to be done.  When
he communicated his orders and instructions from
England, the majority of the council were astonish-
ed.   But as the assembly were at that time  deliber-
ating  on the means of paying the provincial debt, it
was agreed to  postpone the dissolution of the house
until  the business before them  should  be finished.
As the repeal  of the duty law was occasioned by an 
REVOLUTION OF 1719-           65
 order from the king in council, they resolved to ac-
 quaint the assembly immediately aa ith the royal dis-
 pleasure at that clause of the law which laid an im-
 post duty on  all goods manufacture*! in Great-Bri-
 tain ;  and to advise them to make a new act, leaving
 out the clause which had given offence.   Though
t great  pains were taken to  conceal the governor's in-
 structions, yet they were divulged and  excited vio-
 lent resentments.   The  assembly  entered  into  a
 warm  debate  about the proprietors'  right of repeal-
 ing laAVS, passed with the assent of their  deputies.
 Many alleged that the  deputation  given  to them
 was like a power of attorney, sent to persons at  a
 distance, authorizing them to act in their stead ; and
 insisted that,  according to  the  charter, they were
 bound by their assent to acts as much as if the pro-
 prietors themselves had been present and confirmed
 them.
   Chief justice Trott  Avas  suspected  of holding  a
 private correspondence with the proprietors, to the
 prejudice of the Carolinians.   On that and several
 other grounds he was the object of their hatred and
 resentment  Richard  Allein  Whitaker,  and other
 practitioners of the ilaw, charged him with base and
 iniquitous practices.  No  less than  thirty-one arti-
 cles of complaint against him  Avere presented to the
 assembly, setting forth among other things,  " That
 he had contrived many ways to multiply and increase
 his  fees—that  he had contrived a fee for continuing
 causes from one term to another, and put off the
 hearing of them for years—that he  took upon him
 to give ad\Tice in  causes  depending in his courts;
 and not only acted as counsellor in  these cases, but
   vol. I.               K 
66
REVOLUTION OF  1719-
had drawn deeds between party and party;  some of
which had been contested before him  as chief jus-
tice, and in  determining of which he had  shown
great partiality—and lastly, complaining  that  the
whole judicial poAver of  the province Avas lodged in
his hands; he being at the same time  sole  judge of
the court of  common pleas, king's bench,  and vice
admiralty, so that no prohibit!  a  could be lodged
against  the  proceedings  of  these courts, othenvise
than by  his granting one against himself.   He Avas
at the same time a member  of the  council, and  of
consequence a judge of the court of chancery.
   These articles of complaint were well grounded,
and the facts alleged Avere supported by strong evi-
dence before the assembly.   But as the judge  held
his commission from the  proprietors, he denied that
he w as  accountable  to the assembly for any part of
his judicial  conduct; and declared that he would
answer  no where but in England.  The assembly,
hoAvever, sent a message to the governor and coun-
cil requesting that they  Avould concur in represent-
ing his conduct to the proprietors; and in praying
them either to remove  him from  his seat in  the
courts of justice, or  at least to confine him exclusive-
ly to one jurisdiction; and to grant to the  people a
right of appealing from his judgments.   The govern-
br and council, convinced of the maladministration of
the judge, agreed to join the commons in  their re-
presentation.    But they thought  it most  prudent
and  respectful to send one  of their counsellors to
England Avith their memorial.  Francis Yonge, a man
of considerable,abilities, Avho had been  present at all
their debates, Avas pitched upon as well qualified for 
REVOLUTION OF  1719-
67
giving their lordships a faithful account of the Avhole
matter.   Accordingly  he  sailed for England,  and
arrived in London early in the year  1719.
   Soon after his arrival he Avaited on lord Carteret,
the  palatine; but his lordship referred  him to the
other  proprietors for an answer to  his  representa-
tion.   When  they met, Yonge delivered to them a
letter  from  governor Johnson—the articles of com-
plaint against chief justice Trott—and the joint ad-
dress  of the governor, council, and  assembly, pray-
ing to have him removed  entirely from the bench
or confined to a single jurisdiction.
   This memorial was far  from being agreeable to
the proprietors; some of them inferred from it that
the people were industrious in searching for causes
of dissatisfaction, Avith a vieAv to shake the proprie-
tary  authority.   Others had received letters from
Trott which intimated that Yonge, though an officer
of the proprietors, had assisted the people in forming
plausible  pretences  for that  purpose.  For three
months Yonge attended the palatine's court, to ac-
complish the ends of his appointment.  After all he
was given to understand, that the business on which
he came was extremely disagreeable to them—that the
trouble he had taken and the office he had accepted
as agent for  the people, Avere inconsistent Avith his du-
ty as one of the deputies bound to act in conformity
to their instructions.  They declared their displeasure
with the members of the council Avho had joined the
lower  house in their complaints against Trott—re-
moved them from the  board—appointed others in
their place—and increased the number of members
from seven to twelve. They told Yonge that he also 
68
REVOLUTION OF  1719.
■would have been  deprived of his seat but for the
high respect they  had for lord Carteret, the absent
palatine, Avhose deputy he  was.   AV ith respect to
chief justice Trott, they had too much confidence in
his  fidelity and capacity to  remove him from his of-
fice.  On the contrary, they sent him a letter thank-
ing him for his excellent speech in defence of their
right ot repealing  all laws made in the colony, toge-
ther Avith a copy of the articles of  complaint against
him.   At the  same time they informed him that it
Avas their opinion, and order, that he should with-
draw from the council-board ay henever appeals from
his  judgments in  the inferior courts were brought
before the governor and council as a court of chan-
cery.
  Such  Avas  the  result of Yonge's negociation in
Britain.   The proprietors were displeased with  him,
and also with governor  Johnson,  for joining  the
other branches of the legislature in theiriate repre-
sentation.   By the  return  of Yonge they  sent out
their repeal of the late popular acts of the legisla-
ture, their list of new counsellors, Avith* positive or-
ders to the governor to publish immediately  the re-
peal of the late popular laws—to convene the new
counsellors for the dispatch of business—to dissolve
the assembly  chosen according to the late act, and
to  cause a neAv assembly to be elected according to
the old  act which required all the electors to meet
and vote in Charlestown.
    Governor Johnson on  receiving these new orders
 and instructions, instantly foresaw the difficulty of
 executing them.   Determined  hoAvever to comply,
 he summoned his council of  twelve whom the pro- 
REVOLUTION OF  1719.
69
prietors had lately nominated.  These Avere William
Bull—Ralph Izard—Nicholas Trott—Charles Hart
—Samuel Wragg—Benjamin de la Consiliere—Pe-
ter  St. Julian—William  Gibbon—Hugh Butler—
Francis Yonge—Jacob Satur—and Jonathan Skrine.
Some of these accepted the appointment, but others
refused to serve. Alexander Skene, Thomas Brough-
ton, and James Kinloch,  members of the  former
board, being noAv left out of the new list of coun-
sellors, were disgusted and joined the people.  The
present assembly was dissolved ;  and writs were is-
sued for electing another  in CharlestOAvn, according
to the ancient usage of the province.   The general
duty act, from the proceeds of which all public debts
were  defrayed,  and the act respecting the freedom
of  election  Avere repealed.    In  consequence  of
which public credit was destroyed, and the colonists
were  obliged to have  recourse  to the old inconve-
nient manner of elections in CharlestOAvn.   The act
declaring  the right  of  the  commons to nominate a
public receiver was also annulled, and declared to be
contrary to the  usage of Great-Britain.   The gover-
nor had instructions to refuse his assent to all laws
respecting the trade and shipping of  Great-Britain,
Avhich any future assembly might pass, until they Avere
 first approved by  the proprietors.   The provincial
debts incurred by the indian war, and the expedition
against  pirates  not only remained  unpaid, but no
 more bills of credit  Avere alloAved to be stamped for
 answering the public demands.  The colonists con-
 sidered the new council of twelve, instead of the o}d
 one of seven, as an innovation in the proprietary go-
 vernment;  exceeding  the chartered poAver  granted 
\
70            REVOLUTION  OF  1719-

their lordships, and subjecting them to a jurisdic-
tion foreign to the constitution of the province. The
complaints of the whole legislature against chief jus-
tice Trott Avere not only disregarded, but  he was
privately caressed and publicly  applauded.   These
grievances were rendered the more intolerable, from
the circumstance  that the suffering colonists could
indulge no hopes of redress under the existing sys-
tem of proprietary government.
  It may be  thought somewhat astonishing,  that the
proprietors should have persisted in  measures so
disagreeable  and  so manifestly subversive of their
authority.  Many were  the hardships from the cli-
mate, and the danger from savages,  with which the
colonists had to struggle; yet  their landlords,  in-
stead  of  rendering their  circumstances easy and
comfortable,  seemed rather bent  on doubling their
distresses.    The  people could no  longer  regard
them as indulgent fathers,  but as tyrannical legisla-
tors that imposed more on them than they were able
to bear.   It  Avas the duty of  the proprietors to  lis-
ten to their complaints, and redress their grievances.
It was their  interest to consult the internal security
and population  of their colony.   But perhaps the
troubles and  miseries suffered by the colonists, ought
to be ascribed to their lordships' shameful  inatten-
tion rather   than  to  their tyrannical disposition.
Lord Carteret the palatine held high offices of trust
under  the  crown, which required all his time and
care.   Some of the proprietors were minors—others
possessed estates  in England, the improvement of
Avhich  engrossed  their  attention.   Having  reaped
little or nothing from their american  possessions, and 
REVOLUTION OF  1719-          71
 finding them every year becoming more troublesome
 and expensive, they trusted the  affairs of their colo-
 ny too much  to a  clerk  or secretary  who  was no
 ways  interested  in  their prosperity.  Chief justice
 Trott, in whose integrity and fidelity the proprietors
 placed  unlimited  confidence, held of them  many
 offices of trust  and emolument.  Being  dependent
 on them for the tenure of his office, and the amount
 and payment of his salary, he strongly  supported
 their power  and prerogative.   The proprietors de-
 pended  on his  influence,  and eloquence, to make
 their favorite measures go down  with the people.
 Trott vindicated their  authority in gratitude  for  fa-
 vors  received,  and in the  expectation of receiving
 more.    A reciprocal chain of dependence and obli-
 gation was formed  between them.  This interested
 policy  was carried  too far.  The chain broke.  A
 new order of things took place.   In consequence of
 which Trott's influence  Avas completely  destroyed,
 and the power of the proprietors for ever annihilated.
   About this time, a rupture having taken place be-
 tAveen the courts of Great-Britain and Spain, a pro-
 ject for attacking South-Carolina  and the island of
 Providence Avas  formed at the Havanna.  Governor
 Johnson having  received advice from England of this
 design, resolved to put the province in a posture of de-
 fence.   For this purpose he summoned a meeting of
 council, and of such members of assembly as Avere in
 town, to inform them of the intelligence he had receiv-
 ed and to desire their advice and assistance in case of
 any sudden emergency.   He told  them of the shat-
tered condition of the fortifications,  and  urged the
necessity  of speedy reparations.   To meet the ex- 
 72          REVOLUTION  OF 1/19-
 pense  he proposed  a voluntary  subscription,  and
 headed it with his own signature to a large amount
 as an example to others.  The members of assembly
 replied, " that  a  subscription Avas needless, as the
 income of  the  duties would be sufficient to answer
 the  purpose intended."   The governor  objected,
 " that the duty law had been repealed, and no other
 yet framed in its place."  To Avhich the members of
 assembly answered,  " they had resolved to pay no
 regard to these  repeals, and that the public receiver
 had orders from them to sue every man that should
 refuse to pay as that law directed."   Chief justice
 Trott told them, " if any action or  suit should be
 brought  into his courts on that law, he would  give
judgment for the defendant."  The contest betAveen
 the parties became warm, and the conference broke
 up before  any  thing was determined  upon for the
 public safety.   The members of assembly resolved
 to hazard the loss of the province to the Spaniards,
 rather than yield to the council  and  acknowledge
 the right of the proprietors to repeal laws which had
 been regularly passed.
   Governor Johnson judging it  prudent  to  be al-
 ways in the best posture of defence, called a meet-
 ing of the field officers of the militia—ordered them
 to review their regiments, and fixed a place of gene-
 ral rendezvous.   At this  meeting they  received
 their orders with  their usual submission,  and  cal-
 led together the different regiments on  pretence of
 training the men.   But before this time the mem-
 bers chosen to serve in assembly, though  they had
 not met in their usual and  regular way at Charles-
 tOAvn,  had nevertheless held several private meet- 
               REVOLUTION OF  1719.          73
 ihgs  in the  country  to concert measures for re-
 volting from their allegiance.  They had drawn up
 an association for uniting the whole  province in op-
 position to the  proprietary government.   This Avas
 proposed to  the people at the public meeting of the
 militia, as an opportunity the most favorable for pro-
 curing a general subscription. The people, oppress-
 ed and discontented, eagerly embraced the proposal;
 and almost to a man subscribed this bond of union,
 in which  they promised to  stand by each  other in
 defence of their rights,  against  the tyranny of the
 proprietors and their officers.  The confederacy was
 formed Avith  such secrecy, that before it reached the
 governor's ears nearly all the inhabitants had con-
 curred in it.   The members of assembly, having
 formed their  resolution to revolt  and gone so far a^
 to induce the people  to support  them, determined
 to proceed until they should bring themselves under
 the protection of the king.
   At the election in Charlestown Trott  and Rhett,
 who formerly had extensive influence, were so  un-
 popular that they could not bring one man into the
 house.  Alexander Skene,  lately  excluded from the
 council, was  elected a member of this new assembly,
 Avhich was chosen on purpose to oppose the civil offi-
 eers.   Considering himself as ill used by the propri-
etors, he became zealous and active in pulling down
the tottering  fabric of their government.   He and
several  other members of  assembly  held  frequent
meetings to consider of their grievances, and the en-
couragement they had received from Britain respect-
ing the great end they had in view.  They recalled
   voi,.  t.               L 
74
REVOLUTION OF  1719-
to mind what had passed in the house of peers du-
ring the reign of queen Anne—how her majesty had
then ordered her attorney, and solicitor general, to
consider of the most effectual methods of proceeding
against the charter.  They knew also that a bill had
been brought into the house of commons, for reduc-
ing all charter and proprietary governments into re-
gal ones.  They had been informed that lord Carter-
et,  conscious  of the inability of the proprietors to
defend their province in the yamassee war, had pub-
licly applied for assistance from the british govern-
ment ; and  that the lords of  trade Avere  of opinion,
that the government of the province should belong to
that power Avhich bore the expense of its  protection.
They had considered all  these things, and flattered
themselves  with  hopes,  that the  king would  take
the colony under his care as  soon as they renounced
allegiance to the proprietors. They had so thorough-
ly  convinced the people  of  the great happiness of
the colonies which were  under the  immediate care
and protection  of the crown, that they desired no-
thing more than to enjoy the same privileges.
   To  these secret meetings,  and transactions, gover-
nor Johnson was  an entire stranger until he receiv-
ed a  letter bearing date  November 28th 1719, and
signed by Alexander Skene, George Logan, and Wil-
 liam  BlakeAvay;  in  which  they  informed him of
 the general association to throw off  the proprietary
 government, and of the determination of the people to
 request his acceptance of the government from them
 in behalf of the king.  They also gave it as their opin-
 ion that he might with honor accept the government 
REVOLUTION  OF 1719-
75'
thus offered, and advised him to do so.  The gover-
nor  considered this letter,  though fraught with  the
highest professions of personal respect, as  an insult;
but especially the advice contained therein, which he
deemed derogatory both to his integrity and fidelity.
The letter, how ever, served to give him notice of the
association and the resolution of the people which it
was  his duty to defeat.   For this purpose  he hasten-
ed to town—summoned his council—informed them
of the association—and  required their advice and
assistance  about   the  most  effectual  methods of
breaking it  up and supporting the proprietary  go-
vernment.    The council, unable  to determine what
was  best to  be done, advised the governor to take
no present  notice  of the  proceedings,  but to wait
events.
  In the mean time the members of assembly were
using their  utmost diligence among the  people to
keep them firm to  their purpose,  having got almost
every  person,  except the officers and  particular
friends of the  proprietors,  to sign the association.
All agreed to support whatever their representatives
should do for disengaging the colony from the yoke
of the proprietors, and putting it  under the  govern-
ment of the king.   Having  thus fortified themselves
by the union of the inhabitants, the assembly met to
take bolder and more decisive steps.   Being appre-
hensive that the governor would immediately dissolve
them,  they  instantly came to the following resolu-
tions.  "Firstly: that the several krws * pretended to
  * The titles of the laws repealed by the proprietors, and ad-
hered toby the Carolinians as unrepealed, were— 
76
REVOLUTION  OF  1719-
be repealed are still in force,  and  could not be re-
pealed but by the general assembly of the province :
and that all public officers and others do pay due re-
gard to the same accordingly.   Secondly :  that the
■writs w hereby the present representatives Avere elect-
ed are illegal,  because they  are signed by such a
council as the proprietors  have not a  power to ap-
point; for this council consists of a greater  number
of members than that of  the proprietors, which  is
contrary to  the design and original intent of their
charter.   Thirdly: that  the representatives cannot
act as an assembly, but as  a convention delegated by
the people to prevent the utter ruin of the province
till his majesty's pleasure  be known."   And lastly:
" that the lords  proprietors have by  such proceed-
ings unhinged the frame of their government and for-
feited  their rights to the same—and that an address
be prepared to desire governor Johnson to  take the
government  upon him in  the king's name—and to
continue the administration thereof until his majesty's
pleasure be known."
  Agreeably  to the last  resolution an address was
drawn up and signed by Arthur Middleton as  presi-
dent,  and twenty-tAvo  members of the convention, to
be presented  to Johnson.   In  the mean time the

  1st.  An act for declaring the rights of the house of commons^
for the time being, to nominate a public receiver.
  2d. An act entitled an act for laying an impost on negroes.,
liquors, and other goods and merchandize,  Sic.
  3d. An act entitled an act  to ascertain the form of electing
members to represent the inhabitants in general assembly. • 
REVOLUTION OF 1719-
77
governor  sent a message to the  house acquainting
them that he was ready, Avith his council, to receive
and order them to choose a speaker.  They came to
the  upper house in a body, and Arthur Middleton
addressed him in the folloAving words.   "  I am or-
dered by the representatives of the people,  here pre-
sent,  to tell you that according to your honor's or-
der we are come  to  Avait on you.  I  am further or-
dered to acquaint you that  Ave OAvn your honor as
our governor, you being approved by the king ; and
as there Avas once in this province a legal council re-
presenting the proprietors as their deputies, which
constitution being now altered, we do  not look on the
gentlemen present to be a legal council; so I am or-
dered to tell you that the representatives of the peo-
ple disown them as such,  and Avill not act with them
on any account."
   The governor, and council, struck with astonish-
ment at the spirit of the convention  and suspecting
that they  Avere supported by the people, were great-
ly puzzled Avhile deliberating on  the  measures they
should take to recall them to the obedience of legal
authority.   Some Avere for opposing  violence to vi-
olence;  and thought the best Avay of bringing them
back  to their allegiance, Avould be to terrify them
Avith threats and confiscations.   Others were of opi-
nion that the defection was  too general, to admit of
such  a remedy, and that mild expostulations were
more proper; and if  such gentle means failed, the
governor might then dissolve them and put  an end to
the dispute.  But  on the other hand dangers hung
over the country; and the only fund for  repairing 
78
REVOLUTION OF  1719-
the fortifications being lost by the repeal of the ge-
neral act duty, it  Avas necessary that money  should
be  provided by some new  law for public purposes.
If the  governor dissolved the house,  how  could the
province be put in a  posture of defence against a
Spanish invasion  Avith which it was  threatened ?  if
he should suffer thdm to sit while they had resolved
that the  proprietors had forfeited  their right to the
government, and refused on any  account to act Avith
his council, he might be chargeable with a breach of
his trust.  The  result of their deliberations was a
message  from the  governor and council,  desiring a
conference Avith the house of assembly.   To which
they returned for answer, that " they would  not re-
ceive any message or paper from the governor,  in
conjunction with  the gentlemen he  was pleased  to
call his council."    Finding them inflexible, and reso-
lute, the governor was obliged  to give way to  the
current; and therefore, in tAvo days  afterwards, sent
for them in  his own name and delivered to them a
long and elaborate speech, and furnished them  with
a Avritten copy of it.  In this he soothed the popular
leaders—expostulated and reasoned with  them—re-
monstrated against their measures—and attempted to
alarm  them and their followers with  the consequen-
ces of their conduct;  but all  in vain.  The assembly
was neither to be shaken by persuasion nor intimi-
dated by threats.   After a short pause, they return-
ed  with the following  answer.   " We have already
acquainted you that Ave would not receive any mes-
sage or paper from your honor,  in conjunction  with
the gentlemen you are pleaded to call your council, 
              REVOLUTION OF  1719.            Jy
 therefore Ave must now repeat  the  same; and beg
 eave to tell you, that the paper you  read  and de
 Hvered to us we take no notice  of nor shall we give
 any further answer to it but in Great-Britain."
   Immediately after they came  with an  address to
 the governor, avowing their resolution to cast off all
 obedience to the proprietary  government; declaring
 him to be the most fit person to govern them—and
 intreating him  to  take  upon him the government
 in the name  of the king.   This  flattering  address
 concluded in the following manner.  " As the well-
 being  and preservation of this  province, depends
 greatly on your complying with our requests;  so we
 flatter ourselves that you, who  have  expressed  so
 tender a  regard for it on all occasions  and  particu-
 larly in  hazarding your  person  in an expedition
 against the pirates for its defence, we hope sir, that
 you will exert yourself at this time for its support ;
 and we  promise your honor on  our parts, the most-
 faithful assistance of persons duly sensible of  your
 great goodness  and big with the hopes and expecta-
 tion of his  majesty's countenance and  protection.
 And we farther  beg leave to assure your honor, that
 we will in the  most dutiful manner address his sa-
 cred majesty, king George, for  the  continuance  of
 your government over us; under whom Ave doubt
 not to  be a happy people."
  To  this address the  governor replied:  "  I am
obliged to you for your  good opinion of me ; but 1
hold my commission from the  true and absolute lords
and proprietors  of this province, Avho recommended
me to his majesty, and I have his approbation :  it  is 
  80           REVOLUTION  OF  1719.
  by that commission and power I act, and I knoAV of
  no authority which can dispossess me of the same
  but that of those Avho invested me Avith it.   In sub-
  ordination to  them I shall always act, and, to my
  utmost, maintain their  lordship's  just  power and
  prerogatives  Avithout encroaching oh  the  people's
  rights.   I do not expect or desire any favor from
  you, only that of seriously taking into consideration,
  the approaching danger of a foreign enemy  and the,
  steps you are taking to involve yourselves, and this
  province,  in anarchy and contusion."
    The representatives  having now  fully declared
  their intentions, and finding it impossible to win over
  the governor to a compliance  with their  measures,
  began to  treat him  with indifference and neglect.
  He on the other hand, perceiving that neither harsh
  nor gentle means  could recall them to their alle-
 giance,  issued  a  proclamation  for dissolving the
 house.  The  representatives ordered his proclama-
 tion to  be torn from* the marshal's hands.   They
 met  upon their OAvn  authority, and  chose  colonel
 James Moore their governor,  Avho Avas a  man ex-
 cellently qualified for  being a popular leader in pe-
 rilous adArentures.  To governor Johnson he was ho '
 friend ; having been by him removed from his com-
 mand of the militia, for Avarmly espousing the cause
 of the  people.  In every new enterprise he had been
 a volunteer;  and in all  his undertakings Avas reso-
 lute, steady, and  inflexible.  A day was fixed  for
proclaiming him, in the name of the king,  governor
of the  province ; and orders were issued for  direct-
ing all officers, civil and military, to continue, in theirv 
REVOLUTION OF  1719-
81
different places and  employments till  they  should
hear further from the  convention.
  Johnson some time before had appointed a day
for a general revieAv  of the provincial  militia, and
the convention  fixed  on  the  same  day  for publicly
proclaiming Moore.   The governor having  intelli-
gence of their design,  sent orders to colonel Parris
the commander of the militia to postpone the revieAv
to a future day.   Parris,  though a zealous friend to
the revolution, assured him his orders should be obey-
ed. NotAvithstanding this assurance, on the day fixed
when governor Johnson came to tOAvn,  he found, to
his surprise, the militia  drawn  up in  the  market-
square, now the site  of  the national  bank, colours
flying at  the forts  and on board all the ships in the
harbor;  and great  preparations  making  for  the
proclamation.   Exasperated at the insults offered to
his person and authority, he could not command his
temper.   Some he threatened to chastise for flying in
the face of government, to Avhich they had sworn fide-
lity; with others he coolly reasoned, and endeavored
to recall them by representing the fatal  consequence
that Avould attend  such rash proceedings.   But ad-
vancing to Parris,  he asked him  " how  he durst ap-
pear in arms contrary to  his orders ?" and command-
ed him in the  king's  name, instantly to disperse his
men.  Colonel Parris replied " he Avas obeying the
orders of the convention."   The governor in great
rage Avalked up toAvards him,  upon which Parris
immediately commanded his militia to  present their
muskets at him, and ordered him " to stand off at
his peril."   The  governor expected  during  this
struggle that some friends, especially  such as held
   vol. i.               M 
82
REVOLUTION OF  17 19-
offices  of profit and trust under the  proprietors,
Avould  have  supported  him,  or that the  militia
Avould have laid doAvn  their arms at his command ;
but he was disappointed ;  for all either stood silent,
or kept firm to the standard of the convention. Vain
were the efforts of his single arm in opposition to so
general a defection.  Even Trott and  Rhett in  this
extremity forsook him and kept at a  distance,  the
silent and inactive spectators of their master's ruined
authority.
   After  this  the  members of convention,  attended
and escorted  by the militia, publicly marched to the
fort;  and there proclaimed James Moore  governor
of the province in nftme of the king, which was  fol-
lowed by the loudest acclamations of the populace.
Upon  their  return they proceeded to the  election
of twelve counsellors, after the manner of the royal
provinces.   Of these sir Hovenden   Wralker  vvas
made president.  The revolutioners had noAv their
governor, council, and convention, and all of their
own free election.  In  consequence of Avhich,  the
delegates published a declaration in which they jus-
tified the measures they had adopted;  and pledged
themselves to support the  new governor,  and com-
manded  all officers, civil and military, to pay him all
duty and obedience.
  After  this declaration  was solemnly published,
Johnson  retained  but small  hope of  recalling  the
people to obey the proprietary  authorities.  Still,
however, he  flattered himself that the men who  had
usurped  the  government would not long remain in
a state of union and peace.  In this expectation he
called together the civil officers of the proprietors,
and ordered them to secure the public records,  and 
REVOLUTION OF  1719-
83
 shut up all offices against the revolutioners and their
 adherents.
   In the  mean  time,  the  delegates of the people
 Atere occupied  in  regulating public affairs.  They
 took a dislike  to the name  of convention, as diffe-
 rent from that of the other regal  governments in
 America,  and  voted themselves  an assembly,  and
 assumed the power of appointing all public officers.
 In place of Nicholas Trott they made  Richard Ah-
 lein  chief justice.   Another person  was appointed
 provincial  secretary, in the room of Charles  Hart
 But William Rhett and Francis Yonge secured to
 themselves the same offices  they held from the pro-
 prietors.   Colonel John Barnwell  was chosen agent
 for  the  province and embarked  for England  with
 instructions and orders to apply to the king, and lay
 a state of their public proceedings  before him, and
 to beseech his majesty to take the  province under
 his  immediate care and protection.  A  new duty
 law  for  raising money  to defray the various expen-
 ses  of government was passed.  Orders were given
 for  the  immediate  repairs  of the fortifications  at
 CharlestOAvn;  and William Rhett  was nominated
 inspector-general of the projected repairs.  To their
 new governor they voted two thousand five hundred
 pounds,  and to  their  chief justice eight  hundred
 pounds current money,  as yearly salaries.   To their
 agent in England  they transmitted one thousand
 pounds sterling.   To defray these  and  the other
expenses of government, an  act was  passed for lay-
ing a tax on lands, and negroes, to raise thirty thou-
sand  pounds  Carolina money, for the service of the
current year. 
?4           REVOLUTION OF  1719-
  When they began to  levy  the taxes imposed by
this  act, Johnson and  some  of his  party  refused
to pay; giving for  reason that the  act Avas  not
made by lawful authority.   On  account  of his par-
ticular  circumstances,  Johnson  Avas  excused;  but
they resolved to compel  every other person  to sub-
mit to their jurisdiction, and obey their laws.   They
seized the effects or negroes of such  as  refused—
sold them at public auction—and applied the money
for the payment  of their taxes.  Thus  in spite of
all opposition,  they established themselves  in  the
full possession of all the powers of government.
  In the mean time Johnson received certain advice
that the Spaniards had sailed from the  Havanna,
with a fleet of fourteen  ships and a force consisting
of twelve hundred men, against South-Carolina and
Providence;  and it was uncertain which of the two
they  would first attack.  At  this time of imminent
danger, the late governor endeavored  to  recall the
people to subjection ;  and sent to the convention a
letter, in  which he attempted to alarm them by re-
presenting the  dangerous consequences  of  military
operations under  unlawful  authority; but they re-
mained firm to their purpose, and, without taking
any  notice of the letter, continued  to do business
with  Moore as they fad begun;  and in concert with
him,  adopted  measures for the public security.
They proclaimed martial law,  and ordered the inha-
bitants of the  province to CharlestOAvn for its de-
fence.  All the officers  of the militia accepted their
commissions  from Moore, and engaged to stand by
him against all foreign enemies.   For two weeks the
provincial militia were kept under arms  at Charles- 
REVOLUTION OF  171$.
85
tOAvn,  every day  expecting  the  appearance of the
Spanish fleet Avhich they were informed had  sailed
from the  Havanna.   The  Spaniards  resolved first
to attack  Providence, and then to proceed  against
Carolina;  but by the conduct and courage of captain
Rogers,  at that time governor  of the island, they
were repulsed and soon after lost the greatest part
of their fleet in a storm.
   The Spanish expedition having thus proved abor-
tive, the Flamborough man of war commanded by
captain Kildesley,  returned  from Providence island
to her  station at  Charlestown.  About the same
time his majesty's ship Phoenix commanded by cap-
tain  Pierce, arrived  from a cruize.   The comman-
ders of these two,men of Avar were caressed by both
parties;  but they publicly declared for Johnson, as
the magistrate invested Avith legal authority.  Charles
Hart,  secretary of the province, by orders from go-
vernor Johnson and his council, had secreted and se-
cured  the  public records so that the revolutioners
could  not  obtain  possession of them.   The clergy
refused to  marry without a license from Johnson, as
the only legal ordinary of the province.  These and
other inconveniences, from the unsettled  state of
things, rendered several of  the people more cool in
their affection for the popular government.  At this
juncture Johnson,  Avith the assistance of the captains
and creAvs  of  the ships of war, made his  last and
boldest effort for subjecting the colonists to his au-
thority.  He brought up the ships of war in front of
Charlestown, and threatened its immediate destruc-
tion, if the inhabitants any longer refused obedience
to legal authority.   But they  having arms in their 
 36           REVOLUTION OF  1719.
 hands, and forts in their possession, defied his pow-
 er.  They Avere neither to be won by flattery, nor
 terrified by threats to submit their necks any more
 to the proprietary  yoke.   Johnson  feeling his  impo-
 tence,  made no more attempts for the  recovery of
 his lost authority.
   In the mean time the agent for Carolina had pro-
 cured a hearing from the  lords  of  the regency and
 council in England,  the "king being at that time in
 Hanover; Avho gave it as their opinion that the pro-
 prietors had forfeited  their charter, and ordered the
 attorney general to take out a scire facias against it.
   An act of parliament was passed  in Britain for es-
 tablishing an agreement with seven  of the eight pro-
 prietors for a surrender to the king  of their right and
 interest not only in the government, but in the soil
 of the province.  The purchase was made for 17,500
 sterling.  At the same time seven-eighths of the ar-
 rears of quit-rents due from the colonists to the pro-
 prietors, were purchased on behalf of the crown for
 c£5000.   The remaining eighth share of the province
 and of the arrears  of quit-rents were reserved  out of
 the purchase by a  clause  in the act  of parliament,
 for John lord Carteret.   About the same time the
province was subdivided  by the  name of North
and South-Carolina.
  Upon a revieAv of these  transactions, we may ob-
serve;  that although  the conduct of the Carolinians.
 during this struggle, cannot be deemed conformable
to the strict letter of Avritten law, yet  necessity and
self preservation justify their conduct; while all the
Avorld must  applaud their moderation, union,  firm-
ness, and wisdom.  When the proprietors first ap- 
REVOLUTION OF 1719-
S.7
plied to the king for a grant of this large territory,
at that time occupied by  heathens, they said  they
were excited thereto by their zeal for the propagation
of the christian faith; yet they used no effectual en-
deavors  for  that  purpose.   The  society for the
propagation of the gospel, in foreign parts, employed
and supported missionaries for the conversion of the
heathens ;  but their best endeavors were inadequate
to the extent of the Avork.  The proprietors by  their
charter were empowered to build churches, and cha-
pels, within the bounds of their province for divine
worship; yet they left the burden of this entirely to
the inhabitants, who received no  encouragement or
assistance towards its accomplishment except  from
the  society incorporated  for the  propagation of the
gospel.   The proprietors were empowered by  their
charter to  erect castles and forts for the protection
and  defence  of the colony, but  the  people  Avere
obliged to  raise all these at their  own expense.   By
the  charter his majesty saved to  himself, his  heirs
and  successors,  the sovereign dominion  of the pro-
vince ; yet the  proprietors assumed to themselves a
despotic authority  in repealing and abrogating laAvs
made by the assembly, and ratified by  their deputies
in Carolina.   They not  only tyrannized over the
colony, but employed and protected officers ten times
more tyrannical than themselves.    When the whole
legislature  complained of chief justice Trott,  they
paid no regard  to   their  complaints and  absolutely
refused to  remove  him from the bench,  or even to
limit his jurisdiction.   In times of imminent danger,
when the colony applied to them for assistance,  they
were either unable  or  unwilling to bear the expense 
38
REVOLUTION  OF 1719.
of its protection.   When the assembly allotted the
lands obtained  by conquest from the  yamassee in-
dians for the encouragement of settlers to strength-
en the provincial frontiers, the proprietors  claimed
the sole right of disposing of these lands, and frustra-
ted a judicious plan for preserving public security.
When the trade of the  province was infested by pi-
rates, the inhabitants could neither obtain a force suffi-
cient to extirpate them,  nor a confirmation  of  their
laws made f r defraying the expense of such expedi-
tions as the assembly had  fitted out against them.
The proprietors, at the  request of the  London  mer-
chants, had cried down the current money of the pro-
vince stamped  for ansAvering the public  exigencies.
The people  saAv no end of their troubles.   Pressing
disstress dictated the  necessity of some  remedy.
No expedient appeared to them so proper and  effec-
tual, as that of throAving themselves under the imme-
diate care and protection of the crown  of Great-Bri-
tain.   Disgusted Avith the feeble proprietary govern-
ment they therefore, by  one bold and irregular effort;
entirely shook it off; and a revolution fruitful of hap-
py  consequences  resulted to their great relief and
unspeakable satisfaction.
  From the first  settlement of the colony, one per-
petual struggle subsisted between the  proprietors of
the province and the cultivators of its soil.   A di-
vision  somewhat similar to  that of the  court and
country  parties in England early >sprung up in the
settlement, and kept it  in continual agitation.   The
people considered the proprietary claims of power  as
inconsistent  w ith  their  rights;  hence they became
turbulent, and Arere seldom  satisfied  with  their go- 
REVOLUTION  OF  1719-
89
vernors  in their public capacity, however esteemed
and beloved as private men.   The hands of govern-
ment were always Aveak, and the instructions, and re-
gulations, received from  England Avere for the most
part ill  adapted to  the  local  circumstances of  the
people  and  the  first  state of  colonization.   The
great distance and complicated  hardships of the Ca-
rolinians all concurred to render their revolutionary
measures  not only excusable, but necessary.  The
revolution in England had exemplified and  confirm-
ed the doctrine of resistance, Avhen the executive ma-
gistrate  violates the  fundamental laws and  subverts
the constitution of the nation.   The proprietors had
done acts which,  in the  opinion of the  lords in re-
gency, amounted to a forfeiture of their charter; and
they had ordered a  writ of scire  facias to be taken
out for repealing their patent and rendering the grant
void.    By these  means  all political  connexion  be-
tween the proprietors  and people of Carolina was
entirely  dissolved, and a new relation formed;  the
king having taken the province under  his immediate
care, and made it a part of the british empire.
  In the 49 years of the  proprietary  government of
South-Carolina, there were c23 governors*.   To this

  * These were as follows :—William Sayle, commissioned in
England,  26th July,  1669.  Joseph West, 28th  August, 1671.
Sir John Yeamans, 26th December, 1671.  Joseph West,  2d
time,  13th August, 1674.  Joseph Morton,  26th September,
1682.  Joseph  West,  3d time, 6th September, 1684.   Sir
Richard Kirle, unknown. Colonel Robert Quarry, do.  Joseph
Morton, 2d time, 1685.   James Colleton, 1686.  Seth Sothell,
1690.  PnUip Ludwell, 1692.   Thomas Smith, 1693.  Joseph
BiaRe, 1694.  John Archdale, 1695.  Joseph Blake, 2d time,
1696. James Moore, 1700.   Sir  Nathaniel Johnson, 1703.
  VOL. T-.              N 
90           REVOLUTION  OF 1719.
office Joseph West was thrice appointed ;  and Jo-
seph Morton and Joseph Blake, each twice.  Joseph
West was the only  one Avho served as long  as  eight
years.   James Colleton and Seth Sothell were dis-
graced by the people, and Robert Johnson was de-
posed by  the same authority.
   Of the  several proprietary governments in british
America,  few  or none have answered.   Too  often
have they been undertaken and carried on Avith the
contracted views of land-jobbers.   To propagate the
gospel among the native heathens was generally the
ostensible design;  but to make money  by the sale or
rents of lands, rising in value from the introduction
of settlers, av as for the most part the governing mo-
tive  of private proprietors.  To obtain a great in-
come, from a small  expenditure, Avas the leading ob-
ject  of their policy.   They were therefore slow in
defending and protecting their tenants.  The sub-
jects of subjects, often fare Avorse  than the subjects of
kings.  Between limited monarchy and representative
government,  there  seems to be no middle ground for
political happiness.
   In the  course of the 18th century,  South-Caroli-
na underwent two revolutions;  the  last of  which
took place in 1776.   Several of the actors in this are
yet alive,  and must be struck Avith the resemblance
of the measures adopted by their predecessors and
themselves for accomplishing these great and similar
events.    In  both  cases a well-intentioned people,
alarmed  for  their rights,  Avere roused to extraordi-

Edward Tynte,  December, 1709.   Robert  Gibbes,  1710.
Charles Craven, 1712.  Robert Daniel, 1716.  Robert John-
Son, 1717;  deposed in December, 1719. 
.REVOLUTION  OF 1719.
91
nary exertions for securing them.  They petitioned,
in a legal channel,  for a redress of their grievances ;
but that being refused, they proceeded to bolder mea-
sures.   Before they took decisive steps from Avhich
there was no honorable retreat;  they both cemented
their union  by an association generally signed by the"
inhabitants.  The physical force of government in all
countries rests Avith the governed; but from the Avantof
union and concert, they  often quietly submit to be
ruled with a rod  of iron or make such feeble inju-
dicious  efforts  in the cause of liberty  as incur the
penalties of rebellion; instead of gaining the blessings
of a change for the better.   The case Avas otherwise
in Carolina.   In both revolutions, an honest people
engaged by  a  solemn agreement  to support each
other in defence  of  their rights, and to yield  obedi-
ence to the leaders of their own appointment.  When
they had bound themselves by the tie of an associa-
tion, they seized  their arms—took the forts and ma-
gazines into possession—and assumed the direction
of the militia.  A new government, without confusion
or violence, virtually superseded the  existing  autho-
rity of the proprietary governor in  one case  and of
the king's representative in the other.  The revolu-
tioners  in both respectfully asked their  former go-
vernors to join them; but from principles of honor
and delicacy they declined.   On  their refusal  they
became  private persons, and the people proceeded
without them to organise every department of govern-
ment by their own authority.   The  popular leaders
in one case called  themselves a convention  of the
people, and in the other a provincial congress; but
in  both,  Avhen the  revolution was  completed,  they 
92           REVOLUTION  OF 1719.

voted themselves an assembly—passed laws in the
usual manner—and by manifestoes,  justified their
conduct to the world.  In these proceedings neither
faction nor party had any hand.   The general inter-
ests of the great  body of the settlers, were the  pole
star by which public measures were regulated.  The
people, guided neither by private vieAvs nor selfish
ends  and acting  in  unison, eventually found their
labors croAvned Avith success ;  and that each change
of government produced for their country a meliora-
tion of its circumstances.   A whole generation pas-
sed away, and a new one sprung up in the interval,
between  these two  revolutions,  though only fifty-
seven years distant.  No individual has been recog-
nised as an actor  in both.   But the name of Middle-
ton was conspicuous in the first,  and more so in the
last.  Arthur Middleton was president of the  con-
vention of the people in 1719 ; his son, Henry Mid-
dleton, president of the congress of the United Co-
lonies in 1774;  and his grand-son,  Arthur Middle-
ton, w as one of the subscribers to the famous declara-
tion of independence in 1776, by which South-Caro-
lina became a sovereign state.
   The proprietary government of Carolina may  be
termed its infancy.  When it ceased in  1719, St.
Stephen's w as the frontier of the province.   Forts
were erected there  in St. John's, on colonel Glaze's
land, near Dorchester,  Dorchester, Wiltown, and
other places  about the same distance from the coast;
and were necessary to defend the settlers from the
Indians.   The former rarely  ventured fifty miles
from the  atlantic.  The latter occupied what is now
 called* the upper and middle country  of Carolina^ 
REVOLUTION  OF 1719-
93
and Avere very troublesome  neighbors.   Their dis-
tressing incursions occasionally penetrated as low as
Goosecreek.   Charlestown was not perfectly safe,
for it was exposed to danger both from them and
the Spaniards.  As much of  it as lies between the
central market and Water-street, the bay and Meet-
ing-street, was fortified both on the land and water
side.   Much of that part of it which lay to the west
of Meeting-street, and the north and south of Broad-
street, was either a forest, or  laid out in farms, gar-
dens, orange-groves, or orchards,  with here or there
a straggling house.  Peltry or lumber, with a little
rice, were the only exports  of the province.   The
planters were better satisfied with a dollar per hun-
dred  for the  last article, than  they have  been for
years past with  three.   The coast was infested with
pirates, and they made several captures near the bar
of Charlestown.   There w ere incessant contentions
between  the inhabitants  and the  proprietors;  great
dissentions between the episcopalians and dissenters,
and for  several  years bitter animosities between the
french  refugees and  english settlers.  There was
very little real money in the province.   The plant-
ers were clamorous for bills of credit, and the mer-
chants  and others very  much opposed  to  their in-
crease  and protracted circulation.  The police  of
the country was without  energy.   Demagogues en-
deavoured to gain popularity by  flattering the peo-
ple,  Avhile others Avere equally active in courting the
favor of the proprietors,  by personal  attentions and
by vindicating their claims.   The real  good of the
people  was a secondary object Avith both.  1 he go- 
t)4           REVOLUTION  OF  1719-

vernment was  not administered for the benefit of
the governed.   The latter were dissatisfied, and by
a judicious exertion of their inherent rights, obtain-
ed a change for the better.
\ 
CIVIL  HISTORY
              OF

SOUTH-CAROLINA.
               CHAPTER IV.

      Royal government from 1720 to 1776.

The form of government conferred  on Carolina
when it became a royal province, was formed on the
model of the british constitution.   It consisted of a
governor, a council, and assembly.  To them the pow-
er of making laws was committed.   The king ap-
pointed the governor, and delegated to him his con-
stitutional poAvers.   The council was  appointed by
the king to advise the governor, and to assist in le-
gislation ;  and was intended to represent the house
of lords.   The assembly, like the house of commons
in Great-Britain, consisted of the representatives of
the people; and  was elected by  them to  be the
guardians  of  their  lives,  liberties,  and property,
The governor  convened, prorogued, and dissolved
the assembly,  and had a negative  on the  bills of
both houses and  the  execution of the laws.  He
also had powers of chancery, admiralty,  of supreme
ordinary, and of appointing magistrates and militia
officers.   After bills receiAred his assent, they were
sent to Great-Britain for  royal approbation.   But
were obligatory as laws in the mean time,  unless 
96     ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.

they wrere passed with  a saving clause.  The gover-
nor received his instructions from England, and it
was his duty to transmit authentic accounts of the
state of his province ;  that  these instructions might
be founded in  truth and utility.  This is a general
sketch of the royal government given to the province
of Carolina, in  lieu of the proprietary system.  The
change soon appeared to be  for the better.
  Early in 1721  general Francis Nicholson arrived
in South-Carolina, Avith  a royal commission to be go-
vernor.  He Avas generous, bold, and steady.  Pos-
sessing the firmness,   integrity,  and honor of a
soldier, he Avas  well  qualified for  discharging  the
duties  of his exalted station.  The people received
him  with uncommon demonstrations of joy.  The
voice of murmur and discontent, together with the
fears of danger and oppression,  were banished  from
the province.   The people resolved to forget former
animosities, and to bury past  offences in  eternal
oblivion.   The only contention  Avas who should be
the most zealous  in promoting the union, peace, and
prosperity of the settlement.   They looked upon
themselves as happily delivered from a confused and
distracted state;  and anticipated all  the blessings of
freedom and security.
   Soon after his arrival, governor Nicholson issued
writs for the election of a new assembly.  The pei-
sons returned as  members,  entered with great  tem-
per and cheerfulness on the regulation of provincial
affairs.  They chose James  Moore,  their late popu-
lar governor, to be speaker  of the house; and  their
choice Avas confirmed  by the king's  representative.
The first business they engaged in  was to pass an 
        ROYAL GOVERNMENT,  1720--1776.    97

act declaring, that they recognized and acknowledged
his sacred majesty, king George, to  be the rightiul
sovereign of Great-Britain, France, and Ireland,  and
of all the  dominions and provinces belonging to  the
empire; and in  particular his undoubted  right to
the province of Carolina.  All actions and suits at
laAv, commenced on  account of the late administra-
tion of James Moore  by particular persons, were
declared  void;  but all judicial  proceedings under
the same administration, were confirmed.  These  acts
were judged proper and  necessary for establishing
harmony  among the inhabitants.   Nicholson  had
the address to unite  all parties ; and by the wisdom
and equity of his administration, to render the whole
community happy under their neAv government  and
highly  pleased with the  change.  Though he  was
bred a  soldier, and  was profane and passionate,  yet
he was  not  insensible of the great advantage of re-
ligion to  society and contributed  not a little to its
interest in Carolina.  On his application to the so-
ciety in England for propagating the gospel in fo-
reign parts, they sent out  teachers, money,   and
books, for the instruction of the inhabitants, and al-
so supplied the province with clergymen;  and gave
each of them a yearly  allowance, over and above
the provincial salary. He also, Avith great zeal, urged
the usefulness, and necessity,  of provincial establish-
ments for the promotion of literature.
  Governor  Nicholson, Avho Avas well acquainted
with the manners of savages, applied himself Avith
great zeal to regulate  indian  affairs and  to form
treaties  of friendship with the different tribes around
the settlement.  As most of the  broils between the
  vol.  i.               O 
98      royal government, 1720—1776.

settlers and the Indians had been occasioned by the
former  taking  unauthorized  possession  of  lands
claimed by  the latter,  to prevent future quarrels
from that source, he sent a message to the chero-
kees,  a numerous and warlike  nation, acquainting
them that he had presents to make them and Avould
meet them at the borders of their territories, to hold
a general congress, to treat of mutual  friendship and
commerce.  They rejoiced at a proposal which im-
plied they Avere a free people, and immediately the
chiefs of thirty-seven different towns set out to meet
him.
  At  this congress the governor gave them several
presents—smoked the pipe  of  peace—and  after-
wards marked the boundaries of the lands between
them  and the english settlers.   He  also regulated
all Aveights and measures, that justice might be done
them  in the  way of trafic—appointed an agent to
superintend  their affairs,  and proposed to nominate
one warrior  as commander  in chief of the  whole
nation, before whom all complaints Avere to be made,
and who  was to  acquaint the governor with every
injury done them.   After which the indians return-
ed to  their towns, highly pleased with their generous
brother and  new ally.  The governor then proceed-
ed to conclude a treaty of commerce  and peace w ith
the creeks, who were also at that time a  numerous
and formidable nation.    He likewise appointed an
agent to reside among them,  whose business was to
regulate indian affairs in a friendly and  equitable
manner, and he fixed on Savannah river as the boun-
dary of their hunting lands beyond  which no set-
tlements were to extend. 
       royal government,  1720—1776.     99
  The policy respecting indians had hitherto pro-
ceeded on the idea of peace and commerce with in-
dependent neighbors, and seemed to have little more
in view  than  a share in  their superfluous lands and
the tranquillity of the english settlements ; but about
this time the projects of the french,  for uniting Cana-
da and Louisiana, began to be developed.  They had
extended themselves northwardly from the gulph of
Mexico,  and  eastwardly from the upper parts of the
river Missisippi,  and had made many friends  among
the indians to the southward and westward of Caro-
lina.   To counteract the views of the french,  Great-
Britain wished to convert the indians, on her borders,
into allies or  subjects.   Treaties of union and alli-
ance with them  were  therefore deemed proper and
necessary.    For this,purpose sir  Alexander Cum-
ming Avas appointed and sent out to conclude a trea-
ty of alliance with the cherokees.   These indians oc-
cupied the lands about the head of Savannah river,
and backAvards  among  the Apalachian mountains.
The country  they claimed, as their  hunting grounds,
was  of immense extent.  The inhabitants  of their
different towns,  were computed to amount to more
than twenty thousand.   Of these six thousand were
warriors, fit on any emergency to take the field.  An
alliance with  such  a nation was  an object  of the
highest consequence,  both to Carolina and the mo-
ther country;  the latter of Avhich was now engaged
for the defence, and protection, of the former.
  About the  beginning of the year 1730, sir Alexan-
der Cumming arrived in Carolina and made prepara-
tions for his journey to the distant  hills.  When he
reached  Keowee,  about 300  miles from Charles- 
100    royal government,  1720—1776.

town, the chiefs of the loAver towns met and receiv-
ed him Avith marks of friendship and esteem.   He
immediately dispatched messengers to the middle,
the valley, and overhill settlements ;  and summoned
a general  meeting of  all their chiefs to hold a con-
gress with him at Nequasee.  In the month of April
the chief warriors of  all the cherokee tow ns assem-
bled at the place appointed.  After the various in-
dian  ceremonies  were over, sir  Alexander made a
speech to them;  acquainting them by whose authori-
ty he was sent, and representing the great power, and
goodness,  of his sovereign  king George : how he and
all his other subjects paid a cheerful obedience to his
laws, and  of course were protected  by  him from all
harm: that he had come a great way to demand of
Moytoy, and all the  chieftains of the nation, to ac-
knowledge themselves the subjects of  his king and
to promise obedience to  his authority;  and as he
loved them, and was  answerable to  his sovereign for
their good and peaceable behaviour, he hoped they
would agree to what he should now require of them.
Upon which the  chiefs, falling on their knees, so-
lemnly promised fidelity and obedience, calling upon
all that Avas terrible to fall upon them if they violated
their promise.   Sir Alexander then, by their unani-
mous consent, nominated Moytoy  commander" and
chief of the  cherokee nation  and enjoined all the
warriors, of the difterent tribes, to acknowledge him
as their king  to whom they were to be accountable
for their conduct.  To this they also agreed, provid-
ed Moytoy should be made ansAverable to sir Alex-
ander for his  behaviour to them.    After  Avhich,
many presents Avere made to them, and the congress 
        royal government,  1720—1776.     101

ended to the satisfaction of both parties.  The crown
Avas brought from Tenassee,  their chief town, which,
with five eagle tails  and four scalps of their enemies,
Moytoy presented to sir  Alexander requesting him,
on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his majesty's
feet.   But sir  Alexander proposed  to  Moytoy  that
he should depute some of their chiefs to accompany
him to England, there to do homage in  person to the
great king.   Six of them agreed and  accompanied
sir Alexander to Charlestow n where,  being joined
by another, they embarked for England.
   Being admitted into the presence of the  king they,
in the name of their nation, promised to continue for
ever his majesty's faithful and  obedient  subjects.   A
treaty*  was  accordingly drawn up and  signed by

   * The preamble to this treaty recites  " That, whereas, the
six chiefs, with the consent of the  whole nation  of cherokees, at
a general meeting of their nation  at  Nequassee, Avere deputed
by Moytoy, their chief warrior, to attend sir Alexander Gum-
ming to Great-Britain, Avhere they had  seen the great king
George : and sir Alexander by authority from  Moytoy and  all
the cherokees had laid the crown of their nation, with the scalps
of their enemies and feathers of glory at  his majesty's  feet, as
a pledge of their loyalty.   And, whereas, the great king had
commanded the  lords commissioners of trade  and plantations,
to inform the indians that the english on  all sides of the moun-
tains, and lakes, were his people, their friends his friends, and
their enemies his enemies—that he  took it kindly the great na-
tion of cherokees had sent them so far to brighten  the chain of
friendship between him and them, and between his people and
their people ; that the chain of friendship between  him and the
cherokees is now like the sun Avhich shines both in Britain and
also upon the  great mountains where they live,  and  equally
v. arms the hearts of indians and englishmen ; that as there is no
spots or blackness in the sun, so neither is there any rust or
foulness on this chain.    And as the king has fastened one end 
102     royal government, 1720—1776.

Alured  Popple, secretary to the lords commissioners
of  trade  and  plantations  on one side,  and by the

to his breast, he desired them to carry the other end of the
chain and fasten it to the breast of Moytoy of Telliquo, and to the
breasts of all their old Avise men, their captains and people, ne-
ver more to be made loose or broken.
  The great king and the cherokees being thus fastened toge-
ther by a chain of friendship he has ordered, and it is agreed,
that his children  in Carolina do  trade with the indians, and fur-
nish them Avith all manner of  goods they Avant, and to make
haste to build houses and plant corn from Charlestown towards
the towns of the cherokees behind the great mountains.   Thai
he desires the english and indians may live together as children
of one family; that the cherokees be  always ready to fight
against any nation, whether white men or indians, who shall dare
molest or hurt the english—that the nation of cherokees shall on
their part, take care to keep the trading path clean—that there
be no blood on the path where  the  english tread, even though
they should be accompanied with other people Avith Avhom the
cherokees may be at war.  That the cherokees shall not suffer
their people to trade with Avhite men of any other nation but the
english, nor permit white men of any other  nation to build any
forts or cabins, or plant any corn among them upon lands which
belong to the great king;  and  if any such attempt shall be
made, the cherokees must acquaint the english governor there-
with, and do whatever he directs in order to maintain and defend
the great king's right to the country of Carolina.   That if any
negroes shall run away into the Avoods from their english mas-
ters,  the cherokees shall endeavor to apprehend them and
bring them to the plantation from whence they run aAvay or to
the governor, and for  every slave so apprehended and brought
back, the indian that brings him, shall receive a gun and a
Avatchcoat; and if by any accident it shall happen that  an eng-
lishman  shall kill a cherokee, the king or chief of the nation
shall first  complain to the english governor, and the man Avho
did the harm shall be  punished by the english laws as if he had
killed an englishman ; and in like manner if any indian happens
to kill an englishman, the indian shall be delivered up to  the 
        royal  government,  1720—1776.     103

marks of the indian chiefs on the  other.   The  che-
rokees in consequence of this treaty, for many years

governor to be punished by the same english laws as if he were
an englishman."
  This was the substance of the first treaty between the king
and the cherokees, every article of which  was  accompanied
with presents.  A speech was at the same time addressed to
the indians in which they were informed  " that these were the
words of the great king Avhom they had  seen ; and as a token
that his heart was open and  true to his children the cherokees,
and to all their people, a belt was given the warriors which they
were told the king desired them to keep  and show to all their
people, to  their children, and children's children, to confirm
what was now spoken, and to bind this agreement of peace and
friendship between the english and cherokees as  long as the
rivers shall run,  the  mountains shall last, or the sun shall
shine."
  In answer to which Skijagustah in name of the rest, made  a
speech to the following effect.  "  We are come hither from  a
mountainous place where nothing but darkness is to be found—
but Ave are now in a place where there is light.—We look up-
on you as if the great king were present—we love you as re-
presenting the  great king—we  shall die in the  same Avay of
thinking—the crown of our nation is'different  from that which
the great king George wears, and from that we saw in the tow-
er—but to us it is all one—the chain of friendship shall be car-
ried to our people—we look upon the great  king George as
the sun. and as our father, and upon ourselves  as his children.
—For though Ave are red and you are Avhite, yet our hands and
hearts are joined together.—When Ave  shall  have acquainted
our people with what Ave have seen, our children from genera-
tion to generation "will always remember it.—In war Ave shall
always be one Avith you—the enemies of the great king shall be
our enemies—his people and ours shall be one, and  shall die
together.  We came  hither naked and poor as the worms of
the earth ; but you have every thing ;  and we that have nothing
must love you, and  will never break the chain of friendship
Which is between us.—This small rope we show you is all that 
 104    ROYAL GOVERNMENT,  1720—'1776.
remained in a  state of perfect friendship and peace
with  the colonists,  w ho  followed their  various  em-
ployments in the neighborhood of these  indians with-
out the least terror or molestation.
   About  the  beginning of the year  1731  Robert
Johnson, Avho  had been proprietary governor of Ca-
rolina, arrived with a commission investing him with
a similar office in behalf of the croAvn.   He brought
back  these indian chiefs, possessed with the highest
ideas of the power and greatness of the english na-
tion and pleased  Avith the  kind  and generous treat-
ment they  had received.
  This  new  governor,  from his knowledge  of the
province, Avas well qualified for his  high office; and
had a council  to  assist him, composed  of the most
influential  inhabitants.  Thomas Broughton was ap-
pointed  lieutenant-governor,  and  Robert  Wright
ehief justice.   The other  members of the  council
were  William Bull, James Kinlock, Alexander Skene,
John Femvicke,  Arthur  Middleton, Joseph  Wragg,
Francis Yonge, John  Hamerton, and Thomas War-
ing.
  Mr. Johnson had acted  with great spirit in oppo-

we have to bind our slaves Auth and it may be broken—but you
have iron chains for yours—however, if we catch your slaves
we will bind  them as well  as we can, and  deliver them to our
friends and take no pay for it.—Your white- people may very
safely build houses near us ; we shall hurt nothing that belongs
to them, for we are children of one father the  great king, and
shall live and die together."  Then laying down  his feathers
upon the table he added :  " This is our Avay of talking, which
is the same thing to us as your letters in  the book are to you,
and to you beloved men Ave deliver these feathers  in confirma-
tion of all we have said.*' 
        ROYAL GOVERNMENT,  1720--1776.     105
 sing the Carolinians  in  1719, Avhen they threAv off
 the proprietary government; but they had liberality
 enough to  consider him as having acted solely  from
 a sense of duty and honor.  He was not only well
 received in his new office, but the assembly honored
 him after his death by  erecting a handsome monu-
 ment to his memory in St. Philip's church, highly ap-
 plauding his administration.
   For the  encouragement of the people,  now  con-
 nected  with the  mother  country,  several  favors
 were granted them.   The restraint upon rice, an en-
 numerated commodity, was partly  taken off; and
 that it  might arrive more seasonably and  in better
 condition at market, the colonists were permitted to
 send it directly to any port southward of Cape Finis-
 terre.   A bounty on  hemp was also allowed by par-
 liament.  The  arrears of quit-rents, bought from the
 proprietors, were remitted  by the liberality  of the
 crown.   For the benefit of  trade their bills of credit
 were continued, and seventy-seven thousand pounds
 Avere stamped and issued by virtue of an  act of the
 legislature  called the appropriation law.   Seventy
 pieces of cannon  were sent out by the king; and the
 governor had instructions to build one  fort at  Port
 Royal, and another on the river Alatamaha.  An in-
 dependent  company of foot was allowed  for their
 defence by land,  and ships of war Avere stationed on
 the coast for the protection of trade.   From these
 and several other benefits conferred on the colony it
 soon began to emerge from the depths  of poverty,
 and rapidly rose to a  state of ease and affluence.
   As a natural consequence of its domestic security
the credit of the province, in England, increased.  The
   vol. r.               P 
106   ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.
merchants of London, Bristol/and Liverpool, turned
their eyes to Carolina as p. new and promising channel
of trade; and established  houses in CharlestOAvn for
conducting their business with the planters, and pour-
ed in slaves for cultivating their lands, and manufac-
tures for supplying their plantations,  and furnished
them with both on credit and at a cheap rate.  With
this increased force the lands were cleared and culti-
vated Avith greater facility.   The lands rose in value,
and men of foresight and judgment  began to  look
out and secure the rich spots for themselves.   The
produce of the province in a few years was doubled.
From this period its exports kept pace with the im-
ports, and secured its  credit in England.
   Hitherto  Carolina  had made small  progress  in
cultivation.   The face of  the country appeared like
a desert with little spots here and there cleared. The
colonists Avere  slovenly farmers, owing to the vast
quanties of lands and the easy  and cheap terms  of
obtaining them.   They were more  indebted  for  a
good crop to the natural richness  of the soil, than  to
their  own  culture and management.    They had
abundance of the necessaries and several of the con-
veniences of life.  But their habitations were clumsy
miserable wooden  huts.  CharlestOAvn at this time
consisted of  between nVe and six hundred  houses,
mostly built of  timber and neither comfortable nor
w ell constructed.   Hencefonvard the province im-
proved in building as well  as in other respects.  Ma-
ny ingenious  artificers and  tradesmen of different
kinds found  encouragement  in  it and introduced a
taste for brick buildings, and more neat and pleasant
habitations.   As the  colony increased the face of the 
       ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720—1776.     107
country  exhibited  an  appearance of  industry  and
plenty.
   For the farther  security of Carolina,  the settle-
ment of  a new  colony between the rivers Alatama-
ha and Savannah was, about the year 1732, projected
in England.   This large territory lay Avaste without
any  civilized  inhabitants.   The new  province  Avas
called Georgia  in honor  of the  king, Avho greatly
encouraged the  undertaking.
   While  the  security  of Carolina against external
enemies,  by this settlement of Georgia, engaged the
attention  of the british government, the means of its
internal improvement  and  population  Avere not ne-
glected.
   John  Peter Pury, of Neufchatel in Switzerland,
having formed a design of leaving his native country,
paid  a visit to Carolina in order to inform himself
of the circumstances and situation of  the  province.
After viewing the lands he returned to Britain.   The
government entered into a contract Avith  him,  and
agreed to give lands and four hundred pounds  ster-
ling for every  hundred effective men he should trans-
port  from Switzerland to  Carolina.   Pury  having
drawn up a flattering account of the soil and climate*
and of the excellence and  freedom of the provincial
government, returned  to  SAvitzerland  and published
it among the people.   Immediately one hundred and
seventy  switzers agreed  to follow him,  and  were

   * This may  be found in Anderson's history of commerce.
It proceeds on the idea that countries lying in the 32d degree
of North latitude, \the site of  Palestine and of South-Carolina)
are remarkable for their fertility ; the production of the  most
valuable commodities, and other good qualities. 
 10S    ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1726--1776.

 transported to the fertile and delightful province as
 he  described it.  Not long afterwards two hundred
 more came and joined them.   The  governor, agree-
 ably to instructions, allowed forty thousand acres of
 lands for the use of the swiss settlement on the north-
 east side of Savannah river; and a town was marked
 out for their accommodation,  which Avas called Pu-
 ry s burg, from the name of the principal  promoter of
 the settlement.  Mr. Bignion, a sw iss minister, whom
 t' ey had  engaged to  go with them, having received
 episcopal  ordination from the  bishop of London, set-
 tled among them for their religious instruction.  The
 governor and  council, happy  in the  acquisition  of
 such a  force, allotted to each of them  his separate
 tract of land and gave every encouragement in their
 power to  the people.    The  swiss  emigrants began
 their labors with uncommon zeal and  energy; high-
 ly elevated w ith the idea of possessing landed estates.
 But in a short time they felt  the many inconvenien-
 ces attending a change of climate.   Several of them
 sickened and died, and others found the hardships of
 the first state of colonization  much greater than they
 expected.    They became  discontented.  Smarting
 under the pressure of  indigence and disappointment,
they not only  blamed Pury for  deceiving them, but
repented their leaving their nativ e country.
  According to a new plan, adopted in England,  for
the more  speedy population  and settlement of  the
province, the governor had  instructions to mark out
eleven townships in  square  plats  on the sides  of
rivers  consisting  each  of twenty  thousand  acres;
and to divide the land within them into  shares  of
fiftv acres for each  man, woman, and child that 
       ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720—1776'.    109

 should come  to occupy and improve them.   Each
 township was to form a parish,  and all the inhabi-
 tants Avere to have an equal right to the river.  So
 soon as the parish should  increase to the number of
 an hundred families they were to have a right to send
 two members, of their own election, to the assembly
 and to enjoy the same privileges as the other parishes
 already established.   Each  settler was to  pay four
 shillings  a year for every hundred acres of land, ex-
 cept the first ten years; during Avhich  term  they
 were to  be rent free.    Accordingly ten townships
 were marked out;  two on river Alatamaha,  two on
 Savannah,  two on Santee, one  on  Pedee,  one on
 Wacamaw,  one on Wateree,  and  one  on Black
 river.
   By this time accounts of the great privileges grant-
 ed by the crown for the encouragement of settlers in
 the province had been published through Britain and
 Ireland ; and many industrious people had resolved
 to take the benefit of the royal bounty.  Multitudes
 of laborers and husbandmen in Ireland  oppressed,
 by landlords  and bishops, and unable  to procure a
 comfortable subsistence for their families, embarked
 for Carolina.  The first colony of irish people had
 lands granted to them; and about the year  1734
 formed the settlement called  Williamsburg township.
 But  notwithstanding  the bounty of the croAvn  they
 remained for  several years  in  low and  distressing
 circumstances.   The  climate proved fatal  to  num-
 bers of them.  In consequence of hard  labor and
 scanty provisions at the commencement of  the set-
tlement a considerable  number, debilitated in  body
 and  dejected in spirits, sickened and died.   But as 
110    ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.

this toAvnship  received  frequent supplies from the
same quarter, the irish settlers amidst every hardship
increased   in  number.   Having  obtained  credit
with  the  merchants  for  negroes,  they were  re-
lieAred from the severest part of their labor.  By this
aid,  and their own, industry, spots of  land were
cleared which in a short period yielded them plenty
of provisions and in time became fruitful estates.
  In proportion as Carolina  flourished and extend-
ed,  the Spaniards of Florida  became more trouble-
some.  At this time there Avere about forty thousand
negroes in the province.   Long had liberty and pro-
tection been  promised and proclaimed to them by
the  Spaniards at St. Augustine.  At different times
Spanish emissaries had  been  found secretly  persua-
ding them to fly from their masters to Florida, and
several had made their escape to that  settlement.
Of these negro refugees, the governor  of Florida
formed a regiment, appointed  officers from among
themselves, alloAved them  the same pay, and clothed
them in the same uniform with the regular Spanish
soldiers.   The most sensible part of the slaves in
Carolina, were not ignorant of this Spanish regiment;
for  Avhen  they ran away, they  constantly  directed
their course to that quarter.
  While Carolina Avas kept in  a  state of constant
fear an insurrection, which alarmed the whole pro-
vince,  broke out in the  heart of the settlement.  In
the year 1740 a number of negr6es having assembled
together at Stono, surprized and  killed  two young
men in a Avarehouse and  then plundered it of guns
and ammunition.  Being thus provided with arms,
they elected one of their  number captain, put them- 
       ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.   'Ill

selves under his command,  and marched towards
the south-west with colors  flying and drums beat-
ing.  They forcibly entered  the  house of Mr. God-
frey, and having murdered him, his wife and children,
they took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the
house,  and  proceeded  towards  Jacksonborough.
In  their  Avay  they  plundered  and  burnt  every
house,  killed  the  white people,  and  compelled
the negroes to join them.  Governor Bull, returning
to Charlestown  from the southward met them, and
observing them armed quickly rode out of their way.
He crossed over to  Johns island, and from  thence
came to Charlestown  with  the first  intelligence.
Mr. Golightly in like manner met the  armed black
insurgents, and rode out of their way; but went
directly to the presbyterian church at Wiltow n, and
gave  the alarm.  By a laAv of the province, all plan-
ters were obliged to carry their arms to church. Mr.
Golightly joined the armed men, thus providentially
assembled, and proceeded Avith  them directly from
the church, to engage the negroes about 8 miles dis-
tant.   The Avomen  were left trembling with fear,
while  the  militia  under  the  command of captain
Bee, marched in quest of the negroes,  Avho, by this
time,  had become formidable from the number that
joined them.  They had marched above fifteen miles,
and spread desolation through all the plantations in
their way.  Having found rum in some houses and
drank freely of it, they halted in  an open  field and
began to sing and dance  by  way  of triumph.  Du-
ring these rejoicings,  the militia  came up and sta-
tioned themselves in different places to prevent their
escape.   The intoxication of several of the slaves, 
112    ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720—1776.

favored the assailants.   One  party advanced into
the open field and attacked  them*.  Having  killed
some negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and
were dispersed.  Many ran back to their plantations,
in hopes of escaping suspicion from the absence of
their masters ; but the greater part were taken and
tried.  Such as had been compelled to join, contrary
to their inclinations,  Avere pardoned; but the leaders
and first insurgents suffered death.
   All Carolina was struck with consternation  by this
insurrection, in  Avhich about  twenty persons  were
murdered, and had not the people in that quarter been
armed and collected at church, it is probable many
more would have suffered.  It was commonly believ-
ed, and not without reason, thatthe Spaniards by their
secret influence and  intrigues  Avith  slaves had  insti-
gated them to this massacre.   To prevent farther at-
tempts governor Bull  sent an  express to general
Oglethorpe, Avith advice of  the insurrection, desiring
him to double his vigilance in Georgia and seize all
straggling Spaniards  and negroes.   At the same time,
a company of rangers Avere employed to patrole the


   * The militia attacked the negroes just as they had dined,
and Avere preparing to move off.  They had a few minutes be-
fore fired the dwelling  house at a plantation which his been
ever since called " Battlefield."  As soon as they discovered
the white people, their black captain, named Cato, who had two
loaded guns, immediately discharged one, and as he stooped to
get the other, was shot down.   After this, the  survivors made
but-little resistance, scattered, and endeavoured to escape. The
fire in the house Avas extinguished, after burning a hole in the
floor.  This Avas suffered to remain open for many years, as a
memorial of the transaction. 
        ROYAL GOVERNMENT,  1720--1776.    113

ffontiers, and block up all  passages by  Avhich they
might make their escape to  Florida.
   About this  time, November 18th  1740,  nearly
one half of Charlestown was consumed  by fire.   It
began about tAvo o'clock P.  M. and continued until
eight.   The houses being built of wood, and the wind
blowing hard  at north-Avest,  the flames spread with
astonishing rapidity.  From the south side of Broad-
street to Granville's Bastion, almost every house  was
at one time in flames except the north side of Broal-
street and the north end  of the  bay; the trading
part of the town, was  nearly destroyed.   The rum,
pitch,,tar, turpentine, and gunpowder, in the different
stores, served to spread the desolating element.   A
violent  wind, carried the burning shingles to a great
distance.  While floating in the air they added to
the horror of the scene, and falling  on remote houses,
excited new conflagrations rivalling the  first.   The
cries of children, and the shrieks of Avomen, propa-
gated a general alarm.   The anxiety of each indivi-
dual for his own connexions, prevented united" exer-
tions for common safety ;  Avhile flames  bursting forth
from different quarters  at the same time, nearly in-
duced despair of saving any part of the town.   The
fire continued to spread desolation, until the  calm-
ness of  the evening closed the dreadful  scene. Three
hundred of the best buildings were consumed which,
together with loss of goods and country commodi-
ties, amounted to a prodigious sum. Few lives were
lost, but the lamentations of ruined  families  were
heard in every quarter.  From a flourishing condi-
tion, the town Avas reduced in the space of six hours
to a most deplorable state.   The inhabitants, Avhose
   vol.  i.               Q 
114   ROYAL  GOVERNMENT, 1/20--1776.

houses escaped  the flames, kindly invited their unfor-
tunate neighbors to them, so that two or three fami-
lies were lodged in places built only for the accom-*
modation of one.    After the legislature met they
agreed to make application to the british parliament
for relief.  It voted twenty thousand pounds sterling,
to  be distributed among the sufferers.   This relief
was seasonable and  useful on the one side, and dis-
played a generous and noble spirit on  the other.
   Since  the province was taken under the royal care,
it was nursed and protected  by a  rich and  powerful
nation.  Its government was stable, private property
secure, and the privileges of the people extensive.
The planters obtained lands from  the king at a cheap
rate.  The mother  country furnished laborers upon
 credit;  each person had entire  liberty to manage
 his affairs for his own profit and advantage, and hav-
 ing no tythes and very  trifling  taxes  to pay, reaped
 almost the whole fruits  of his industry.   He obtain-
 ed british manufactures at an  easy rate, and draw-
 backs Avere allowed on articles of foreign manufac-
 ture that they  might be'brought  cheaper to the ame-
 rican market. Frugal industrious  planters, every
 three or four  years, doubled their capital and their
 progress  tOAvards independence  and opulence was
 rapid.
    The  plan of settling townships,  especially as it
 was accompanied with  the royal bounty, proved be-
 neficial in many respects.   It encouraged multitudes
 of poor oppressed  people in Ireland, Holland,  and
  Germany, to emigrate; by which means the province
  received  a number of  useful settlers.   As  many of
  them came from manufacturing towns  in Europe, it 
        ROYAL government, 1720—1776.    115

might have been expected, that they Avould naturally
have pursued the occupations to which they had been
bred  and in which  their chief skill consisted ; but
this Avas by no means  the case, for, excepting a few
that took up their residence in CharlestOAvn, they ap-
plied themselves to grazing and agriculture.   By rai-
sing hemp,  wheat, and corn, in the interior parts of
the country ; and curing hams, bacon, and beef, they
supplied the market  Avith abundance of provisions.
   As every family  of laborers was an acquisition
to the country, for the encouragement of settlers to
migrate  thither  and improve  the  vacant  lands,  a
door  was opened to  protestants of every  nation.
Lands free  from quit-rents  for  the first ten years
were  allotted to men, women, and  children.  With
their  bounty-money  they purchased utensils for cul-
tivation, and hogs and cows to  begin their stock.
The like bounty Avas allowed  to all servants,  after
the expiration of the term of their servitude.  From
this period  Carolina was found  to be an  excellent
refuge to the poor, the unfortunate, and oppressed.
The population and prosperity of  her colonies, en-
grossed the attention of the mother country.  His
majesty's bounty served to alleviate  the hardships
inseparable  from the  first  years  of  cultivation;
and  landed property animated  the emigrants  to
industry and perseverance.    The different town-
ships  yearly increased in numbers.  Every one, upon
his arrival, obtained his grant of  land and  sat down
on  his freehold with no taxes, or very trifling ones,
and enjoyed full  liberty  to hunt and fish,  together
with many other advantages and  privileges he never 
116*    ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720—1770.
kneAV in Europe.  If they  could not be called rich
durincr their OAvn lives, by improving their little free-
holds, they commonly left their children in easy  cir-
cumstances.   Even in the first stage, being free  and
contented, their condition in many respects was pre-
ferable to that of laborers  in  Europe.  In  all  im-
proved countries, Avhere commerce and manufacture
have been long  established  and luxury prevails, the
loAver classes  are oppressed and miserable.  In Ca-
rolina,  persons  of  that description  though exposed
to more troubles and hardships for a few years,  had
better opportunities  than in Europe  for advancing to
an easy and independent state.  Hence it  happened
that fcAv emigrants ever returned to their native coun-
try ; oh the contrary, the success and prosperity  of
the  most fortunate brought many  adventurers and
 relations after  them.   Their  love  to  their  former
 friends, and their natural partiality for their country-    ,
 men, induced the old planters to receive the. new set-
 tlers joyfully and even to  assist and  relieve them.
 Each  individual possessing his own property, a re-
 ciprocal independence produced mutual respect and
 beneficence.   Such general  harmony  and industry
 reigned among them that the townships,  from a de-
 solate wilderness, soon became fruitful fields.
   The vast quanties of unoccupied;land furnished
 the poor emigrants with many advantages.  While
 they  were encountering the  hardships  of  the first
 years  of cultivation,  the  inconveniences  gradual-
 ly decreased in proportion  to their improvements.
 The merchants being  favored with credit from Bri-
 tain,  were enabled to extend it to the inhabitants. 
ROYAL GOVERRMENT,  1720--1776.    117
The planters having established their characters for
honesty and industry, obtained negroes to assist them
in the harder tasks  of clearing and cultivating the
soil.  Their wealth consisted in the increase of  their
slaves, stock, and improvements.  Having abundance
of Avaste land, they extended their culture in propor-
tion to their capital.  They lived almost entirely on
the produce of their estates, and consequently spent
but a small part of their annual income.   The sur-
plus  was  yearly added to the capital,  and they en-
larged their prospects in proportion  to  their wealth
and strength.   If there was a great demand at  mar-
ket for the commodities they  raised, their progress
became rapid  beyond expectation.   They  labored
and received increasing encouragement to persevere
until  they advanced to an easy and comfortable state.
It has been observed on the other hand, that few of
the settlers who brought much property with  them
succeeded as  Avell  as  those who brought  little or
none.  It was pre-eminently  a good  poor man's
country.
    If the emigrant chose to follow his trade,'the
high  price of labor Avas no less encouraging.  By
the indulgence of the merchants, or by the security
of a friend he obtained credit for a few negroes.  He
taught them his  trade,  and a  few good  tradesmen
Avell employed were equal to a small estate.   In a
little  time he acquired some money ;  and, like several
Others in  the city whose yearly gain exceeded  what
is requisite for the support of themselves and fami-
lies, put it out  on interest.   The legal interest of the
province was ten per cent, till  1748, and eight per 
 118   ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.
 eent. from that year till 1777.  This high rate indu-
 ced  many  who were unwilling to settle plantations,
 to choose this method of increasing their fortune.  If
 the  money lender followed  his employment in the
 capital, or  reserved in  his hands a sufficiency for fa-
 mily use, and alloAved  the interest to  be added year-
 ly to the capital stock,  his fortune soon became con-
 siderable.  Several persons preferred this method of
 accumulating riches to that of cultivation ; especially
 those whom age  or infirmity had rendered unfit for
 action and  fatigue.
   Notwithstanding the extensive credit  commonly
 allowed by the merchants, the number of borrowers
 always exceeded that of the lenders of money.   Hav-
 ing vast extent of territory the planters  were eager
 to obtain laborers, which raised the demand for mo-
 ney and kept up  a high rate of interest.  The inter
 est of money in every  country is for the most part
 according to the  demand, and the demand according
 to the profits made by the  use  of it.   The profits
 must always be great where  men can afford to take
 money at the rate of eight or ten per cent.   In Ca-
 rolina laborers on good lands cleared their first cost
 and charges in a few years, and therefore the demand
 for money to procure them was great.
   The borrower of money obtained his landed estate
 from the crown.  The quit-rents and taxes Avere in-
 considerable.    Being both landlord  and farmer he
 had perfect liberty to manage and improve his  plan-
tation as he pleased, and was accountable to none for
the fruits of his industry.   His estate furnished him
Ayith game  and fish, which he could  kill and use at 
       ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.     119
pleasure.   In the woods his cattle, hogs, and horses
grazed at their ease attended, perhaps, only by a ne-
gro boy.   He had calves, hogs, and poultry in abun-
dance for the use of his family.   He could turn his
able laborers to the field, and exert all their energies
in raising  the staple commodities of the country.
Having provision from domestic resources, he could
apply his  Avhole crop for the purposes of answering
the  demands of the merchant  and  money  lender.
He calculated that his annual produce would not only
answer all demands, but bring an addition to his capi-
tal, and enable him to clear and cultivate more land.
In proportion as the merchants extended credit to the
planters, and supplied them with laborers, the profits
of their plantations increased.
   The lands  which  were cultivated in South-Caroli-
na, for the first eighty years after the settlement of
the province, Avere for the most part situated on or
near navigable creeks or rivers.    The planters  who
lived fifty  miles from the capital Avere at little more
expense, in sending their provisions and produce to
its market than  those who lived Avithin five miles of
it.   The town was supplied Avith plenty of provisions,
and its neighborhood prevented  from enjoying a mo-
nopoly of its market.  By this  general and unlimit-
ed competition, the price of provisions was kept low.
While the  money arising from them circulated equal-
ly and universally through the country, it contribut-
ed in return to its improvement.    The r)lanters had
not only Avater carriage to the market for their staple
commodities; but,  on  their  arrival, the  merchant
again committed them  to the general tide of  com- 
120     ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720—1770.

merce  and received in return the valuable commodi-
ties of every clime.
  The Carolinians all this time  received projection       ,
to trade—a  ready market—draAvbacks—and boun-
ties from the mother  country.  .The duties laid on
many articles of foreign  manufacture on  their im-
portation into Britain, were drawn  back  on their ex-
portation to the colonies.  .These drawbacks were al-
ways in favor of the consumers, and supplied the pro-
vincial markets, Avith foreign goods, nearly as cheap
as if they had been immediately  imported  from the
places where they Avere manufactured.  Besides, up-
on the arrival of such goods in the country, the plan-
ters  commonly had  twelve  months credit from the
provincial merchant who was satisfied with payment
once in the year  from all his customers.   To the
consumers in Carolina,  East-India goods,  german
manufactures, Spanish, Portugal, Madeira, and Fayal
wines, came cheaper  than to those in Great-Britain.
Coal, salt, and other articles, brought by Avay of bal-
last,  have sometimes sold for less in  Charlestown,
than in London.
   The colonists were also allowed bounties on seve-
ral articles of produce  exported.  For the encou-
ragement of her  colonies,  Great-Britain laid high
duties on such as were imported from foreign coun-^
tries and  gave the colonists premiums  on the same
commodities.  The bounties on naval stores, indigo,
hemp, and raw silk, proved an encouragement to in-
dustry, and all terminated in favor of  the planters.
The colonial merchants enjoyed perfect freedom  in
their trade Avith the West-Indies,  where they found 
         ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720—1776.    121

  a convenient  and most excellent  market for indian
  corn,  rice,  lumber,  and salt provisions.   In return
  they had  rum, sugar, coffee, and  molasses  cheaper
  than their fellow subjects in the mother country.
    Great-Britain  laid the  colonists under some  re-
  straints with respect to their domestic manufactures
  and their trade to foreign ports'.  Though this policy
  affected the more northern colonies, it was not pre-
  judicial to Carolina.  It served to direct the  views
  of the people  to  the culture of  lands, which was
  more  profitable both to themselves and the mother
  country.  Though they had plenty of beaver skins,
 and a few hats Avere manufactured from  them, yet
 the price  of labor was so  high, that the  merchant
 could send the skins to England, import hats made
 of them, and undersell the manufacturers of  Caroli-
 na.   The  province also furnished  some  wool and
 cotton, but before they could be made into cloth, they
 cost the consumers more money  than the merchant
 demanded for the same goods imported.  It afforded
 leather; but boots and shoes made from it, at home
 were of an inferior quality and often  dearer  than
 the same articles  imported  from  Britain.   In like
 manner with respect to many other commodities it
 was for the advantage of the province, as  well as the
 mother country, to export  the  raw  materials  and
 import  the goods manufactured.   Cultivation  was
 therefore the most profitable employment.   It  was
 the interest of such a flourishing  colony, to be al-
 ways in debt to  Great-Britain; for the more  labor-
ers were sent, the more rapidly the colony advanced
in riches.   If from an unfavorable season the plan-
ters were rendered unable to pay for the siaves they
   vol.  t.               R 
122    ROYAL GOVERNMENT, 1720--1776.
had purchased the merchants generally indulged them
for another year, and sometimes allow ed  them to
increase their debt  by additional purchases.  This
was often found  the most certain method of obtain-
ing payment.  In like manner, the merchant had in-
dulgence from England the primary source of credit.
By these  forbearances the  planter  preserved, and
often increased his  capital;  while the difference of
interest between the  mother country and  the  pro-
vince, amounting at first to five and always to three
per cent. Avas clear gain to the merchants.
   Such was the general course of prosperity  with
which the  royal province of  South-Carolina was
blessed in the interval between the termination of the
proprietary government  in  1719, and the  american
revolution  in 1776.  No colony was  ever better go-
verned. The first and second Georges were nursing
fathers to the province.  They performed to it the full
orbed duty of kings, and their paternal care was re-
turned with the most ardent love and affection of their
subjects in  Carolina.   The advantages were recipro-
cal.  The colonists  enjoyed the protection  of Great-
Britain,  and in  return she had a monopoly of their
trade. The mother country received great benefit from
this intercourse, and the  colony under her protecting
care  became great and happy. In South-Carolina an
enemy to the hanoverian succession or to the british
 constitution, was scarcely  known.   The inhabitants
were fond  of british manners even to excess.  They,
 for the most part, sent their children to England or
 Scotland for education; and spoke  of these coun-
 tries under the endearing appellation of home.  They
were enthusiasts for the government under which 
        ROYAL GOVERNMENT,  1720—1776.     123

they had grown up and flourished.   All  ranks and
orders of  men gloried in their connexion  with the
mother country, and in being subjects of the same
king.   The laws of the british parliament confining
their trade for the benefit of the protecting parent
state,  were generally and cheerfully  obeyed.   Few
countries  have at  any time exhibited so striking an
instance of public and private prosperity, as appear-
ed in South-Carolina between  the years  1725  and
1775.   The inhabitants of the province were in that
half century increased seven fold.  None Avere indi-
gent,  but the idle and  unfortunate.  Personal inde-
pendence Avas fully Avithin the reach of every man
who was healthy and industrious.  All  were secure
in their persons and property.  They were also con-
tented with their colonial state, and wished  not for
the smallest change in their political  constitution.
   In the  midst of these  enjoyments, and the most
sincere attachment to  the mother country, to their
king and  his  government, the people of South-Ca-
rolina, without any  original design  on  their part,
Avere step by step drawn into a defensive revolution-
ary war,  which involved them in every  species of
difficulty, and finally  dissevered  them from the pa-
rent state.
   But before  we proceed to relate these interesting
events, some  more  early periods of the  history of
 South-Carolina must be surveyed. 
 
THE
    MILITARY  HISTORY

              OF

SOUTH-CAROLINA,

      FROxM  1670 TO 1776.
CHAPTER V.
                 SECTION  I.

             Contest with Spaniards.

 A i l the forms of government, hitherto of force in
 Carolina, agreed in this particular; that every sub-
 ject or citizen should also be a soldier.  There was
 a nightly watch maintained in Charlestown ever
 since it was five years old, and,  for the most part, by
 men hired for the purpose.   But in all other times
 and situations the defence of  the  country  rested
 solely on the militia, except in cases of great pres-
 sing and continued danger.  The laws required every
 freeman of a suitable age,  with a few necessary ex-
 emptions, to be enrolled as a member of some mili-
 tia company  and to be equipped and trained for pub-
 lic service. The necessity of this was so evident, that
till about the middle of the 18th century,  the prac- 
126        CONTEST  WITH SPANIARDS.
tice was common and the men aa ere enjoined by law
to carry  their arms to church *.   The  people could
not brook a  standing army  in time of peace,  but
were required to be always ready to  defend them-
selves.   This was  indispensably  necessary, in  their
peculiar situation.   The province av as not only con-
stantly exposed to internal danger; but its peace was
early  and  repeatedly disturbed  by Spaniards,  in-
dians, and pirates.   Carolina, Avith  the english, was
the southern  part of Virginia;  w  ith the Spaniards it
was the  northern part of Florida.  Both claimed by
virtue of prior discovery, but the title of  the Span-
iards Avas supposed to be strengthened  by a grant of
the territory from his holiness the  pope.  Though  the
validity of the title of either could not be support-
ed, before an  impartial tribunal, yet a century passed
aAvay and  much mischief was done before the con-
troversy Avas compromised.   The Spaniards consi-
dering the settlement of Carolina  as an  encroachment
on Florida, were not scrupulous  about the means of
inducing its  relinquishment.   They encouraged in-
dented servants to  leave their masters, and fly to St.
Augustine for protection.   They impressed the in-
dians with unfavorable ideas of the  english  here-
tics, and encouraged the former to  obstruct the  set-
tlements of the latter.   To these unneighborly acts

  * The province  was saved from much impending distress
and desolation  by an armed congregation sallying  forth from
the presbyterian church at Wiltown in  1740, as has been rela-
ted.  The practice of  going armed to church, was revived for
a short time in the  revolutionary  war.  For  fifteen or twenty
years before that event, and ever since, it has not been obsenr-
ed; but a formal repeal of the law cannot be recollected. 
CONTEST  WITH SPANIARDS.        127
 were added  occasional  hostilities.   In about three
 years  after the first settlement  of the province an
 armed party of Spaniards, from the garrison of St. Au-
 gustine, advanced as far as the island of St. Helena
 to dislodge or destroy the settlers.   Fifty volunteers
 under  the command  of colonel  Godfrey  marched
 against the invaders, who, on his approach, evacuat-
 ed the island  and retreated to i lorida.
    About the  year 1082, lord Cardross led a small
 colony from  Scotland which settled on Port Royal
 island.   These claimed, by  an  agreement with the
- proprietors, a co-ordinate authority with the governor
 and council at  Charlestown; but their claims  were
 over-ruled.  The Spaniards sent an armed force in
  17 S6, and dislodged these solitary scotch settlers and
 most of them returned to their native country *.
    These hostilities of the Spaniards were retaliated.
  In 1702, governor  James  Moore  proposed to the
 assembly  of  Carolina   an  expedition against the
  Spanish settlement  at St. Augustine.   A majority
 of the assembly declared for the expedition, and two
 thousand pounds sterling were voted for the service.
 They agreed to raise six hundred  provincial  militia,
  an  equal number  of Indians  were procured,  and
  vessels impressed to  carry  the forces.  Port Royal
 was fixed on as the  place of  rendezvous, and from it
  in September  1702  the governor  at the head of
  his  waniors  embarked.

    *  The governmental  seal,  used for this settlement, was car-
 ried to Scotland ; but, in the year  1793, it was  politely returned
 by the earl of Buchan as an object of curiosity, and is now
 placed in the museum of the Charleston library. 
 128       CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS.

   In the plan of operations it had been agreed that
 colonel Daniel,  with a detached party, should go by
 the inland passage  and make  a descent on the tOAvn
 from the land; while the governor, w ith the main bo-
 dy, sho dd proceed by sea and block up the harbor.
 Colonel Daniel  accordingly  advanced  against the
 town, entered and plundered it, before the governor
 arrived.   But the  Spaniards having laid up  provi-
 sions for four months in the castle, retired to it w ith
 their money and most valuable effects.  Upon the
 arrival of governor Moore  the place Avas invested
 with a force Avhich the Spaniards could not face, and
 therefore kept themselves  shut up  in their strong
 hold.  The governor finding  it  impossible to dis-
 lodge them,  without suitable  artillery,  dispatched
 colonel Daniel  with a sloop  to Jamaica to bring
 cannon,  bombs, and mortars  for attacking  the cas-
 tle.   In the mean time the appearance of two Spa-
 nish ships, one of twenty-two guns, and the  other of
 sixteen, near the mouth of the harbor,  induced the
 governor to raise the siege, abandon his ships and
 retreat to Carolina  by land.   The Spaniards in the
 garrison were not only relieved but the ships,  provi-
 sions, and ammunition, belonging to the Carolinians,
fell into their hands.   Colonel Daniel,  on  his re-
turn,  standing in for the harbor of St.  Augustine,
found to his surprize the siege raised, and with dif-
ficulty escaped from the enemy.
  The governor  lost no more than two men in this
expedition, yet it entailed on the colony a debt of six
thousand pounds sterling which, at that period, was
a grievous burden.  The provincial assembly met to
concert ways and means for discharging it.   A bill 
           CONTEST WITH  SPANIARDS.        129

was  brought in  for stamping bills of credit, to an-
swer the public exigence,  which Avere to be sunk in
three years by a duty  on liquors, skins, and  furs.
This Avas the  first paper money issued in the pro-
vince and, for five or six years, it passed at the same
value and rate with the sterling money of England.
Thus Avar,  debt, and paper money,  Avere  coeval in
Carolina ;  and connected as cause and effect in  the
order in which they are mentioned.
   Four  years after the termination  of Moore's  ex-
pedition against St.  Augustine  the Spaniards and
french, then at war with Great-Britain, projected  a
combined attack on Charlestown; with a view of re-
covering the province claimed by the Spaniards as  a
part of  Florida.  Sir Nathaniel Johnson,  then go-
vernor, had been a military man and Avas well qua-
lified to conduct its defence.  No sooner had he re-
ceived intelligence of the designs of  the enemy, than
he set every one to work upon the fortifications, ap-
pointed a number of  gunners to each bastion, and
diligently  trained the men  to the use of arms.   A
small fort, called Fort  Johnson,   was  erected on
James  island and several cannon mounted thereon.
Intrenchments were made on White  Point, and other
suitable places.   A guard Avas stationed on Sullivan's
Island, Avith orders to kindle a number of fires oppo-
site the town equal to the number of  ships they might
see on the coast.
   Carolina was at this juncture, the southern fron-
tier of the british empire in America; and though  it
had acquired some degree of strength, was in a fee-
 ble  state to resist an  enemy of force.  From its si-
 tuation  there  was  reason  to  apprehend that the
                       S
   VOL.  T.              ^ 
130        CONTEST AVITH  SPANIARDS

french and Spaniards would attack it, as it would be
an easier conquest than the more populous northern
settlements.  Before this time a plan had been con-
certed at the Havanna, for  invading it.  Monsieur
Le Feboure, w ith a french frigate and four armed
sloops, encouraged and assisted by the Spanish gover-
nor of Cuba, sailed for Charlestown.   To facilitate
the conquest, Monsieur Le Feboure had directions to
touch at St. Augustine and carry from it  such a
force  as he judged adequate  to the enterprise. Upon
his arrival  there he received intelligence of  an epi-
demical distemper,  which raged at Charlestown and
had destroyed  a vast number  of inhabitants.  In-
stead  of discouraging, this animated him to proceed
with greater expedition.   He took on board  a con-
siderable number of forces  and sailed for Charles*-
town.  The appearance of five separate smokes on
Sullivan's Island, announced to the inhabitants that
the same  number  of ships  was  observed  on  the
coast.
   Sir Nathaniel Johnson being at his plantation, se-
veral  miles from town, lieut. col. Wm. Rhett, com-
manding officer  of  the militia, immediately  ordered
the whole  of the inhabitants to be put under arms.
A messenger was dispatched  with the news to  the
governor, and letters were sent to all the captains of
the militia in the country ordering them to fire alarm
cuns—raise their companies—and to march Avith
all possible expedition to the assistance of Charles-
tOAvn.
   In the evening the enemy's  fleet came near to the
bar; but, as the passage was intricate and dangerous,
they hovered  on the  coast all  night within  sight of 
            CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS.        13J

 land.   Having  come to an anchor, they employed
 their boats all the next day in sounding the south
 bar.   This delay afforded time for the militia in the
 country to march to town.
   Governor Johnson,  on  his  arrival, found the in-
 habitants in great consternation : but his presence,
 as a man of known bravery and military capacity,
 inspired them Avith confidence  and  resolution.   He
 proclaimed martial law at the head of the militia__
 issued  the necessary orders  for their conduct, and
 sent to the indian tribes in alliance with the colony
 to come  immediately  to his  assistance.  As a con-
 tagious distemper Avas said to rage  in  Charlestown,
 the governor judged it imprudent to expose his men
 unnecessarily to danger; and therefore held his head
 quarters about half a mile distant from the town.  In
 the evening, a troop of horse commanded by  captain
 George  Logan, and two companies of foot under
 the command of major George  Broughton,  reached
 the  capital and kept Avatch during  the night.   The
 next morning a company from James island,  com-
 manded by captain Drake,  another  from Wands un-
 der captain Fenwicke, and five  more commanded by
 captains Cantey, Lynch, Kearn, Longbois, and Sea-
 brook, joined the other militia.   The principal force
 of the province Avith the governor at  their head,  was
 now assembled in and near CharlestOAvn.
   The day following the enemy's four ships and a
 galley came over the, bar, and stood directly for the
 town, having the advantages of a fair Avind and strong
tide.  When they had  advanced so far up the river
as to discover the  fortifications, they cast anchor a
little above Sullivan's island.   The governor observ- 
132        CONTEST  WITH SPANIARD*.

ing their approach towards the town, marched  his
men into it to receive them ;  but finding they had
stopt by the way, he had  time to call a  council of
war; in which it Avas agreed to put some great guns
on board of such ships as were in  the harbor, and
employ the sailors, in their own Avay, for the better
defence of the town.   William Rhett, a man of cou-
rage and conduct, received a commission to  be vice-
admiral  of this little fleet;  and hoisted his flag  on
board  the crown galley.
   The enemy sent up a flag of truce to the governor
to summon him  to surrender.   George Evans who
commanded Granville bastion received  their mes-
senger on his landing from the boat, and conducted
him blindfolded into the fort, until the governor was
 in readiness to receive him.   In the mean time hav-
 ing draw n up his men in such a manner  as to make
 them  appear to the  greatest advantage, he  admitted
 the french officer;  and having  first shown him  one
 fort full of men conducted him by a different route
 to  another, where  the  same  men sent by  a shorter
 way were drawn up before hand.  Having given him
 a view of  his strength, he demanded the purport of
 bis message ;  the  officer told, him that he was  sent
 by  Monsieur Le Feboure, admiral of the french fleet,
 to demand a surrender of the  tow n and country and
 of their persons  as prisoners of war; adding that his
 orders allowed him no more than  one  hour for an
 answer.    Governor Johnson replied, " There was
 no occasion for one minute to answer that message ;
 that he held  the town and country  for the queen of
 England, and could depend on his men who would
 sooner die than surrender thenaselves  prisoners of 
          CONTEST WITH  SPANIARDS.       115

Avar :  that he Avas resolved to defend the place to the
last drop of his  blood ;" and  informed the officer
u that he might go Avhen  he pleased and acquaint
Monsieur Le Feboure with his resolution."
  The day  following, a party of  the enemy went
ashore on  James island  and burnt  some houses.
Another  party,  consisting of an hundred and sixty
men,  landed on the opposite side of the river and
burnt two vessels in Dearby's creek, and set fire to
a store-Jiouse.  Sir Nathaniel Johnson  ordered cap-
tain Drake and his company, with a small  party of
imlians to James island, to oppose the enemy on that
side.  Drake marched against them,  but before he
could bring  up his men the indians, who ran through
the woods with their  usual impetuosity, had driven
the invaders to  their boats.  At  the same  time ad-
vice was brought to town, that the party who landed
on Wands neck had killed a number of hogs and cat-
tle and were feasting on the  plunder.   To prevent
their farther progress into the country captain Can-
tey, with  one hundred chosen men, was ordered to
pass the river privately  in the night and watch their
motions.   Before break of day the captain came up
and finding them in a state of security,  surrounded
and attacked them briskly.   They were thrown into
confusion and fled.  Some were killed,  others droAvn-
ed in  attempting to make their escape, and the  re-
mainder surrendered prisoners of Avar.
   The Carolinians, encouraged and animated by their
success at land, determined to try their fortune  by
sea.   Accordingly  William  Rhett set sail vvith  his
fleet of six small ships,  and proceeded down the ri-
ver to the place where the enemy  rode at anchor; 
1S4       CONTEST  WITH  SPANIARDS.
but the french perceiving this  fleet standing towards
them weighed anchor and sailed over the bar.  For
some  days nothing more was heard of them.   The
governor ordered captain Watson of the Sea Flow-
er, out to sea to examine whether the coast w as clear.
The captain returned without seeing the enemy ; but
observing some men on shore,  whom  they had left
behind, he took them on board and brought them  to
town.  These men assured  the governor  that the
french were gone.   In consequence thereof  orders
wrere given for the cessation of martial  law, and the
inhabitants began to rejoice at their happy delive-
rance.
  But before night advice  was brought that  a  ship
of force was seen in Sewee-Bay, and that  a number
of armed men had landed from her.   Upon  exami-
nation of the prisoners the governor 'found that the
french expected a ship of war with Monsieur Arbu-
set, their general,  and a reinforcement of two hun-
dred men to their assistance.  The governor ordered
captain  Fenwicke to pass  the river  and  march
against them by land, while  Rhett w ith a dutch pri-
vateer and an armed Bermuda sloop sailed round  by
sea to meet him at Sewee-Bay.  Captain Fenwicke
came up with the enemy and briskly charged them.
Though  advantageously posted, after a few vollies,
they gave way and retreated to their ship.  Rhett
soon after  came to Fenwicke's assistance, and the
french ship struck without firing a shot.  The vice-
admiral returned to Charlestown with his prize and
ninety prisoners.
  Thus ended  Monsieur Le  Feboure's invasion  of
Carolina; little to his own  honor as a commander, 
CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS,        \3$
 and less to the credit and courage of his men.   It is
 probable he expected to find the province in a weak
 and  defenceless  situation,  and  that the  governor
 would instantly surrender on his appearance before
 the town.  But he was deceived.   Governor John-
 son Avas a  man of approved courage and conduct.
 The militia undertook the various enterprises assign-
 ed to them w ith the spirit of men, and success crown-
 ed their endeavors.    Out  of eight  hundred  who
 came against  the  colony,  near three  hundred  were
 killed and taken prisoners.   Among the latter were
 Monsieur Arbuset, their commander in chief by land,
 with several sea-officers;  who, together, offered ten
 thousand pieces of eight for their ransom.   On the
 other  hand, the loss  sustained by the  provincial mi-
 litia was incredibly  small.   The governor publicly
 thanked them for the unanimity and courage they
 had shown  in repelling the invaders.  The proprie-
 tors were so highly pleased Avith Johnson's good con-
 duct that they made him a present of a large tract of
 land by a special grant in terms the most flattering
 and honorable*.

  * This land and the original special grant are now in the pos-
 session of Joseph Manigault.  This repelled invasion was ridi-
 culed in a humorous  burlesque poem  written above one hun-
dred years ago in french by one of the garrison, probably a
french refugee.  The poet makes the gOArernor, in his answer
to the invaders, requiring an immediate surrender of  the town
and country, to say as follows :
      " Que  s'ils attaquoient notre camp,
      " lis y trouveroient bien mille hommes.,
      " Qui ne se battroient pas de pommes.
      " Outre cinq cens Refugies
      " Que la France a repudies. 
136        Contest with Spaniards.
  Though  hostilities  had been  carried on  by the
Spaniards against Carolina, to reclaim it as a part of
Florida, the boundaries between these provinces were
neither clearly marked nor well understood; for they
had never been settled by any public agreement be-
tAveen  England and  Spain.   To  prevent negroes
escaping to the' Spanish territories  the  Carolinians
had built a fort on the forks of the river Alatamaha.
and supported a small garrison in it.   This gave of-
fence to  the governor of St. Augustine, who com-
plained of  it to the court of Madrid as an encroach-
ment on the dominions of Spain.   The Spanish am-
bassador at London lodged the complaint before the
court of  Britain, and  demanded that orders  should
be sent to demolish the fort.   It was agreed that the
governors in America on both sides should meet in
an amicable manner, and adjust the respective boun-
daries between the british and Spanish  dominions in
that quarter.   Accordingly Don 1 rancisco Menan-
dez and Don Joseph de Rabiero, in behalf of Spain,
came to  CharlestOAvn to hold a  conference  on the
subject with the executive officers of the government.
At their meeting Arthur Middleton, president of the
council,  demonstrated to the  Spanish  deputies that
the fort,  against which  complaint  had been  made,
was built within the bounds of the  charter granted
to the proprietors and that the pretensions of .Spain
to the  lands in  question were groundless.   At  the

     " Et reduits presnue a l'Indigence,
     •' Qui ne i es^iroient que vengence,
     ;' Le qu'on leur feroil e jrouver,
     >' b'ils ozoient nous venir trouver," 
t
           CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS.        137
same time he told them that the fort, on the river Ala-
tamaha, was erected for defending themselves and their
property against the deprecations of indians  living
under the jurisdiction of Spain,  jyir. Middleton then
begged to know their reasons  " for protecting felons
and debtors that fled to them from Carolina, and for
encouraging negroes to leave their masters and take
refuge at St. Augustine, while peace subsisted between
the two crowns."  The deputies replied, " that the
governor of Florida would deliver up all felons and
debtors; but had express orders, for twenty years
past, to detain all slaves who should fly to St. Augus-
tine for liberty and protection."   Air. Middleton de-
clared that he looked on such orders as a breach of na-
tional  honor and faith, especially, as negroes Avere
as much private property in  Carolina as houses and
lands."  The deputies answered,  " that the design of
the king of Spain Avas not to injure  any one,  for he
had ordered compensation to  be made to the masters
of such slaves in money;  but that his humanity, and
religion, enjoined  him to issue such orders for the
sake  of converting  slaves to the  christian  faith."
The conference ended to the satisfaction of neither
party, and matters remained  as they were;  but soon
after the english fort, near the Alatamaha, Avas burn-
ed to the ground; and the southern frontiers of Ca-,
rolina  Avere again left naked and defenceless.
   As no final agreement w ith respect to the limits of
the two provinces had been concluded, the indians
in alliance with Spain  continued to harass  the bri-
tish settlements.   Scalping parties of the yamassees
frequently  penetrated  into Carolina—killed  white
  voi. t.               T      , 
138     MILITARY HlSlORV,  16*70--1?7(>.

men and  carried off every negro they could  find.
Though the owners of slaves had been allowed from
the Spanish government a compensation  in  money
for their  losses,  yet  few of them ever received it.
At length colonel Palmer resolved to make reprisals
on the plunderers.  For this purpose he gathered to-
gether a party of militia and friendly  indians, con-
sisting  of about  three  hundred  men,  and  entered
Florida  with a resolution  of  spreading  desolation
throughout the province.  He carried his arms as
far as the gates of St. Augustine, and compelled the
inhabitants to take refuge in their castle.   Scarce a
house or  hut in the colony escaped the flames.   He
destroyed their provisions in the fields—-drove oft
their cattle,  hogs, and horses ; and left the floridans
little property, except what was protected by the guns
of their fort.   By this expedition he  demonstrated to
the Spaniards  their weakness ; and that the Carolini-
ans, aa henever they pleased, could prevent the culti-
vation and settlement of their province so as  to ren-
der the  improvement  of  it  impracticable on  any
other than peaceable terms Avith their neighbors.
   Soon after these events, the french  in Louisiana,
advanced nearer to Carolina.  They erected a strong
hold, called fort Alabama, on Mobile river;  which
was well  situated for opening and carrying on a cor-
respondence with the most powerful nations, contigu-
ous to the southern british colonies.    The Carolini-
ans had good  reason to be on their guard against the
influence  of these new and enterprising  neighbors.
The tribes of  upper creeks, whose hunting lands ex-
tended to the fort, were soon  Avon over by promises
and  largesses to form an  alliance  with the french. 
           CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS.        139

The cherokees lived  at  a greater distance yet by
means of the creeks, and other emissaries, the french
endeavored to bring them over  to  their interest.
The river Missisippi, being navigable several hun-
dred miles from its mouth, opened a communication
with the chocktaws,  chickesaAvs, and other nations
residing near it.   The french had,  therefore, many
convenient opportunities  of  seducing these indians
from their alliance with  Britain.   The president  of
the council of Carolina employed captain Tobias
Fitch among the creeks, and colonel George Chicken
among the cherokees, to keep these tribes steady and
firm to the british interest.  These agents found no
small difficulty  in counteracting the influence  of
french policy.   From this period the british and
french settlers  in  America became competitors for
poAver and influence over the indian  nations.  And
the Carolinians Avere  farther  from peace and safety
than ever.  The  french supplied these savages with
tomahawks,  muskets,  and ammunition,  by Avhich
means they laid aside the bow and arrow, and be-
came more dangerous and formidable enemies than
they ever had been.
   By the settlement of Georgia, in 1733, Carolina
ceased to be a frontier;  but the Spaniards continued
to seduce  their negroes, and  to do other injurious
acts.   War being declared in 1739,  by  Great-Bri-
tain, against Spain an opportunity was given for at-
tempting the reduction of the fort at  St. Augustine
which Avas considered as the  only effectual mean of
securing  the two most southern provinces.   General
Oglethorpe of Georgia projected an  expedition for
that purpose.   He communicated his design by let- 
140     MILITARY HTSTORY, 1670--1770.

ter to William  Bull, lieutenant-governor  of  South-
Carolina,  and requested the aid of that province in
the common cause.  Bull  laid the letter  before the
provincial assembly, recommending to raise  a  regi-
ment and to give all possible assistance  to  the en-
terprise.  The assembly favored the proposal.
   General Oglethorpe urged the speedy execution ol
his project  with  a view to surprise  the  tnemy be-
fore they  could receive a supply of provisions.   He
declared that no personal toil, or danger, should dis-
courage  his  utmost exertions to free Carolina  from
such neighbors as instigated  their slaves to  massa-
cre them and  publicly  protected  them after  such
bloody  attempts.   To  concert measures with the
greater  secrecy and expedition, he went to Charles-
town and laid before the legislature  an estimate of
the force, arms, ammunition, and provisions w hich he
judged requisite for the expedition.   In consequence
of which the assembly voted one hundred and twen-
ty thousand pounds, Corolina money, for the ser-
vice of the Avar.   A regiment consisting of four hun-
dred men was raised, partly in Virginia and partly in
North and South-Carolina, and  the command Avas
given to colonel Yanderdussen.   Indians were cal-
led into service from the different  tribes in alliance
with  Britain.  Vincent  Price,  commander  of the
ships of  w ar on that station, agreed to assist w ith a
naval force, consisting of four ships of twenty  gun-
each  and tAvo  sloops.    General  Oglethorpe  ap-
pointed the mouth ol St. Johns river, on the Flori
da shore,  for the place of rendezvous.
   On the 9th of May,  1740, he passed over to Flo-
rida with four hundred  select men of his regimen*, 
CONTEST WITH SPANIARDS.        14!
and a considerable party of indians ; and on the day
following invested Diego,  a small fort,  about twen-
ty-five miles from St. Augustine.  This,  after a short
resistance, surrendered by capitulation.  In it he left
a garrison of sixty men, under the command of lieu-
tenant Dunbar, and returned to the place of general
rendezvous where he  Avas joined bv colonel Vander-
dussen Avith the Carolina regiment  and a  company
of highlanders under the command of captain M'ln-
tosh.   By this time six  Spanish half gallies  with long
brass nine-pounders, and two sloops loaded  Avith pro-
visions, had got into the harbor of St.  Augustine.  A
few days afterwards the general marched ay ith his
whole  force,  consisting  of  above  two   thousand
men,  regulars, provincials,  and indians,  to fort Moo-
sa situated within two miles of St. Augustine.   On
his approach,  the  Spanish garrison  evacuated this
post and retired into the town.
   Notwithstanding the dispatch of the british army,
the Spaniards  had  collected  all the cattle in  the
neighboring woods, and drove them into the town;
and the general found that more difficulty would at-
tend the  enterprise than he at first expected.   The
castle Avas  built  of soft stone,  with  four  bastions;
the curtain was sixty yards in length;  the parapet
nine feet thick; the rampart twenty feet high, case-
mated underneath  for  lodgings, arched over, and
made  bomb proof.   Fifty pieces of cannon  Avere
mounted, several of which were twenty-four poun-
ders.   The town Avas also  intrenched with ten sali-
ent angles,  on each of which some  small cannon
were  mounted.   The  garrison consisted  of  seven
hundred  regulars, tAve troops of horse,  four compa- 
 142    MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—1776.

nies of armed  negroes,  besides  the militia of the
province,  and indians.
   The general  perceived that an attempt to take the
castle by storm would cost him dear, and  therefore
changed his plan of operations.  With the assistance
of the ships of Avar which v\cre lying at anchor off
St. Augustine bar, he resolved to turn the siege into
a blockade, to shut up every  channel by which pro-
visions could be conveyed to  the garrison.   For this
purpose he left colonel Palmer with ninety-five high-
landers and forty-two indians  at fort Moosa, Avith or-
ders to scour the woods and  intercept all supplies of
cattle from the  country by land.   He at the same
time ordered him to encamp  every night in a differ-
ent place—to keep strict watch around his camp, and
by all means to avoid coming to action.   He sent
colonel Vanderdussen Avith  the Carolina  regiment
over a small creek, to take possession of a neck of
land called Point Quartel, more than a mile distant
from the castle, with orders to erect  a battery upon
it; Avhile he himself with his regiment, and the great-
est part of the indians, embarked in boats and landed
on the island of Anastatia.   From  this island  the
o-eneral resolved  to bombard the  tOAvn.  Captain
Pierce stationed his ships so  that the Spaniards  were
cut off from all supplies by  sea.    Batteries were
erected, and several cannon  mounted on Anastatia
island.  General Oglethorpe then  summoned  the
Spanish governor  to surrender;  but the Don sent
him  for answer " that  he would  be glad  to shake
hands Avith him in his castle."
   The opportunity of surprising the place being lost,
Oglethorpe had no other method left but to attack it 
CONTEST AVITH  SPANIARDS-.       143
at the distance in which he then stood.  For this pur-
pose he opened his batteries against the  castle, and
at the same time threw a number of shells into the
town.   The fire was returned with equal spirit both
from the Spanish fort, and from six half gallies in the
harbor;  but so great was the distance, that though
they continued the cannonade for several days, little
execution was done on either side.
  In the mean  time the Spanish commander, observ«
ing the besiegers embarrassed, sent out a  detachment
against colonel Palmer  which surprised him at fort
Moosa;  and  Avhile his party Avas asleep, cut them
almost entirely to pieces.   A feAv that accidentally
escaped, went over in a small boat to the  Carolina
regiment at Point Quartel.  About the  same time,
the blockading vessel stationed at the Metanzas be-
ing ordered off, some small vessels from  the Havan-
na with provisions  and a  reinforcement of men got
into St. Augustine to the  relief of the garrison.  A
party of creeks brought four Spanish prisoners to the
general, who informed  him that the garrison had re-
ceived  seven  hundred  men and a  large supply of
provisions.   All prospects of starving  the  enemy
being lost, the army began to  despair of forcing the
place to surrender.  The Carolina troops, enfeebled
by the heat—despairing  of success—and fatigued
by fruitless efforts, marched away in large bodies.
The navy being short of provisions, and the usual
season of hurricanes approaching, the  commander
judged it imprudent to hazard his majesty's ships by
remaining longer on  that coast.   The  general Avas
sick of a fever—his regiment exhausted Avith fatigue
and  rendered  unfit for action by disease.  These 
          M4    MILITARY  HISTORY,  1()70--177').

         combined disasters  made it necessary  to abandon
         the enterprise.   Oglethorpe with extreme regret tell
         back to Frederica.  On the 13th of August, the Ca-
         rolina  regiment  returned to Charlestown.  Though
         not one of them had been killed by the enemy, their
         number was reduced 14 by disease and accidents.
           Thus ended the expedition against St.  Augustine.
         to the great disappointment of both Georgia and Ca
         roiina.  Many reflections were afterwards  thrown
         out against general  Oglethorpe, for his  conduct du-
         rincr the Avhole enterprise.   He, on the other hand.
         declared he had no  confidence in the provincial* for
         that they refused obedience to  his orders and at last
         abandoned his camp and retreated to Carolina. The
         place was so strongly  fortified, both by  nature and
         art, that  probably  the  attempt must  have  failed
         though it  had been conducted  by  the ablest officer,
         and executed  by the best disciplined  troops.   The
         miscarriage was particularly injurious  to Carolina
         having not only subjected the province to a great ex-
         pense,  but also left  it in a worse  situation than  it
         was before the attempt.
*           This  invasion of Florida  was  soon retaliated.
         The Spaniards had  not  yet relinquished  their claim
         to  the  southern  extreme  of  the  british colonies.
         They therefore prepared an armament  to expel the
         english  settlers  from Georgia.   There  is reason to
         believe that if they had  succeeded against that infant
         province, Carolina would have become the scene of
         their next operations.  To accomplish  these purpo-
         ses  an armament was  prepared at the  Havanna :
         two thousand forces,  commanded  by'Don Antonio
         de  Rodondo, embarked from that port under convoy 
CONTEST WITH  SPANIARDS.       145
of a strong squadron and arrived at St. Augustine in
May.  Oglethorpe, on receiving intelligence of their
arrival in Florida,  sent advices of  it to governor
Glen of Carolina and made all possible preparations
for a vigorous resistance.   With his  regiment, a few
rangers, highlanders, and indians, he  fixed his head
quarters at Frederica and Avaited in expectation of a
reinforcement from Carolina.   About the last of
June the Spanish fleet, amounting to thirty-two sail
and carrying above three  thousand men under  the
command of Don  Manuel de  Monteano, came to
anchor  off  St.  Simon's bar.    After sounding  the
channel, the Don passed through Jekyl sound—re-
ceived  a fire from  Oglethorpe at fort Simon's,  and
proceeded up  the  Alatamaha beyond the reach of
his guns.  There the enemy landed  and erected a
battery with twenty eighteen pounders  mounted on
it.   Oglethorpe judging his situation  at fort Simon's
to be dangerous, spiked the guns—burst the bombs
and cohorns—destroyed the stores—and retreated
to Frederica.  With a  force amounting to little more
than seven hundred men, exclusively  of indians, he
could not hope to act but on the defensive until  the
arrival  of reinforcements from Carolina.  Fie how-
ever employed his indians, and occasionally his high-
landers, in scouring the woods—harassing the out-
posts of the enemy—and  throwing impediments in
their way.   In the attempts of the Spanish to pene-
trate through the  woods  and  morasses to reach
Frederica, several rencounters took place; in one of
which they lost a captain and two lieutenants killed,
and above  one hundred of their  men were taken
prisoners.  Oglethorpe, learning by an  english  pri- 
 146    MILITARY  HISTORY,  1670--1776.

soner who escaped from the  Spanish camp that  a
difference subsisted betAveen the troops  from Cuba
and those from St. Augustine occasioning a separate
encampment,  resolved  to attack the enemy while
thus divided.   He  marched out  in the ni<dit with
the intention of surprising the enemy.   Having ad-
vanced Avithin two miles of the Spanish camp he halt-
ed  his troops,  and went forward himself with a se-
lect corps  to reconnoitre the  enemy's  situation.
While he was endeavoring to conceal his approach,
a french  soldier of his party discharged his musket,
and ran into the Spanish lines.
  The general returned to Frederica, and endeavor-
ed to effect by stratagem what could not be  achiev-
ed  by  surprise.   Apprehensive  that the deserter
would discover to the enemy his Aveakness,  he wrote
to him a letter; desiring him to acquaint the  Spaniards
ay ith the  defenceless 9tate of Frederica, and the case
w ith Avhich his small garrison might be cut  to pieces.
He pressed him to bring forward the Spaniards to an
attack; but if he could not prevail  thus far,  to use all
bis art and influence to persuade them to stay at least
three days more at fort Simon's; for within that time
he should have a reinforcement of two thousand land
forces, Avith six british ships of war.  The letter con-
cluded Avith a caution to the deserter against drop-
ping the  least hint of admiral Vernon's meditated
attack upon St. Augustine ; and with assurance that
for  his  service, he Avould  be amply reAvarded by
the  british king.  Oglethorpe gave it to  the Spanish
prisoner; who for a small rew ard, together w ith his
liherty, promised to deliver it to the french deserter.
On his arrival at the  Spanish camp,  he gave the let- 
           CONTEST WITH  SPANIARDS.        147

ter, as Oglethorpe expected, to the commander in
chief Avho instantly put the  deserter in irons.  This
letter perplexed and confounded the Spaniards; some
supecting it to be a stratagem to prevent an attack
on Frederica, and others believing  it to contain se-
rious instructions to  direct the  conduct of a spy.
While the  Spanish officers were deliberating Avhat
measures to adopt an incident, not within the calcu-
lation of military skill or the control of human pow-
er,  decided their counsels.   Three  ships  of  force,
which the governor of South-Carolina  had sent to
Oglethorpe's aid, appeared  off the  coast.   The
agreement of this discovery with the contents of the
letter, convinced the Spanish commander of its  real
intention.  The  whole army seized with an instant
panic, set fire to the fort and precipitately embarked;
leaving several cannon, Avith a quantity of provisions
and  military stores.  Thus in the moment of threat-
ened conquest, the infant colony Avas providentially
saved.   Though the Spaniards threatened to renew
the invasion, yet we do not find that after this repulse
they ever made any attempt by force of arms to gain
possession  of Georgia or Carolina.
  For the seventy-two years which had passed away
since the settlement  of South-Carolina, there  had
been repeated reciprocal invasions of the contiguous
Spanish and british provinces.  Though hostilities oc-
casionally ceased, bickerings Avere always kept alive
from the constant irritation of unneighborly, injurious,
acts ; till by the peace  of Paris in 1/63, the two FIot
ridas Avere  ceded by Spain to  Great-Britain.   From
that period, till the commencement of the revolution-
ary  war, the  inhabitants of  Florida and those of 
148    MILITARY HISTORY, 1670--1776.
Georgia and Carolina being all subjects of the same
kino- lived in harmony with each other.   No sooner
had the american war began, than the former scenes
of plunder and devastation recommenced betAveen
the contiguous provinces.  The Floridas by remain-
ing a part of the  british empire, while Georgia and
Carolina became free states, were set in opposition
to each other.  Hostilities, as is usual among the bor-
derers  of contending  governments,  were rendered
more  fierce  from the circumstance  of contiguity.
Throughout the Avar parties from  each  reciprocally
plundered and harassed the other :  ostensibly on one
side for the advancement of british, and on the other
of american interests ; but in both cases for the pri-
vate emolument of  the  actors  in these disgraceful
scenes.  Florida also afforded an entrance through
which british agents furnished supplies  to the indian
tribes  adjacent to the new formed american states,
and by which they encouraged the former to destroy
the latter.  Such will ever be the case in the event of
war between the sovereigns of Florida,  and the citi-
 zens of America.  Happy are the people whose ter-
 ritories are encircled by obvious natural boundaries,
easily distinguished but not easily passed.
                 SECTION  II.

              Contests with Indians.

Wren South-Carolina was settled by the english, it
was in the  occupation of more than twenty nations,
or tribes, of indians.   Their combined numbers were 
            CONTESTS AVITH INDIANS.        149
so considerable that had they been guided by a spi-
rit of union, or directed by a common council, they
'would have been able at any time, for many years af-
ter the  settlement, to have  exterminated  the  new
comers. The indians, in their military capacity, Avere
not  so inferior to the  Avhites as some may imagine.
The  superiority of muskets over bows and  arrows,
managed by indians in a woody country, is not great.
The savage, quick-sighted and accustomed to per-
petual watchfulness, springs  from his  hiding place,
behind a  bush, and  surprises his enemy with  the
pointed arrow before  he is aware of danger.   He
ranges through the trackless forest like the beasts of
prey, and safely sleeps under the same canopy with
the Avoif and  bear.  His vengeance is concealed, till
he sends the tidings in the fatal blow.
   Though the indians viewed with a jealous eye the
encroachments made on their territorial possessions,
they took  no effectual measures for the defence of
their property.   Finding.many present conveniences
to result from their intercourse with the new comers,
they acquiesced  in their settlement.  Destitute of
foresight, they did not anticipate consequences ;  nor
did  they embitter present  enjoyments, with forebo-
dings of future evils.  To the indian, a knife, a hatch-
et, or a hoe, \vas a valuable acquisition.  He observ-
ed" with what  facility  the strangers  supplied  their
many Avants  by  means of the  various  implements
they used.    The  woods fell  before  the  axe—the
earth opened  before  the hoe  and  spade—and the
knife was useful on numberless occasions.  He ad-
mired the skill of white men in making these articles
of ease and profit, and voluntarily  offered to them 
 150    MILITARY HISTORY,  16*70--1776.
 his deer skins, the  only  riches he  had which could
 procure them.   The love  of ease  Avas as natural to
 the one as the other; and the indian would rather
 give to the Avhite settler the profits of a year's hunt-
 ing, than be Avithout  his instruments.   Having ob-
 tained these, in process of time he found the toma-
 hawk and musket equally useful.   These he also
 coveted, and could not rest till he  obtained them.
 What Avas at first only convenient, as  his wants in-
 creased became  almost necessary.   The  original
 bond Avas therefore progressively strengthened and
 confirmed.  As  the channel  of commerce opened,
 the indian found that he A\as  not  only treated  wph
 friendship and civility,  but  that the white  people
 were equally fond of his skins,  furs, and lands, as he
 was of their gaudy trinkets and various implements.
 It Avas this connexion that induced  the native inhabi-
 tants  of  the forest peaceably  to  admit  strangers,
 though  differing  in complexion, language, and man-
 ners, to reside among them and to clear and culti-
 vate their lands.
   By these means the first settlers of Carolina readi-
 ly obtained foot-hold  among the native  OAvnersofthc
 soil.  The proprietors gave instructions to their te-
nants to cultivate the good  will of  the aborigines.
They also made many presents to them, but nothing
appears on record like a formal purchase or transfer
 of any part of the low country from the one to the
 other*.    Tradition has informed us that some  indi-

  * The people of  Carolina hold their lands in the southern
 and Avestern parts of the state partly by conquest, and partly by
 treaties with the aborigines.  These were valid against the na-
 tives.  The charters from the sovereigns of England were in 
             CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.         1£1

 viduals, from a sense of justice, made private pur-
 chases from the indians ; but in general, / a liberty to
 settle was neither asked nor given;  but  was taken
 by  Avhite men, and  acquiesced  in by the savages.
 Private contentions between them were frequent, but
 formal, hostilities on national" grounds only occasion-
 al ;  many causes of the former existed, and  but feAV
 of the latter.   While the english  thought little of in-
 dian rights to lands,  the  latter were equally regard-
 less of the rights of the former to moveable property.
 Accustomed to take wild animals wherever found,
 they could not readily comprehend  the crime of ta-
 king such as  were tame.   What the english settler
 called theft, the indian considered as  the exercise of
 a natural  right.   The ideas of the civilized  and  sa-
 vage man Avere at greater variance in  other impor-
 tant matters.   If the former in a fit of drunkenness,
 in the heat of passion, or even in self-defence, killed

 like manner good against the grantors and other europeans, but
 the rights of the present possessors have a higher origin than
 either of these sources.  The  earth was made for man, and
 was intended by the creator of all  things to be improved  foF
 the benefit  of mankind.  The land which could support one
 savage in  his mode  of living,  is capable of supporting five
 hundred under proper cultivation.   These wild lands therefore
 Avere not the separate property of the few savages who hunted
 over them, but  belonged to  the common stock of mankind.
 The first who possessed a vacant spot, and actually cultivated it
 for some time, ought to be considered as the  proprietor of that
 spot, and they who derive their titles from  him have a valid
right to the same.  This doctrine is agreeable to the  judicial
determination of the courts of South-Carolina with respect to
rights in lands derived solely from possession, and is  the ground
on which the claims of Spain  to the whole country «an be in-
validated. 
152    MILITARY HISTORY, 1670--1776.

or wounded  the  latter, nothing less  than  scalp for
scalp—blood for  blood—and death for death, could
satisfy the surviving friends of the injured party.   If
the real criminal  could not be found, they claimed
the right of retaliating on  any person of  the same
color or nation that came in their Avay.   They also
admitted  the  voluntary substitution of an innocent
person as an atonement for  one that was guilty, who
thereupon was free.
  This conduct and these rules of action, were hos-
tile to peace.   As the forgiveness of injuries is so far
from being  any  part of the creed of indians, that
they consider  it  as pusillanimous not to avenge the
death of  their friends, one quarrel often  produced
another.  Feuds Avhich Avere originally  private and
personal, soon  became  public and national, and
seldom failed  to multiply and extend their tragical
effects.  The indians made very free Avith the plan-
ters' stock,  and  these as freely made use of their
arms in defence of their property.  Lives were fre-
quently lost in these petty  contests.  If an indian
was killed,  his countrymen  poured their vengeance
indiscriminately on the innocent and guilty.  Gover-
nor West found  it  necessary to encourage  and re-
ward such of  the colonists,  as would take the field
against them for the public defence.  Acordingly a
price wras fixed  on every indian the settlers  should
take prisoner, and  bring  to  Charlestown.  These
 captive savages  were disposed of  to  the traders,
 who sent them  to the  West-Indies, and there sold
 them as  slaves.   This traffic was an  inhuman  me-
 thod of getting rid of troublesome neighbors, yet the
 planters pleaded necessity in its vindication.   It is 
           CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.        153

certain that the reward for indian  prisoners encou-
raged bold adventurers, and the sale of them  made
a profitable  branch  of  trade.  These  advantages
weighed with interested persons as an extenuation,
if not a justification of the practice.  The proceeds
of the  indians, when sold in the West-Indies, were
generally returned to  the colonists in rum.  This ap-
propriation of the gains  of the iniquitous traffic  was
so injurious, that in many instances it Avas doubtiul
whether the evil ultimately suffered or that original-
ly committed was greatest.
  The Carolinians soon found out the policy of  set-
ting one tribe of indians against another, on purpose
to save themselves.    By trifling presents they pur-
chased the friendship of some tribes whom they em-
ployed to carry on Avar Avith others.   This not only
diverted their attention from the Avhite settlers, but
encouraged them  to  bring  captives to Charlestown
for  the  purpose  of transportation  to the  West-
Indies.
   A Avar commenced in the beginning  of the  year
 1680 with the westoes,  a very powerful  tribe  be-
tAveen Charlestown and Edisto, which well nigh ru-
ined the infant settlement.  The cause of hostilities,
thus inconvenient  and dangerous,  may be found in
 injuries which had been mutually given and received.
 A peace was concluded in the subsequent year, the
 old giving security for the good conduct of the young.
 To  prevent  the return of  similar mischiefs, and to
 advance justice, the  proprietors erected a coimi.is-
 sion for Maurice Matthews,  William Fuller, Jona-
 than Fits, and John  Boone, to decide all complaints
 between the english and the  indians.  Some coixi-
   vol. r.              X 
 154     MILITARY HISTORY,  1670--1776.

 plaints were  made  against  these  commissioners,
 the particulars of which have  not reached us.  They
 were discharged and the commission abrogated.   In
 lieu thereof the proprietors ordered, that the indians
 within 400 miles of Charlestown, should all be takea
 under their protection.
  The next indian war was an offensive one on the part
 of the Carolinians.  The apalachian indians, by their
 connexion with the Spaniards, had become trouble-
 some.  Governor Moore, in 1702 or 1703, march-
 ed at the head of a body of white men  and  indian
 allies into the  heart  of their  settlements.  Where-
 ever he vent he carried fire and sword.    lie laid in
 ashes the towns  of those tribes who lived between
 the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah ; captured many
 savages, and obliged  others to submit to the english
 government.    This exertion of power  in that quar-
 ter filled the savages  with terror of the british arms,
 and helped to  pave the way for the english  colony
 afterwards planted between these rivers.   The go-
 vernor received the thanks of the proprietors,  wiped
 off the ignominy of his expedition against St. Augus-
 tine, and procured a number of indian slaves whom
 he employed as  slaves or sold for his  own advan-

  The first serious war with  the indians, in which
 Carolina participated, took place far to the north of
CharlestOAvn.   This  appears to  have been entered
upon by the natives with a view of exterminating the
english settlers.   What they might have accomplish-
ed in the first years of the  settlement,  was  beyond
their power when torty-two years had given it strengtk
and suability. 
CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.         155.
   In the year 1712,  a dangerous conspiracy was
formed by the indians of North-Carolina against the
settlers in that quarter.   The particular cause of the
quarrel is unknown ; probably they were offended at
the encroachments made on their hunting lands.  The
powerful tribes of indians, called corees, tuscororas,
and some others, united and determined to murder
or expel the european  invaders.   They  carried on
their bloody design Avith amazing cunning and  pro-
found  secrecy.   They  surrounded their principal
town with a wooden breast-work for the security of
their own families.   There the different tribes met
together, to the number of tw elve hundred bowmen,
and formed their horrid plot.   From this place of
rendezvous they sent out small parties, Avho entered
the settlements under the mask of friendship, by dif-
ferent roads.   All of them agreed to begin their mur-
derous operations on the same night.    When that
night came they entered the planters'  houses, de-
manded provisions, were displeased with them, and
then murdered men, women, and children, without
mercy or  distinction.   To prevent a communication
of the alarm through the settlement, they ran  from
house  to  house  slaughtering the scattered families
wherever  they went.  None  of the colonists knew
what had  befallen their neighbors before the  barba-
rians reached their own doors.  About Roanoke, one
hundred and thirty-seven settlers  fell a sacrifice to
savage fury in one fatal night.   A  swiss baron and
almost all the poor palatines who  had lately come
into the country, Avere among the slain.  Some,  who
had hid themselves  in  the woods escaped, and by
alarming  their neighbors prevented  the total de? 
]56     MILITARY HISTORY,  16*70--1776.

struction of that colony.  Every family that survived
Avas ordered instantly to assemble at one place, and
the militia under arms kept watch over them day
and night until relief arrived.
   Governor  Craven  lost no  time  in forwarding a
force to their assistance.   The assembly voted four
thousand pounds for the service of the war.   A body
of militia,  consisting of six hundred men, under the
command of colonel Barnwell, marched against the
savages.   Two hundred and eighteen cherokees, un-
der the command of captains Harford and Turston;
seventy-nine creeks, under captain Hastings; forty-
one  catabaws,  under captain  Cantey; and  twenty-
eight yamassees, under captain Pierce, being furnish-
ed with arms, joined the Carolinians in this expedi-
tion.    Hideous  and  dreadful was the  wilderness
through w hich colonel Barnwell had to march.  To
reach North-Carolina in time for the  relief of the
people, the utmost expedition was requisite.   It was
neither possible for his men to carry with them a suf-
ficient quantity of provisions; together with arms and
ammunition, nor to have these things provided at dif-
ferent stages by the way.  There was no road through
the  Avoods upon which either horses  or carriages
could conveniently pass.   His army had to  encoun-
ter all manner of  hardships and  dangers from the
climate, the wilderness, and the enemy.   In spite of
every difficulty Barnwell advanced, employing his
indian allies to hunt for provisions on the way.  At
length, having come up with the savages, he attack-
ed them with great execution.   In the first battle he
killed three  hundred  indians,, and took about one
hundred prisoners.   After which the tuscororas re- 
CONTESTS AVITH  INDIANS.
157
treated to their town, within a wooden breast-work.
There they Avere surrounded ;  many of them  killed,
and the remainder  forced to sue for peace.   Some
of Barnwell's men being wounded, and others having
suffered much by Avatching,  hunger, and fatigue, the
savages easily obtained their request.  In this expe-
dition it Avas computed that  Barnwell killed, wound-
ed, and captured near a thousand tuscororas.   The
survivors  abandoned their  country  and  joined a
northern tribe  of indians on the Ohio river.   Of
Barnwell's  party,  five Carolinians were  killed and
several wounded.    Of his  indians, thirty-six were
killed and  between sixty  and  seventy  Avounded.
Never had  any expedition,  against  the savages  in
Carolina,  been attended Avith such difficulties; nor
had  the conquest  of any tribe  of  them ever been
more complete.
   Although this expedition Avas well conducted, and
proved  successful,  the  expense incurred  by it fell
heavy on the province,  the  revenues of which were
ill-adapted for such enterprises.  Great harmony at
that time subsisted  between  the governor and assem-
bly,  and they were  well-disposed to concur in every
measure for the public good.  The stamping of bills
of credit had been used as the easiest  method of de-
fraying similar expenses.  At this time the legislature
thought proper to establish a public  bank, and issued
,£■52,000,  in bills of credit, for answering the exigen-
cies of government and for  the  convenience of do-
mestic commerce.   This money was lent out at in-
terest on bonds,  secured  by landed or personal sr~
curitv, and made pavable  bv easv instalments. 
 158    MILITARY HISTORY, 1670 —1776".

   In the year 1715 South-Carolina was visited with
an indian war, so formidable as  to threaten its total
extirpation.   The numerous and poAverful tribes of
indians, called yamassees,  were the most active in
promoting this conspiracy ; though every tribe in the
vicinity was more or less concerned in  it.  The  ya-
massees possessed a large territory, lying backward
from Port Royal island, on the north east side of Sa-
vannah river; which to this day is called indian land.
This tribe had long been esteemed by the Carolinians
as friends and allies.   They admitted  a number of
traders into their town, and  several times had assist-
ed the  settlers in their warlike enterprises.
   For  twelve months before the war broke out the
traders, among  the  yamassees, observed that their
chief warriors Avent frequently to St. Augustine and
returned loaded with presents.   John Eraser, an ho-
nest scotch Highlander, who lived among the yamas-
sees and  traded with them, had often heard these
warriors tell with what kindness they had been treat-
ed  at  St.  Augustine.   One  had received a hat,  an-
other a jacket, and a third a coat; all trimmed w ith
silver lace.   Some got hatchets, others knives, and
almost all of them guns  and ammunition.   These
warriors  told  Eraser that they had dined with  the
governor at  St. Augustine, and that he was now their
king and not the governor of Carolina.
   About  nine  days  before  hostilities  commenced,
 Sanute, an  indian warrior  attached to  Fraser's  fa-
mily, came to his house and told his wife that " the
english Avere all  wicked heretics and  would  go to
hell, and that the yamassees would also follow them
if they suffered them  to live in their country—that 
CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.
159
bow the governor of St. Augustine Avas their king—-
that there would be a terrible war with the english;
and they only waited for the bloody stick to be  re-
turned from  the creeks before they began it."    He
told them that  " the yamassees, the creeks, the che-
rokees, and  many  other nations, together Avith  the
Spaniards, were all  to engage in it; and advised them
instantly to fly to Charlestown."  Fraser, not a little
astonished at the news, asked him how the Spaniards
could go to Avar Avith the Carolinians Avhile at peace
with Great-Britain?  to which  Sanute replied,  the
Spanish governor told him that there would soon be a
war with the english,  and again advised him  to fly
with all expedition.   Fraser still entertained doubts,
but finally resolved to get out of the way, and fled
to  Charlestown with his family  and effects.
   At the time in Avhich this dark plot was to be  put
in execution, captain Nairn, agent for indian affairs,
and many traders,  resided at Pocotaligo in a state of
 false security in the  midst of  their enemies.  The
 case of the scattered settlers on  the frontier was
 equally  lamentable, for they had  no suspicions of
 danger.   On  the  day before  the yamassees  began
 their bloody operations captain Nairn, and some of
 the traders, observing an uncommon gloom on the
 countenances of the savages, went to their chief men
 begging to know the cause of their uneasiness;  and
 promising, if any injury  had been done, to give them
 satisfaction.  The chiefs replied, they had no com-
 plaints to make against any one, but intended to go
 a hunting early the next morning.   Captain  Nairn
 accordingly went  to  sleep, and the traders passed
 the night in apparent tranquillity.   But next  morn- 
160     MILITARY HISTORY, l6'70—1770.

ing about the break of day, being the 15th of April
1715,  all  were  alarmed  with  the  cries  ot  war.
The  leaders were under arms,  calling  upon  their
followers, and  proclaiming aloud designs of ven-
geance.  The young men flew to their arms, and in
a few hours massacred above ninety persons in Po-
cotaligo and the neighboring plantations.  Mr. Bur-
rows, a captain of militia, by swimming one mile
and running ten, after he had received two wounds,
escaped to Port Royal and  alarmed the town.  The
inhabitants, generally, repaired on board a vessel in
the harbor, and sailed for Charlestown.   But a few
families fell into  the hands of the savages, and  by
them were either murdered  or  made prisoners of
war.   While the yamassees with  the  creeks and
apalachians were advancing  against the  southern
frontiers, and  spreading  desolation  and slaughter
through the province, the colonists on the northern
borders found the  indians down among the settle-
ments in formidable parties.   The Carolinians had
entertained hopes of the friendship of the congarees,
the  catawbas and cherokees; but soon found that
these nations had also joined in the conspiracy and
declared for Avar.  It was computed that  the southern
division of the  enemy consisted  of above six  thou-
sand bowmen,  and the northern of betAveen six hun-
dred and a thousand. Every indian tribe, from Flo-
rida to Cape Fear-river, had joined in this confede-
racy for the destruction of the settlement.  The dis-
persed planters had no force to withstand such num-
bers;  but each consulting his own safety, and that  of
 bis family, fled in great consternation to the capital 
CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.
161
 They who came in brought the governor such diffe-
 rent accounts of the numbers and strength of the
 ravages, that even the inhabitants of Charlestown
 were doubtful of their safety.  The men in it  were
 obliged to watch every third night.   The most spirit-
 ed measures were  pursued both  for offence and de-
 fence.   In the muster roll there  were no more than
 1200 men fit to bear  arms.  The governor proclaim-
 ed martial law, laid an embargo on  all ships, and ob-
 tained an act of assembly empowering him to impress
 men, arms, ammunition, and stores, and to arm trus-
 ty negroes.   Agents  were  sent to Virginia and  Eng-
 land to solicit assistance—bills  were stamped for
 the payment of the army and other  necessary expen-
 ses—Robert Daniel  was appointed deputy-governor
 in tOAvn, and  Charles Craven at the head of the mi-   ■
 litia  marched to the  country against the largest bo-
 dy of savages.
   In the mean  time the  indians  on the  northern
 quarter had  made an  inroad as  far  as the planta-
 tion  belonging to John Kearne, about fifty miles from
 Charlestown, and entered  his house apparently in a
 peaceable manner;  but afterwards murdered him
 and  every person in  it.  Thomas Barker, a captain
 of militia, collected  a  party  consisting of  ninety
 horsemen  and advanced against the  enemy ; but was
 led by the treachery  of  an indian guide into a  dan-
 gerous  ambuscade, Avhere a large  party of indians
lay concealed on  the ground.   Barker having  ad-
vanced into the middle of them before he was aware
of his danger, they sprung from their concealment and
fired upon his men.  The  captain and several more
  vol.  i.               Y 
162     MILITARY  HISTORY,  1670—1776.
fell at the first onset, and  the remainder retreated.
After this advantage,  a party of four hundred  in-
dians came  down  as  far  as Goose-creek.   Every
family there had fled to tOAvn, except in one place
where seventy wtiite  men  and forty negroes had
erected a breast-work  and resolved  to remain and
defend themselves.  When the indians attacked them
they were discouraged, and rashly agreed  to terms
of peace :  having admitted  the enemy w ithin their
works, this whole garrison Avas  barbarously  butcher-
ed.  The indians advanced still nigher to tOAvn, but
meeting \\ ith captain Chicken and the Goose-creek
militia they were obliged to retreat.
   By this time the yamassees aa ith their confederates
had  spread destruction  through  the parish  of  St.
Bartholomew, and  advancing  as  far as Stono they
burned the  church  at that  place, together with
every house on the  plantations  by the way.  John
Cochran,  his wife,  and tour children—Mr.  Bray,
his wife,  two children,  and six  other persons, ha-
ving found  frieuds  among them, were spared  for
some days, but while attempting  to  make  their  es-
cape they were retaken and put to death.   Such as
had no friends among them  were tortured in the most
shocking manner.  The indians made a halt in their
progress to assist in tormenting their  prisoners.
  Governor Craven advanced against the enemy  by
slow and cautious steps.  He knew well under what
advantages they fought among their native  thickets,
and the various wiles and stratagems  they made use
of in conducting their wars,  and therefore was watch-
ful against sudden surprises.   The fate ot the whole 
             CONTESTS WITH INDIANS         163
 province depended on the issue of the contest.   His
 men had no alternative but to conquer, or die a pain-
 ful death.   As he  advanced the straggling parties
 fled before him until he reached Saltcatchers, where
 they  had pitched their  great camp.  A sharp  and
 bloody battle  ensued.  Bullets and  arrows  were
 discharged w ith destructive effect from behind trees
 and bushes.  The indians made the air resound with
 their  horrid  yellings and  warhoops.  They some-
 times gave way, but returned again and again with
 double fury to the charge.   The  governor  kept his
 troops close at their heels and chased them from their
 settlement at indian land, till  he drove them over
 Savannah river ; and cleared the province entirely of
 this formidable tribe of savages.   What number of
 his army or of the enemy was killed, we  have  not
 been  able to learn;  but in this indian w ar 400 inno-
 cent inhabitants of Carolina were murdered.
   The yamassees  after their defeat and expulsion
 Avent to the Spanish territories in Florida where they
 Avere  received with bells ringing, and guns firing, as
 if they had come victoriously from the  field.  This
 circumstance, together w ith the encouragement after-
 Avards given them to settle in Florida, gave reason to
 believe that this horrid conspiracy was contrived by
 Spaniards,  and carried on  by their encouragement
 and assistance.  From the lowest state of desponden-
 cy  Charlestown was suddenly raised to the highest
 pitch  of joy.    The  governor entered  it with  some
 degree of triumph; receiving from all such applauses
as his courage,  conduct and success, justly merited.
I lis prosperous expedition had not only disconcerted 
164     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—1776.
the most formidable conspiracy ever formed against
the colony, but also placed the inhabitants in a state
of greater security than they  had hitherto enjoyed.
From this period, the yamassee  indians harbored
the most inveterate  rancor against all Carolinians.
Being furnished with arms  and ammunition from the
Spaniards, they often sallied forth in small scalping
parties and infested the frontiers.    One such caught
William Hooper,  and  killed him by cutting off one
part of his body after another till he expired.  An-
other surprised Henry  Quinton,  Thomas Simmons,
and Thomas Parmentcr, and tortured them to death.
Dr. Rose fell into their hands, whom they cut across
his nose  with a tomahaAvk, and  left him scalped ou
 the  spot apparently dead ; but he happily recover-
 ed.   The Spaniards of St. Augustine, disappointed
 in their design of extirpating the english settlement
 in Carolina, had  now  no  other  resource left but to
 employ the vindictive spirit of the yamassees against
 the defenceless frontiers  of the  province.   In these
 incursions they Avere  too  successful;  many settlers
 at different times fell a sacrifice  to their insatiable
 revenge.
   About the year 1718a scalping party penetrated
 as far ~s the EuhaAv  lands; where havirg surprised
 John Levit  and two of his neighbors,  they dispatch-
 ed them Avith their tomahawks.   They then seized
 Mrs. Borrows and one of her children, and carried
 them off.  The child by the Avay began to cry, upon
 Avhich they put him to  death. The distressed mother
 being unable to  restrain  from tears  on seeing her
 child murdered,  was  informed  that  she  must not 
CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.        165
weep if she  desired to live.  Upon her arrival at
Augustine she would have been immediately sent to
prison ; but one of the yamassee kings declared that
he knew her from her infancy to be a good Avoman,
and  begged, but in vain, that she might be sent home
to her husband.   When Mr  BorroAvs Avent to Au-
gustine to procure the release of his wife, he also
was  shut up  in   prison Avith her, Avhere  he ^soon
after died;  but she survived.   On  her return to
Carolina she reported to  governor Johnson that
the  Huspah king, who had taken her prisoner, in-
formed her that he had orders from the Spanish go-
vernor to spare no Avhite man,  but to bring every
negro alive to St.  Augustine; and  that  reAvards
were given to indians for their prisoners to encourage
them  to engage  in  such murderous and rapacious
enterprises.   At another time a large party  of in-
dians moved towards Charlestown, and killed several
of the inhabitants.  A fort  Avas  constructed in haste
 at Wiltown into which the Avomen and children were
 put, Avith a feAv old  men, for their protection.  The
militia marched out  to meet the indians,  but missed
 them.   The  indians soon  after appeared  in force
 against this party, but finding they  Avould meet with
 resistance left it to go against the plantations.   Go-
 vernor Craven at the head of a body of militia fel^in
 with these indians  near  Stono ferry, at the place
 where Lincoln in June  177.9 attacked the  british
 troops under Provost.  A general action took place,
 in which the indians were  entirely defeated.  This
 was the last attempt of the  yamassees to disturb the
 white people to the southward of Charlestown.  In 
 166    MILITARY  HISTORY,  1070--1776.
a few years after the subjugation of  the yama^ers,
South-Carolina became a royal province.   The wise
measures adopted by Sir Francis Nicholson, the fh>t
royal governor,  the treaties afterwards entered into
with the indians by Sir Alexander Gumming, the set-
tlement of Georgia, and the judicious measures res-
pecting the indians adopted by general Oglethorpe,
the governors of Georgia and of South-Carolina, toge-
ther w ith the increasing strength of the white people,
and the decreasing numbers of the indians, all con-
curred  in preserving peace  with the savages, so
far that for 40 years subsequent to the yamassee war
in  1715, the peace of the province was  preserved
 without any considerable or general interruption.
   In the  year 1752 South Carolina was  nearly in-
volved in an indian war, but happily escaped.   The
 creeks  having quarrelled with the cherokees, took
their revenge  by killing a party of the latter near the
gates of Charlestown.  Some creek warriors had al-
so scalped a british trader.   For these and other out-
rages, governor Glen demanded satisfaction at a pub-
lic congress held for the purpose.   The indians, by
their orator Malatchee, apologised for their conduct
in a speech that was deemed satisfactory,  and peace
was preserved.
   The  war between  France  and England,  which
commenced in 1754 or 1755, induced both nations to
court the friendship of the indians.  The french were
assiduous in connecting a chain of influence with
the aborigines, from  Canada to the mouth of the
Missisippi.  The british pursued a similar line of
policy, but less extensive.   Governor Glen held  a 
            CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.        167

 treaty with  the cherokees" in  1755,  ostensibly  to
 brighten the chain of friendship but really to obtain
 a cession of their lands  and a liberty to erect forts
 on the western frontier,  as a barrier against the
 french  on the  southrwest.   Both were granted,  as
 has already been  related.
   In the progress of the Avar the french were defeat-
 ed in Canada,  and compelled to abandon fort Du-
 quesne.   After they had retreated from the latter
 down the Ohio, and the Missisippi,  they  had the
 address to involve the indians in a serious Avar with
 Carolina.  By the reduction of fort Duquesne, the
 scene of action Avas changed from Pennsylvania and
 Virginia to Carolina; and the influence of the french
 soon  appeared among the upper tribes of cherokees.
 An unfortunate quarrel with the virginians helped to
 forward their  designs.  In the successful expedition
 of 1758,  against  fort Duquesne, the cherokees had
 sent  considerable parties of warriors  to the assist-
 ance  of the british army.  While the  savages Avere
 returning home from that expedition, through the
 back  parts  of Virginia,  many of them having lost
 their  horses took possession of such  as came in their
 way.    The  virginians,  instead of asserting their
 rights in a legal manner, resented the injury by force
 of arms  and killed  twelve or fourteen of these un-
 suspicious warriors.   The  cherokees,  with  reason,
 were  highly provoked at  such ungrateful usage; and
 when they came home, gave a highly colored account
 thereof to their nation.    They became outrageous.
Those who had lost friends and relations, resolved
 upon  revenge.   In vain  did the chieftains interpose 
168     MILITARY  HISTORY,  16*70--1776.

their authority.  Nothing could restrain the fcrocit*
of the young men.   The emissaries of France among
them added fuel to  the flame, by declaring that the
english  intended to kill all the indian men and make
slaves of their wives and children.   They inflamed
their resentments—stimulated  them to  bloodshed,
and furnished  them with arms and ammunition to
revenge themselves.  Parties of young w arriors took
the field, ahd rushing down among the white inhabi-
tants murdered and scalped all  Avho came in their
way.
   The  commanding officer at fort Prince George
dispatched a messenger to Charlestown, to inform go-
vernor Lyttleton that the cherokees had commenced
war.   Orders were given to  the commanders of the
militia  immediately to collect  their men, and stand
in a posture of defence.   The militia of the country
were directed to rendezvous at Congarees, where the
 crovernor resolved to  join  them and march  to the
relief of the frontier settlements.
   No sooner had the  cherokees heard of these Avar-
 like preparations, than thirty-two of their chiefs set
 out for CharlestOAvn to settle all differences.  Though
 they could not restrain some of their young men from
 acts of violence, yet  the nation  in general was in-
 clined to friendship and peace.   As they arrived be-
 fore the governor had set out on the intended  expe-
 dition, a council was called; and the chiefs being sent
 for governor Lyttleton, among other things, told them
x" that he  Avas well acquainted with all the acts of
 hostility of which their people had been guilty,  and
 likewise those they intended against the english," 
            CONTESTS AVITH INDIANS.         169
and  enumerated  some of them.   Then he added
" that he would soon be in their country, where he
would let them know his demands and the satisfac-
tion  he required,  Avhich he Avould certainly take if it
Avas refused.   As they had come to Charlestown to
treat  with  him as  friends,  they should go  home
in safety and not a hair of their heads  should be
touched;  but as  he had many Avarriors  in arms, in
different parts of the province, he could not be an-
swerable for Avhat might happen to them unless they
marched with his army."   After this  speech  was
ended Occonostota,  who was  distinguished  by the
name of the great warrior of  the cherokee  nation,
began to speak by Avay of reply  ;  but the governor
having determined that nothing  should  prevent his
military expedition, declared " he would  hear no talk
in vindication of his nation  nor any proposals with
regard to  peace."   This highly displeased  the in-
dians.
   In a few days after this conference  the govern-
or set out for Congarees, where he mustered about
fourteen hundred men.  To this place the cherokees
marched Avith  the  army and Avere in  appearance
contented,  but in reality burned Avith fury.   WThen
the army moved  from the congarees,  the chieftains
were all made prisoners.   To prevent their escaping
as two  had  already  done,  a  captain's   guard  Avas
mounted over them.   Being not  only  deprived of
their liberty, but  compelled to accompany an enemy
going against their families and friends, they no lon-
ger concealed the resentment raging in their breasts.
Sullen looks and gloomy countenances  showed that
   vol.  t.              Z* 
170     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—1776.
they were stung to the heart by such treatment.  Up-
on the arrival of the army at fort Prince George, the
indians were all shut up in a hut scarcely suflicient
for the accommodation of six soldiers.
  The army being not only  poorly armed and  disci-
plined,  but also discontented and  mutinous ; it Avas
judged dangerous  to proceed farther  into the ene-
my's country.  The governor sent for  Attakullakul-
la,  who Avas esteemed the Avisest man  of the nation
and the  most steady friend oT the english,  to  meet
him at fort Prince George.   This summons Avas
promptly obeyed.    On the 17th December,  1759>
they held  a congress  at Avhich the  governor, in  a
long speech, stated to AttakuUakuUa the injuries done
by the cherokees to the white people in violation of
existing  treaties—the power  of  the  english—the
weakness and many defeats of the french,  and then
concluded as follows :—(i These things I have men-
tioned to shoAV you that the great king will not suffer
his people  to be destroyed Avithout satisfaction,  and
to let you know that the people of this province are
determined to have it.   What I say is with a mer-
ciful intention.    If I make war with you, you  will
suffer for your rashness; your men will be destroy-
ed, and  your women and children carried into cap-
 tivity.   What few necessaries  you now have  will
 soon be exhausted, and you will get no more.  But if
 you give the satisfaction I shall ask, trade will be again
 opened  and all things go right.  I have twice given
 you a list  of the murderers.   I  will now tell you
 there are 24 men of your nation whom I demand to
 be delivered up to me to be put to death, or otherwise 
CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.
171
flisposed of as I shall think fit.   Your people have
killed that number of ours and more; therefore it is
the least I will accept of.   I shall give  you till to-
morrow to consider of it, and then I shall expect your
answer.   You knowr best the indians concerned.   I
expect the tAventy-four you deliver up, will be those
who have committed  the murders.
   To  this long speech  AttakuUakuUa replied in
words  to  the following effect:  " that he remember-
ed the treaties mentioned, as he had  a share in ma;
king them.  He oAvned the kindness of the province
of South-Carolina, but complained much of'the bad
treatment his countrymen had  received in Virginia;
which, he said, Avas the immediate cause of the pre-
sent misunderstanding.    That he had always been
the Avarm friend of the english—that he Avould ever
continue such, and Avould use all the influence he
had to persuade his countrymen  to give the governor
the satisfaction he demanded;  though he believed it
neither would nor could be complied Avith,  as  they
had no  coercive, authority one  over another.   He
desired the governor to release  some of the head
men.then confined in the fort  to assist him, and  ad-
ded, " that he Avas pleased to  hear of the success of
his brothers the english ;" but could not. help men-
tioning " that they showed more resentment against
the cherokees than they did to other nations who had
disobliged them.  That he remembered some years
ago several white  people belonging to Carolina were
killed by the choctaws, for whom no satisfaction had
either been demanded or given." 
172     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670--1776.

  Agreeably  to the request of AttakuUakuUa,  the
governor released Occonostota, Fiftoethe chief man
of keoAvee tOAvn,  and the head Avarrior of estatoc,
who next day delivered up two indians Avhom Mr.
Lyttleton ordered to be  put in irons.   After which
all the cherokees present, who knew their connexions
to be weak, instantly fled ;  so that it was impossible
to complete the number demanded.   AttakuUakuUa
being then convinced that peace could not be ob-
tained on the terms demanded by the governor, resolv-
ed to go home and patiently Avait the event;  but  no
sooner was Mr. Lyttleton made acquainted with his
departure, than he dispatched a messenger after him
to bring him back to his camp ; and immediately on
his return began to treat of peace.   Accordingly a
treaty was draAvn up and signed by  the governor, by
AttakuUakuUa, another chief,  and four of the con-
fined warriors, who, together with a few others, there-
upon obtained their liberty.   By one article of this
treaty it was agreed, "that twenty-six chieftains of the
cherokees should be confined in the fort as hostages,
until the same number of indians guilty of murder
were delivered up to the commander in chief of the
province.  This was said to be done with their own
consent; but as they were prisoners they could have
no free choice.  If they must remain confined, it was
 a matter of little moment under what denomination
 they were kept.   One more indian was delivered up,
 for Avhom one of  the hostages was released.  The
 three indians, given up by their companions,  were
 carried to Charlestown where they died in confine
 ment. 
            CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.         173
   After having concluded this treaty with the chero-
 kees, the  governor returned  to  CharlestOAvn.  Per-
 haps the  indians who put their mark to these arti-
 cles of agreement did not understand  them, or con-
 ceived themselves to be so far under restraint as not
 to be free  agents  in the transaction,  and therefore
 not bound by it.  Whether either  of  these or deli-
 berate perfidy  Avas the case,  cannot be ascertained ;
 but it is certain that feAv or none of  the nation af-
 terwards paid the smallest regard to it.   The treach-
 erous act of confining their chiefs,  against whom no
 personal  charge  could  be made and  who  had tra-
 velled several hundred miles to obtain peace,  was
 strongly impressed on their minds.  Instead of per-
 mitting them to return home  " Avithout hurting a hair
 of their heads," as the governor  promised in Charles-
, town,  they were confined in a miserable  hut.   It
 Avas said they  were kept only as hostages  until the
 number of criminals demanded was  completed by
 their nation.   It was  also said to be done by the
 consent of the nation, as six of  its  chiefs had signed
 the articles of peace ; but when the relative situation
 of the parties,  and all circumstances are considered,
 nothing less could have been expected than that these
 wild and independent warriors  Avould violate the ar-
 ticles they had signed and retaliate for the confine-
 ment of  their  chiefs.
    Scarcely had governor Lyttleton concluded the
 treaty of fort Prince George Avhen  the small-pox,
 which Avas  raging in an adjacent indian town, broke
 out in his  camp.   As  feAv  of the army had  gone
 through that distemper, the men were struck with ter- 
174     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—177 (>.
ror and in great haste returned to  the  settlements ;
cautiously avoiding all intercourse Avith one another
and suffering much from  hunger and fatigue by the
way.   The governor followed them, and arrived  in
CharlestOAvn on January 8th,  1760. This expedition
cost the province ,£25,000 sterling.  Though not a
drop of blood had been spilt during the campaign,
yet as  articles of peace Avere signed, the governor  as
commander in chief Avas  received like a conqueror
Avith the greatest demonstrations of joy.
   These rejoicings on  account of the peace were
scarcely over, when iicavs  arrived that  fresh hostili-
ties had been committed,  and that the cherokees had
killed  fourteen men  Avithin  a mile of fort Prince
George.  The indians had contracted an invincible
antipathy  to captain Coytmore, the officer Avhom
governor Lyttleton had left commander of that fort.
The  treatment they  had received at  Charlestown,
 but especially the imprisonment of their chiefs, con-
 verted their former desire of peace into the bitterest
 rage for war.   Occonostota, a chieftain of great  in-
 fluence, became an  implacable  enemy to Carolina
 and determined  to repay treachery with treachery.
 With a strong party  of cherokees he surrounded fort
 Prince George, and compelled the garrison to keep
 within their works;  but  finding that  no impression
 could be made on the fort, he contrived the follow-
 ing stratagem for the relief of his countrymen con-
 fined in it.
    He placed  a party of  savages in a dark thicket by
 the river side  and then sent anlndian  woman,  whom
 he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform 
            CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.         17J
the commander that  he had  something of conse-
quence to communicate and would be glad to speak
with him at the river side.   Captain Coytmore im-
prudently consented,  and without  any suspicions of
danger Avalked  down towards the river accompanied
by lieutenants  Bell  and Foster.  Occonostota ap-
pearing on the  opposite side,  told him he Avas going
to CharlestOAvn to procure a release of the prisoners
and  Avould be  glad of a white man to accompany
him  as a  safeguard.    To cover his dark design he
had a bridle in his  hand, and added he would go and
hunt for a horse.  Coytmore replied that he should
have a guard, and wished he  might find a horse as
the journey was ve*y long.  Upon which, the indian
turning about, SAvung the bridle thrice round his head
as a  signal to the savages placed in ambush, who in-
stantly fired on the officers, shot the captain dead,
and  Avounded his two companions.   In consequence
of Avhich,  orders were given to put the hostages in
irons to  prevent  any further danger  from them.
When the soldiers were attempting to execute these
orders, the indians stabbed one and Avounded  two
more of them ;  upon which the garrison fell on the
unfortunate hostages,  and  butchered all of them in a
manner too shocking to relate.
  There  Avere few men in the cherokee  nation that
did not lose a friend or a relation by this massacre,
and therefore vvith  one Aoice all immediately declar-
ed for Avar.  The leaders in every tOAvn seized the
hatchet, telling their followers  " that the spirits of
their murdered  brothers were  hovering around them
and  calling out for  vengeance  on their enemies/' 
176    MILITARY HISTORY,  1670-1776.
From the different towns large parties of warriors
took the field, painted in the most formidable man-
ner and arrayed Avith their  instruments  of death.
Burning with impatience to  imbrue  their hands in
the blood of their enemies, they rushed down among
innocent and defenceless families on the frontiers of
Carolina; Avhere men, women and children, without
distinction,  fell  a  sacrifice to their  merciless fury.
Such as fled to the Avoods and escaped  the scalping
knife, perished Avith hunger; and those whom they
made prisoners were carried  into  the wilderness
where they suffered inexpressible hardships.   Eve-
ry day brought fresh accounts of their ravages  and
murders.   But Avhile the back settlers impatiently
looked  to  their governor  for relief,  the small  pox
raged to such a degree, on the sea coast, that few of
the militia could be prevailed on to leave their dis-
tressed  families.  In this extremity an express was
sent to  gen. Amherst the commander in chief of the
british forces  in America, acquainting him with the
deplorable situation of  the province and  imploring
his assistance.  Accordingly a body  of fine picked
troops,  consisting of six companies of the royal scots
regiment, and six companies  of the seventy-second,
in which were included the grenadiers and light  in-
fantry companies of several regiments, was put under
the command of colonel Montgomery and ordered
immediately to Carolina.
   In the mean time William Henry Lyttleton bein^
appointed  governor of Jamaica,  the charge of the
province devolved on Wm. Bull.   Application was
made to the neighboring provinces of North-Carolina 
CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.        177
and Virginia for  relief.   Seven troops of rangers
were raised to protect the frontiers, and prevent the
savages from penetrating further down among the set-
tlements, and to co-operate with the regulars for car-
rying offensive operations into the indian country.
   Before the end  of April, 1760, colonel Montgo-
mery landed in Carolina  and encamped at  Monk's
corner.  Great was the joy of the province upon the
arrival of this gallant officer;  but as the conquest of
Canada  was the grand object of that year's cam-
paign in America, he had orders to  strike a sudden
blow for the relief of  Carolina and instantly return
to head quarters at Albany.   Nothing was omitted
that was judged necessary to fonvard the expedi-
tion.  Several gentlemen of fortune,  excited by a
laudable zeal for the safety of their country, formed
themselves into a company of volunteers, and join d
the army.   The whole force of the province was col-
lected and ordered to  rendezvous at Congarees.
   A few weeks after his arrival  colonel Montgome-
ry marched to the  congarees Avhere he was joined by
the militia of the province, and immediately set out for
the  cherokee country.  Having little  time allowed
him, his inarch was uncommonly expeditious.  Af-
ter reaching a place called twelve mile river he pro-
ceeded with  a party of his men  in the night to sur-
prise Estatoe,  an indian town,  about  twenty  miles
from his camp.  On his way there was  another town
called little Keowee.   He ordered the  light infantry
to surround the latter, and to put every  adult male
indian, in it, to the sword.   He  then  proceeded to
Estatoe which he found nearly  abandoned.   Ihis
town, Avhich consisted of at least two hundred houses,
   vol. i.              2  A 
178     MILITARY HLSIORY, 16'70--1776.
and Avas well provided Avith corn, hogs, poultry, and
ammunition, he reduced to ashes.  Sugar-town, and
every other settlement in the lower nation, shared
the same fate.   The surprise to every one of them
Avas nearly equal, and so sudden and unexpccU d,
that the savages could scarcely save themselves, far
less any  little property they had.   In these  lower
towns  about sixty  indians  were killed and forty
made prisoners,  and the rest driven to seek for shel-
ter among the mountains.   Having finished his bu-
siness among these lower settlements, with the small
loss of three or four men, he marched to the relief of
fort Prince George.    Edmund Atkin, agent for in-
dian affairs, dispatched two indian chiefs to the mid-
dle settlements to inform the cherokees that by suing
for peace they might obtain it as the former friends
and allies of Britain.   Colonel Montgomery, finding
that the savages were not yet disposed  to listen to
any terms of accommodation, determined to carry
the chastisement a  little further.  Dismal  was the
wilderness into  which he entered,  and  many Avere
the hardships and  dangers  he had to encounter
from passing through dark thickets, rugged paths,
and narrow defiles,  in which a small body of men
properly  posted  might  harass the  bravest ar-
 my.   He  also  had  numberless difficulties to sur-
 mount;  particularly from rivers fordable only at one
 place,  and overlooked by high  banks on each side,
 where an  enemy might attack with advantage, and
 retreat with safety.   When he  had advanced within
 five miles of Etchoe, the  nearest town in the middle
 settlements, he found a low valley covered  so thick
 with bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three 
            CONTESTS WITH INDIANS,         179

yards before them.   Through  this natural ambus-
cade it was necessary for the  army to  march,
though the nature of the place would not admit any
number of men to act together.  Captain Morison
who commanded  a  company of rangers,  well ac-
quainted Avith the  Avoods,  Avas therefore ordered to
advance and scour this thicket.    He  had scarcely
entered it when a  number of savages sprung  from
their place of concealment,  killed  the  captain  and
Avounded  several  of his party.   Upon which the
light infantry and grenadiers advanced  and charged
the invisible  enemy.   A heavy fire then began on
both sides, and for some time the soldiers could only
discover the places where the savages  Avere  hid by
the report of their  guns.   The woods resounded
with indian Ararhoops and horrible  yellings.   Dur-
ing the action, which lasted above  an  hour,  colo-
nel Montgomery had twenty, men killed  and seventy-
six Avounded.   What number the enemy lost is un-
certain, as it  is a custom among them to carry  their
dead off the field.    Upon viewing  the ground, all
Avere astonished to  see Avith what judgment  they
had  chosen it.  Scarcely could  the most experien-
ced  officer have fixed upon a spot more  advanta-
geous for attacking an enemy.
   This  action terminated much in  favor of the bri-
tish army, but reduced it to such a situation as made
it very imprudent to penetrate further into the Avoods.
Orders  Avere therefore given for a retreat Avhich Avas
made with great regularity.  A large train of wound-
ed  men was brought  in  safety above sixty miles
through a hazardous country.   Never  did men en-
dure greater hardships, with fewer complaints,  than 
180     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—1776.

this little army.   Colonel Montgomery returned to
the settlement, and in August embarked  for New-
York agreeably to his orders ; but left four compa-
nies for covering the frontiers.
   In the mean time the distant garrison of fort Lou-
don, consisting of two hundred men, was reduced to
the dreadful alternative of perishing  by  hunger or
submitting to the mercy of the enraged  cherokees.
The governor having information that  the virginians
had  undertaken to relieve it, waited to  hear the news
of their having done so.  But so remote was the tort
from every  settlement, and  so  difficult   was  it  to
march an army through the barren Avilderness where
the various thickets were  lined with enemies; and
to carry  at the same time sufficient supplies  along
with them, that  the virginians had relinquished  all
thoughts of even making the attempt.   Provisions
being entirely exhausted at fort Loudon, the garrison
was reduced to the most deplorable situation.   For
a Avhole month they had no  other  subsistence,  but
the flesh of lean horses and dogs, and a small supply
of indian beans which some friendly cherokee women
procured for them by stealth.  In this extremity the
commander called a council of war  to consider what
was proper to be done.   The officers were  all of
opinion that it was  impossible to hold out any lon-
ger, and therefore agreed to surrender the fort to the
cherokees on the best terms that could be obtained.
For this purpose capt. Stuart procured leave to go
to Chote, one of the principal towns in the neighbor-
hood, where  he  obtained the following terms of
capitulation which were signed by the commanding
officer and two of the cherokee chiefs.   " That the 
CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.        181
garrison of fort Loudon march out with their arms
and drums, each soldier having as much powder and
ball as their  officer shall  think necessary  for  their
march, and all the baggoge they may choose to car-
ry.  That the  garrison be permitted  to march  to
Virginia or fort Prince George,  and that a number
of  indians be appointed to escort them and hunt for
provisions during the inarch.   That such soldiers as
are lame or sick be received into the indian  towns,
and kindly used until they recover, and then be al-
lowed to return to fort Prince George.   That the in-
dians provide for the garrison as many horses as they
conveniently  can for their  march, agreeing with the
officers  and  soldiers for  payment.  That the fort,
great guns, powder, ball, and spare arms, be deliver-
ed to tiie indians Avithout  fraud  or further delay on
the day appointed for the  march of the troops."
  Agreeably  to  these terms the garrison delivered
up  the fort, and marched out with their arms, accom-
panied by Occonostota the prince of Chote, and se-
veral other indians ; and that day went fifteen miles
on their Avay  to fort Prince George.  At night they
encamped on a plain about two miles from Taliquo,
an indian town, when  all their attendants left them.
During the  night they remained unmolested; but
next morning, about break of day a soldier, from an
outpost, informed them that he saAv a number of in-
dians, armed  and painted in the most dreadful man-
ner, creeping  among the  bushes and  advancing to
surround them.   Scarcely  had  the officer time to or-
der his men to stand to their arms, when the savages
poured in  upon them a heavy fire from  different
quarters  accompanied with the  most  hideous yel- 
185     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—17/6.

lings.  Captain Paul  Demcre, with three other offi-
cers, and about twenty-six  private men,  fell  at the
first  onset.   Some fled into the Avoods, and were af-
tenvards taken  prisoners  and confined.   Captain
Stuart and those that remained were seized, pinion-
ed, and brought back to  fort Loudon.   As soon as
AttakuUakuUa heard that his  friend Stuart had  es-
caped, he hastened to the  fort and purchased him
from the indian that took hiin;  giving him  his rifle.
clothes, and all  he could command by way of ran-
som.   He then took possession of captain Demcre's
house, where he kept his prisoner as one of his famil v
and freely shared with him the little provisions  his
table afforded, until a fair opportunity should offer
for rescuing him from their hands:  but the soldiers
were kept in a miserable state of captivity for some
time, and then redeemed by  the province at a great
expense.
   While these prisoners Avere confined at  fort Lou-
don, Occonostota formed a design  of  attacking fort
Prince George; and  for this purpose  dispatched a
messenger to the settlements in the valley, request-
ing all the warriors there to join him at Stickoey old
town.   By accident,  a discovery was  made of ten
bags of powder, and of ball in proportion, which the
officers had secretly buried in the fort to prevent their
falling into the enemy's hands.   This discovery had
nearly proved fatal to captain Stuart, and would cer-
tainly have cost him his  life, if the interpreter had
not  assured the enemy that these warlike stores had
been concealed  Avithout  his knowledge or consent.
The indians having now abundance of ammunition,
for the £cige. a council was called at Chote: to which 
CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.
18.'j
the captain was brought and put in mind of the obli-
gations  he lay under to them  for sparing his  life.
They also stated to him, that as they had resolved to
carry six cannon and two cohorns with them  against
fort Prince  George, to be managed by men under
his command, he must go  and write such letters to
the  commandant  as they  should dictate  to him.
They informed him at the same time that ft that offi-
cer should refuse to surrender, they were determined
to burn the prisoners one after another  before his
face, and try if he  could hold out while he saAv his
friends expiring in the flames.  Captain Stuart was
much alarmed at  his situation, and from  that  mo-
ment resolved to  make his escape or perish in the
attempt.   He privately  communicated his design to
AttakuUakuUa, and told him how uneasy he Avas at
the thoughts of being compelled to bear arms against
his countrymen.  The old warrior taking him by the
hand, told him he  was his friend.  That he  had al-
ready given one proof of his regard,  and intended
soon to give another.  Strong and uncultivated minds
often carry their friendship, as well  as their enmity,
to  an astonishing pitch.   Among  savages,  family
friendship is a national  virtue; and they not unfre-
quently surpass civilized men in the  practice of its
most self-denying,  and noblest duties.
   AttakuUakuUa claimed captain Stuart as  his pri-
soner, and had resolved to  deliver him from danger.
Accordingly he gave out among his countrymen, that
he intended to go  a hunting for a few days and car-
ry his prisoner along with him to eat venison.  Hav-
ing settled all matters they set out on their journey,
accompanied by the  warriors wife, his brother, and. 
IH4     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670--1776.

two soldiers.   For provisions they depended on what
they might kill by the way.   The distance  to the
frontier settlements was great, and the utmost expe-
dition necessary to prevent any surprise from indians
pursuing them. They travelled nine days and nights
through a dreary wilderness, shaping their course for
Virginia,  by  the light and guidance ot the heavenly
bodies.  On the tenth they arrived  at the banks of
Holstein river; where they fortunately tell in w ith a
party of 300 men, sent out  by colonel Bird for the
relief of such soldiers as might make their escape
that way from fort Loudon.
   It might now havebeen expected that the vindictive
spirit of the savages would be satisfied, and that they
would be disposed to listen to terms of accommoda-
tion.   But this w as not the  case.   They intended"
 their  treacherous conduct at fort Loudon should
 serve as a satisfaction for the harsh treatment their
 relations had met with at fort Prince George. Dear-
 ly had the province paid for the imprisonment and
 massacre of the indian chiefs at that place.   Sorely
 had the cherokees suffered, in retaliation, for the mur-
 ders they had committed to satisfy their vengounce
 for that imprisonment and  the massacre of their
 chiefs.   Their lower towns  had all  been destroyed
 by colonel Montgomery—The Avarriors  in the mid-
 dle settlements had lost many friends and relations.
 Several  frenchmen had crept in among the upper
 towns, and  helped to foment their ill humor against
  Carolina.  Lewis Latinac, a french officer, persuaded
  the indians that the english had  nothing less in view
  than to  exterminate them from the face  of the earth;
  and furnishing them with arms, and ammunition, ur 
              CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.        18£

 ged them to war.   At a great meeting of the nation
 he pulled out his hatchet,  and striking it  into a log
 of wood called out, " who is the man that will take
 this up for the king of France ?"   Salone the young
 warrior of Estatoe instantly laid hold of it, and cried
 out " lam for war.   The spirits of our brothers
 who have been slain, still call upon  us to  avenge
 their  death.  He is no better than a wo nin  that
 refuses to follow me."   Many others seized  the to-
 mahawk  and burned with impatience for the field.
    Lieutenant governor Bull, who well knew  how lit-
 tle indians were to be trusted,  kept the royal scots
 and militia on the frontiers in a posture of defence;
 and made application a second time to general Am-
 herst for assistance.  Canada being now reduced, tiie
 commander in  chief could the more easily spare a
 force adequate to the purpose intended.  Lieutenant
 colonel James Grant, with a regiment from England
 and two companies of light infantry from  New-York,
 received orders to embark for Carolina.  Early in
 the year 1761 he landed at  Charlestown, Avhere he
 took up his Avinter quarters until  the proper season
 should approach for taking the field.
    In  this campaign,  the province  exerted itself to
 the utmost.   A provincial regiment was  raised, and
 the command of it  given to  colonel Middleton*.
 Presents were provided for the indian allies, and se-

  * The other field officers Avere, Henry Laurens lieutenant-
 colonel, John Moultrie major. William Moultrie, Francis Ma-
 rion, Isaac Huger, Andrew Pickens, Owen  Roberts, Adam M'-
 Donald, James  M' Donald, and William Mason, served in  this
expedition and  were there trained to further and greater ser-
vices in the cause of their country.  They  all served in the re-
  vor...  r.              2 U 
186     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670--1776.

veral of the chickesaws  and cataAvbas engaged to co-
operate with the white people against the cherokees.
All possible preparations were quickly made for sup-
plying the army with every thing  necessary for the
expedition.   Great had been the expense which this
quarrel with the cherokees had already occasioned.
The Carolinians  now flattered themselves that, by
one  resolute exertion,  they would free  the country
from the calamities of war.
   As soon as the highlanders were in a condition to
take the field, colonel Grant set out for the cherokee
territories.    After being joined *by the  provincial
regiment and indian allies, he mustered about i2o00
men.   On the 27th of May 1761  he arrived at fort
Prince George; and on the 7th of June began his
march from it, carrying with him provisions for thirty
 days.  A party of ninety indians and thirty woodsmen,
 painted like indians, under the command of captain
 Quintine Kennedy, had orders to advance in front and
 scour the woods.  When near  to the place  where
 colonel Montgomery w as attacked the year before,
 the indian allies  in front observed a  large body  of
 cherokees posted upon  a hill on  the  right flank  of
 the army.   An alarm was given.   Immediately the
 savages rushing down began to fire on the advanced
 imard, which being  supported repulsed  them; but
 they recovered their heights.  Colonel Grant  order-

 volutionary war, and in the course of it, the four first were pro-
 moted to the rank of general officers.  Bellamy Crawford, John
 Huger, Joseph Lloyd, John  Lloyd, and Thomas Savage, also
 served in this expedition;  and afterwards in civil departments,
 \n and after the revolution. 
CONTESTS WITH  INDIANS.        187
 ed a party to march up the hills, and drive the ene-
 my from them.  The engagement  became  general,
 and  Avas fought on both sides with great  bravery.
 1 he situation of the troops was in  several  respects
 deplorable,  fatigued by  a tedious  march  in  rainy
 weather—surrounded with woods so that they could
 not discern the enemy—galled by the scattering fire
 of savages who when pressed always  fell back, but
 rallied again and again.   No sooner was any advan-
 tage gained over them in one quarter than they ap-
 peared in another.   While the attention of the com-
 mander was occupied in driving the enemy  from
 their lurking place  on the river's side, his  rear was
 attacked; and  so vigorous  an effort made  for the
 flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a par-
 ty back to the relief of the rear-guard.  From 8 o'clock
 in the morning until 11, the savages continued to keep
 up an irregular and incessant fire; sometimes  from
 one  place and  sometimes from another, while the
 Avoods resounded with hideous warhoops frequently
 repeated but in different directions.   At length the
 cherokees gave Avay and  were pursued.  What loss
 they  sustained in this action is unknoAvn, but of co-
 lonel Grant's army there Avere between fifty and six-
 ty killed and wounded.   Orders Avere given not to
 bury the slain, but  to sink them in the river to pre-
 vent their being dug up from their graves and scalp-
ed.   To provide horses for those that AAere Avounded
several bags of flour Avere throAvn  into the river.
After Avhich the army proceeded to Etchoe a large
indian town which they reached about midnight, and
next day reduced to ashes.  Every other town in the
middle'settlements shared the same fate.  Their ma^ 
188    MILITARY  HISTORY,  16'70--17/1).

gazines and cornfields Avere likewise destroyed; and
the miserable savages with their families were driven
to seek for shelter and provisions among the barren
mountains.
   Colonel Grant continued thirty days in the heart
of  the cherokee territories.   Upon his return to fort
Prince George the  feet and legs of many of his men
were so mangled, and  their strength and spirits so
exhausted, that they were unable to march any fur-
ther.  He therefore encamped at that  place to re-
fresh his men,  and  Avait the resolutions of the chero-
kees in consequence of the heavy chastisement which
they had  received.    Besides the many advantages
their country afforded for defence, it Avas  supposed
they had been assisted by french officers.   The  sa-
vages supported their attack for some hours with
 considerable spirit; but being driven from their ad-
 vantageous posts they were disconcerted.   Though
 the repulse was far from  being decisive, yet after
 this engagement they returned no more to the charge,
 but remained  the tame spectators of their towns in
 flames and their country laid  desolate.
    It  is no easy matter  to describe the distress  to
 which the savages  Avere reduced by this severe cor-
rection.  Even in time of peace they are destitute of
that foresight which provides  for future events ; but
 in time of war,  when  their villages are burnt and
 their fields destroyed, they are  reduced to  extreme
 want.  The hunters, furnished with ammunition, may
 make some small provision for themselves; but wo-
 men,  children, and old men must perish from being
 deprived of the means of subsistence.
    Soon after  colonel Grant's arrival at fort Prince 
           CONTESTS  AVITH  INDIANS.         1 8.0

George AttakuUakuUa, attended by several chief-
tains, came  to his camp and expressed a desire of
peace.  They had suffered severely for breaking their
alliance with Britain, and giving ear to the promises
of fiance.  Convinced at last  of the weakness  of
the french, who were neither able to assist  them in
time of AA-ar  nor to supply  their  wants in  time  of
peace, they resolved to renounce all connexion with
them.   Accordingly terms  of peace Avere drawn un
and proposed.   The different articles being read and
interpreted AttakuUakuUa agreed to them all except
one, by Avhich it w as  demanded " that four chero-
kee indians be delivered up to colonel Grant at fort
Prince George to be put to death in the front of his
camp; or that four green scalps be brought to him
in the space of twelve nights."   The  warrior could
not agree to this article,  and therefore the colonel
sent him to Charlestown  to see whether the  lieuten-
ant-governor would  consent to mitigate its rigor.
   Accordingly AttakuUakuUa, and the chieftains be-
ing furnished Avith a safe-guard,  set out  for Charles-
tOAvn to hold a conference Avith  lieutenant-governor
Bull, Avho, on  their arrival, called  a council  to meet
at Ashley ferry, and  then  spoke to the following
effect.   " AttakuUakuUa I am glad to see you, as I
have always heard of your good behavior, and that
you have been a good  friend to the english.   I take
you by the hand, and not only you but all those
Avith you, as a pledge for their security  whilst under
my protection.   Colonel Grant acquaints me  that
you have applied for peace.   I  have therefore met
with my beloved men to  hear what you  have to say, 
190    MILITARY  HIM'ORY,  1670—1776.
and my ears are open for that purpose."  A fire wa*
kindled, the pipe of peace was lighted, and all smo-
ked together for some time in  great silence and so-
lemnity.
  AttakuUakuUa then arose and addressed the lieu-
tenant-governor and council to the following effect:
" It is a great Avhile since I last saw your honor.
I am glad to see you and all the beloved men pre-
sent.    I am come  to you as a messenger from  the
whole nation.   I have now seen you, smoked  with
you, and hope Ave  shall live together as  brothers.
When I came to Keowce, colonel Grant sent me to
you.  You live at the water side and are in light, we
are in darkness ;  but hope all Avill yet be  clear.   I
have been constantly going about doing good, and
though 1 am tired, yet  I am come to see  Avhat can
be done for  my  people Avho  are in great distress."
Here he produced  the  strings  of wampum  he had
received from the different towns, denoting their ear-
nest desire  of peace, and added,  " as to what has
happened,  I believe it has been ordered by  our  fa-
ther above.   We are of a different color from the
white people.  They are superior  to us.  But one
God is father of all, and we hope w hat is past will
be  forgotten.    God Almighty made all  people.
There is not a day  but  some are coming  into and
others going out of the world.   The great king told
me the path should never be crooked, but open for
every one to pass and repass.   As we all live in one
land I  hope Ave shall all love as one people."   After
which  peace  Avas formally ratified  and confirmed.
The former friendship of the parties being renew ed, 
            CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.         i91

both expressed their hope that it Avould last as long as
the sun shines and the rivers run.
  Thus ended the war with the cherokees, Avhich had
provred ruinous to them, and seriously distressful to
South-Carolina,  without being advantageous  or ho-
norable to the contending parties.   Nothing was
gained by either,  and a great deal was lost by both.
In  the review of  the whole, there  is much to blame,
and more to regret.  The cherokees were  the first
aggressors by taking horses from the virginians ;  but
by  killing them for that offence the balance of injury
Avas on their side.  They violated the laAvs of natural
justice  by  retaliating on Carolinians for  murders
committed  by virginians;  but  according  to their
code, the Avhites  of both w ere identified as objects of
retaliation.   No pains had been taken to teach them
better by their neighbors, who  enjoyed the  superior
benefits of civilization and  of Christianity.   When
the storm of  war Avas ready to burst on their  heads
they sent their messenger  of peace to apologise, ex-
plain,  and negociate for the unauthorised murders of
their lawless young  warriors; but  they were  not
heard,  nor even suffered to  speak.,  Governor Lyt-  '
tleton, uiiAvilling to be balked of his military expe-
dition, marched Avith his army into their country with
these messengers of peace in his train; ostensibly for
their safety, and with a promise that a  hair of their
heads  should not be hurt,  but  really as  hostages for
their countrymen ; and they were afterwards, without
any personal fault, confined  as such  till twenty-four
of  their nation should be delivered up to expiate by
their death for the murder of the Carolinians.   If this-
demand was ri^ht, it was of that too rigid kind which. 
 19C     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—1770.
 hardens into wrong.   Compliance with it was im-
 possible; tor no such coercive power could be exer-
 cised over these wild and  independent warriors, un-
 der their feeble system of loose government.  A trea-
 ty was nevertheless made to that  effect,  but  under
 circumstances  that its observance  could not  be ex-
 pected.  Treachery begat treachery, and murder pro-
 duced murder.  The lives of these men who came
 originally as messengers of peace, though afterwards
 retained as hostages,  were barbarously  taken away
without any fault of theirs ; other than their obeying
 the laws ot nature in resisting a military  order for
 putting their persons in irons.   A deadly hatred, and
 a desolating war  was the  consequence.    Both ex-
 erted  all their energies to  inflict upon  the opposite
 party  the greatest possible amount of distress.  The
 Avar,  after incalculable  mischief was  done to both
 parties, ended  in peace ; but the hatred of the che-
 rokees to  Carolina   continued  to rankle in their
 hearts.  In about fifteen  years  after it broke out,
 under the auspices of the same  John Stuart  before
 mentioned, to the great distress of Carolina in its re-
 volutionary Avar with  Great-Britain, which shall be
 related hereafter.
  The treaty made by Sir Alexander Cumming with
the cherokees in 1730, had preserved peace between
them and Carolina for  thirty years.  It is  highly pro-
bable that moderation on the part of governor Lyt-
tleton Avould have prevented its interruption to any
oreat extent, and most certainly  the  horrid scenes
which  have just  been reviewed.   The assumption
of a hi<m-toned  spirit of decision on  his part, carried
to extremes against ignorant sav  ages, unrestrained 
CONTESTS WITH INDIANS.
i93
 by social order and the precepts of religion, together
 Avith their vindictive temper and indiscriminate mode
 of retaliating for injuries received, produced a chain
 of great  and reciprocal distress.  I he first  link of
 this Avas  the petty theft of a few virginian horses, for
 necessary purposes; and the last, the ruin of the che-
 rokee nation, the desolation of populous settlements
 and the murder of  many  Carolinians.   A review of
 the whole demonstrates that civilized people, as well
 as savages, show more sound policy as well as true wis-
 dom in abating of their just demands to a certain ex-
 tent than in urging complete  and peremptory satis-
 faction for  injuries  received with  too high a hand,
and beyond the point of moderation.
   In proportion as the  province increased  in  the
 number of w hite inhabitants, its  danger from the sa-
 vage tribes grew less alarming.  But to prevent any
 molestation from indians, and  to establish the  peace
 of the colonies  on  the  most lasting foundation,  his
 britannic majesty   by  his  proclamations  after  the
 peace of 1763 took care to fix the boundaries of their
 hunting lands in as  clear a manner as the nature of
 the country AA*ould admit.   No settlements were al-
 loAvedto extend any  further backAvard, upon the indian
 territories, than the sources of thosegreat rivers Avhich
 fall into the atlantic ocean; and all british subjects
 who had settled beyond these limits were ordered to
 remove.  All private subjects  were prohibited from
purchasing  lands from  indians;  but  if the  latter
should  at any time be inclined to dispose  of their
property  it  must, for the future, be offered  to  the
king by the general Consent of the nation and at a
public  assembly held by british governors for that
   voi. i.             2  C 
ii't
MILITARY  HISTORY,  1670--1776;
 purpose.   All traders were obliged to take out licen
 ses from their  respective governors for carrying on
 comm rce  with the indians.
    The french and Spaniards having by the treaty of
  1763 ceded  to Great-Britain  all their territories in
 the  vicinity  of South-Carolina, nothing further  was
 necessary than to guard the provinces against the dan-
 gers arising from the savages.  It was thought proper
 that a superintendant of indian affairs should be ap-
 pointed for the southern, as well as the northern district
 of America.   This office Avas given to captain John
 Stuart, who  was  in every respect well qualified for
 it.   The assembly not only thanked him for his good
 conduct and  great perseverance at fort Loudon, but
 rewarded him  with .£1500 currency and recom-
 mended  him to the governor as a person  worthy of
 preferment in the service of the province.   After his
 commission  arrived, the Carolinians  promised them-
 selves for the future great tranquillity and happiness.
 Plans of lenity were likewise adopted by government
 with respect to the indian tribes, and cautions were
 taken to guard them against oppression and prevent
 any rupture with them.  Experience had shown that
 rigorous measures, such as humbling them by force
 of arms, though expensive and attended with the sa-
 crifice of lives, were seldom accompanied with any
 good effects.  Such treatment rendered the savages
 cruel, suspicious, and distrustful; prepared  them for
 renew ing  hostilities,  and kept alive  their ferocious
 warlike spirit.
   It was thought that by treating indians with gen-
 tleness and  humanity,  they  would by degrees lose
their savage  spirit and become civilized; and instead 
CONTESTS AVITH  INDIANS.        195
 of implacable enemies, ever, bent on destruction, they
 might eventually be rendered useful and  beneficial
 allies.
   The british  government adopted this line of go-
 vernment after the peace of  1763.   The  result in
 some degree justified their expectations, till the re-
 volutionary war commenced.   The same ambitious
 cruel  policy which had formerly led the Spaniards
 and french to set the  indians on the  english settle-
 ments, was then adopted by the english against their
 own colonists;  even before they had resolved on in-
 dependence.  The same ruinous consequences fol-
 lowed.  The poor unfortunate  misled  indians  be-
 came  once more the victims of their own folly,  in
 suffering themselves to be employed as tools to for-
 ward the ambitious views of foreign powers; as shall
 be hereafter explained.
   The indians on the continent of America who were
 at the time  of  its discovery a numerous and formi-
 dable people, have since that period been constantly
 decreasing.   For this rapid depopulation many rear
 sons have been assigned.   It is well known that po-
 pulation every where keeps pace with the means  of
 subsistence.  The indians being driven from their
 possessions near the sea, as the settlements progress-
 ed, Avere robbed of many of the necessaries of life,
 particularly of oysters, crabs, and fish; with which the
 maritime parts  furnished them  in great abundance,
 and on which they must have chiefly  subsisted, as is
 apparent from a view of their camps still remaining
near the sea shore.   As their territories have been
gradually  circumscribed by narrower bounds, the
means of  subsistence derived  from game have be- 
196    MILITARY HISTORY, 1670--1776.

come proportionably less.   The provisions  they
raise by planting, even in the best seasons, are scanty;
but in case of a failure of crops, or of their fields be-
ing destroyed, numbers of them perished by famine.
The first european settlers soon discovered their na-
tural passion for war, and  turned the fury of one tribe
against another  with  a  view  to  save  themselves.
When engaged in hostilities they  always fought not
so  much to humble  and conquer, as to exterminate
and destroy.  The british, the  french, and  Spanish
nations, having  planted colonies in their neighbor-
hood a rivalship for influence over them took place.
Each nation, having its allies among the savages, w as
indefatigable in instigating them against the colonics
of every other european nation, and against its indian
 allies.   Hence a scries  of bloody  and destructive
 Avars have been carried on among these rude tribes,
 as  instruments of the pride  and ambition of european
 sovereigns, which, though waged without any national
 object or interest on the part of the indians, was con-
 ducted  with all the rage  and  rancor of implacable
 enemies bent on the destruction of each other in dc-
 fence of their nearest connexions and dearest rights.
    Butrfamine and war however destructive  were not
 the only causes of their rapid decay.  The small-pox
 frequently  proved  exceedingly  fatal.   But of all
 other causes,  the introduction  of spirituous liquor
 among them has been the most destructive.   Excess
 and  intemperance  not only undermined their con-
 stitution, but also created many quarrels.   Most of
 the white traders engaged in  commercial  business
 among the  indians,  instead  of reforming them by ex-
 amples of  virtue  and purity, have rather served to 
            CONTESTS WITH INDIAN'S.        197

corrupt their morals and render them more treacher-
ous and debauched than they originally Avere.   The
avarice and ambition of the professors of Christianity
have so far debased the pristine habits and stern vir-
tues of hardy,  free, and independent savages, that the
few Avho now remain have lost in a  great measure
their  primitive character.   The vices of Avhite peo-
ple, falsely called christians, and the diseases the con-
sequences of the vices caught  by the contaminating
intercourse of such, have so nearly exterminated the
native original owners of the soil, that many nations
formerly populous  are extinct; and their names en-
tirely forgotten.
   The principal tribes in  or near to South-Carolina
are the  cherokees,  the  cataAvbas,  the creeks,  the
chickesawj, and choctaws.
   The cherokees, till the revolutionary war, continu-
ed to inhabit that western part of South-Carolina
which noAv forms Pendleton and Greenville districts.
Having  taken  part with  the  british  in that contest
they  drew upon themselves the  resentment of the
state; and were so far subdued by its troops that they
were  obliged by treaty, on the 20th  May 1777, to
cede  to South-Carolina all their lands eastward of
the Unacaye mountains.   They now reside beyond
the mountains and  are inconsiderable both in num-
ber and force.
   Of  twenty-eight  tribes of indians which inhabited
South-Carolina  in 1670, when it began to be settled
by white people,   twenty-six  have  entirely disap-
peared.  The cherokees are permitted, during good
behavior, to reside  on the west side of the Oconee
mountains.  The catawbas alone have  contmued in 
198     MILITARY  HISTORY,  1670—1776.

the state to the present time.   They  occupy fifteen
miles square, situated on each side of the Catawba
river, near the borders of North-Carolina.  They
mustered 1500 fighting men at the first settlement of
the province; but at  present their w arriors do not
exceed sixty, and the whole of their nation is scarce-
ly tAvo hundred.  These have degenerated from the
hardiness of the indian character;  and  are so gene-
rally addicted to habits of indolence, and intoxication,
that they are last sinking into insignificance.
   The creeks inhabit a fine  country on the south-
west,  betAveen four and  five  hundred miles distant
from Charlestown, and the number of both the upper
and lower nations does not exceed two thousand gun
men.   The  chickesaw towns lie about six hundred
miles due west from  Charlestown ;  but  the nation
cannot send three hundred warriors to the field. The
choctaws are at least seven hundred  miles west and
south-west from  Charlestown, and  have  between
three and four thousand gun men.
                SECTION III.

       Military operations against pirates.

The Spaniards and indians were  the first,  but not
the only enemies of the infant settlement of South-
Carolina.   When the early settlers had made  head
against both,  and raised merchantable  commodities
for exportation, they had little more than began to
ship the same when they were deprived of the fruits
of their labors by public robbers on the contiguous 
CONTESTS WITH  PIRATES.        199
ocean.   From privateering to  piracy, the transition
is easy.   Both rob their fellow men of their proper-
ty, but with this  difference; the first are licensed,
but the  last are  not.   The distinction  is more in
name than reality,  for they who give the licenses are
seldom authorised by the laws of nature or of nature's
god to  grant  them.   They who receive them rarely
pay regard  to the limitations under Avhich they are
obtained.  Property, whether  of a friend or a foe>
of a countryman or a foreigner, is alike  to most of
them; provided, by any artifice, it  can be taken w ith
impunity.
   The wars which raged in the  close of the 17th and
the beginning of the 18th  century,  made lamentable
inroads on moral principles. They filled the ameri-
can seas Avith privateers and afterwards Avith pirates.
These public  robbers were received with too much
indulgence  in CharlestOAvn.    They  brought  Avith
them abundance of gold and silver, and by aid of
these precious metals often found favor and escaped
from justice.  Proofs of their guilt could not easily
be obtained, and the humanity  of the laws Avould not
suffer  them to  be punished  on suspicion.   Some
were permitted to go at large without any restriction ;
others to enter into recognizance, Avith security, for
their good  behavior  till the governor should  hear
whether the proprietors wou^a  grant them a general
indemnity.  The proprietors, wishing to crush them,
instructed governor Ludwell to change the form of
electing juries; and required that all pirates should be
tried by the laws of England, made for the suppres-
sion of piracy.  Before these orders reached Caroli-
na the pirates, by their money and free intercourse 
200    MILITARY HISTORY,  1670--1776.

with the people,  had made  so many friends that it
Avas difficult to  bring them to trial and more so to
punish them.    The  courts  of law  became scenes ol
altercation and confusion   The gold  and silver of
pirates enlisted  in  their behalf the eloquence of  the
first gentlemen of the bar ;  too  many of whom held
that every advantage, though at the expense of  ho-
nor, justice, public good, and even of truth, should be
taken in favor of  their clients.   Hence it happen-
ed that  several  of the pirates escaped,* purchased
lands, and took up  their residence in  the  colony.
The authority of government was too feeble to check
the evil,  supported as  it  Avas by a tide of  money,
flowing into the country.   At length the proprietors,
to gratify the people, granted an indemnity to all the
pirates with the exception of such as had committed
 depredations on the  dominions of the great Mogul.
    The Carolinians, by the increasing culture of  rice
 and  other valuable commodities, became  more  vul-

   " These  frustrations of justice added to the  wealth and repu-
tation of the lawyers, whose ingenuity had thrown a shield  over
guilt;  but they inflicted a deep wound on the credit and inter-
ests of Carolina.   The subjects  of his catholic majesty,  who
were the greatest sufferers by the pirates, not  only complained
of the  Carolinians for skreening  these enemies of the human
race, but retaliated by  instigating the indians to harass the en-
dish settlers, and by tempting their negroes to  leave their mas-
ters and go to St. Augustine.  The Spaniards apologized for their
conduct by alleging that the inhabitants of Charlestown coun-
tenanced and encouraged the pirates, by permitting them to
carry into their port and spend in their town that Avealth which
had been  urjustly taken  from Spanish mh jcr.ts in the adjacent
gulph and ocean, which was the thoroughfare between old  and
new Sn-.iin. 
CONTESTS AVITH PIRATES-
201
nerable on the ocean,  and of course more sensible
of. the benefits of uninterrupted trade, and of the in-
jury done to mankind by sea robbers.  In the last
year  of the  17th century,  the planters had raised
more  rice  than they could find  vessels to  export.
Forty-five persons from different nations, englishmen,
frenchmen,  portuguese, and indians, had manned a
ship at the Havanna, and entered on a cruise of pi-
racy.   While they Avere on the coast of Carolina the
people felt seA'erely the pernicious effects of that law-
less trade which in former times they had indirectly
encouraged.  Several ships belonging to Charlestown
were taken  by those public  robbers who sent the
crews ashore, but kept the vessels as their  prizes.
At last, having quarrelled among themselves about
the division of the spoil, the englishmen proving the
weaker  party were  turned adrift in  a long boat
They  landed at Sewee-Bay, and from thence travel-
led over land to Charlestown, giving out that they had
been shipwrecked, but fortunately reached the shore
in their boat.   Three masters of ships happened to
be at  Charlestown at the time, Avho had been taken
by them and kneAV  them.   Upon  their testimony
the  pirates  were instantly taken  up,  tried and con-
demned.  Seven out of nine suffered death.
   Early in the 18th century, the island of Provi-
dence became a receptacle for vagabonds  and vil-
lains of all  nations.   From this place of rendezvous
a crew of desperate  pirates had been accustomed to
push out to sea,  and in defiance of the laws of na-
tions to obstruct navigation.   The trade of Carolina,
and that of  the West-Indies, suffered  greatly  from
their depredations.   From the year  1717 to 1721, 
*
202     MILITARY HISTORY, 1670—1776.

we have an account of between thirty and forty ves-
sels which had been taken on that coast.   For five
years those lawless robbers reigned as the masters of
the gulph of Florida, plundering and taking ships of
every nation.   North-Carolina had also become  a
refuge for pirates who carried their prizes into Cape
Fear river or Providence, as best suited their conve-
nience.  Their success induced bold and rapacious
spirits to join them, and in time they became so for-
midable that considerable  force was requisite  to re-
press them.
   Merchants and masters  of vessels trading to Ame-
rica and the West-Indies, having suffered  much from
the depredations of pirates, complained to the king
 in council of the heavy losses the trade of the nation
 had  sustained from public  robbers avIio had grown
 numerous and insolent.   In consequence of which
 the king issued a proclamation, promising a pardon
 to all pirates who should surrender themselves in the
 space of twelve months,  and at the same time or-
 dered to sea a force for suppressing them.  As they
 had made the island of Providence their common
 place of residence, captain Woodes Rogers sailed
 against that island aa ith a few ships  of Avar, and took
 possession of it for the crown. Exccf>t one Vane, v. ho
 with about ninety men made their escape  in a sloop,
 all the pirates took the benefit of the king's procla-
 mation and  surrendered.   Captain Rogers having
 made himself master of the island,  formed a council
 in it, and appointed officers, civil and military, for the
 better government of its inhabitants, and so ordered
 matters that for the future the trade of the West-In-
dies was well protected. 
           CONTESTS  AVITII  PIUATKS.        203

  Though the pirates  on the  island of  Providence
were crushed, those of North-Carolina still remain-
ed and were equally troublesome.   Vane,  who es-
caped  from captain Rogers,  had taken tAvo ships
bound from CharlestOAvn to London.  A  pirate sloop
of ten guns, commanded by Steed Bonnett, and an-
other commanded by Richard Worley, had taken pos-
session of the mouth of Cape Fear river  which place
Avas noAv the principal refuge of the pirates.  Their
station there was so convenient for blocking up the
harbor of Charlestown that the trade of the colony
Avas greatly obstructed.   No  sooner  had one crew
left the coast than another appeared, so  that scarce-
ly one ship coming in or going out escaped them.
To  check  their insolence  governor Johnson fitted
out a ship of force, gave the command of it to Wil-
liam Rhett, and sent him to sea for the protection of
trade.   Rhett had  scarcely got over the bar when
Steed Bonnett spied hiin, and sensible of his inferiori-
ty made for his  refuge into Cape  Fear river.   Thi-
ther Rhett followed hiin, took  the sloop  and brought
the commander and about thirty men to Charlestown.
Soon after this  governor Johnson  embarked  and
sailed in pursuit of the other sloop of six guns, com-
manded  by Richard  Worley, which after a desperate
engagement was also taken.  The pirates fought till
they were all killed or wounded except  Worley and
another man, who even then refused to surrender un-
til they were dangerously wounded.   The  governor
brought these two men, together with their  sloop in-
to CharlestOAvn, where they were instantly tried, con-
demned, and executed, to prevent their dying ot their
wounds.  Steed Bonnett and his crew were also tried, 
204     MILITARY HISTORY,  1670—1776.

and condemned.   With the exception of  one  man,
all amounting nearly to forty,  were hanged,  and bu-
ried on White-Point, below high water mark *.

   * Steed Bonnett, Avho suffered on this occasion, was said
to have been a man of education and property, and to have pos-
sessed the manners and accomplishments of a  gentleman.  He
Avas addressed by the title of Major.   He made his escape rom
prison in women's clothes, but was retaken.  After his condem-
nation he wrote a letter to  colonel Rhett, which has  been pre-
served, and by the politeness of judge Bee is in the hands of the"
author.  It was as follows :
                                 November 27th, 1718.
    Sir,
   My unhappy fate lays me under a necessity of troubling you
with this letter, which I humbly beg you will be pleased to ex-
cuse, and with a tenderness of heart compassionate the deplora-
ble' circumstances I have been inadvertently led into;  and
though I can't presume to  have the least expectations of your
friendship for so miserable a man, yet I hope your good dispo-
sition and kind humanity will move you to become an interces-
sor Avith his honor the governor, that I may be indulged with a
reprieve to stay execution of the severe sentence I have under-
gone, till his majesty's pleasure be known concerning me.
   I have the misfortune of suffering in the opinion of the world
for many crimes and injuries done to this government and
others in a piratical manner;  more than I hope,  God the
knoAver of all secrets, will  lay to my charge ;  and must intreat
you to consider that I Avas a prisoner on board captain Edward
Thatch, who,  with  several of captain Hornigold's  company
which  he then belonged to, boarded and took my sloop from
me at the island of Providence, confining me with him eleven
months, in which time I  was never  concerned in,  nor had any
benefit or share by his actions, but on the contrary was a very
great loser  by him ;  notAvithstanding 'tis unjustly by some be-
lieved  otherAvise and used as an aggravation of my offences  ;
hoAvever, I can't but confess my crimes and sins have been too
many,  for Avhich, 1 thank my gracious God for the blessing, I
have the utmost  abhorrence and aversion ; and although I am 
CONTESTS WITH PIRATES.
205
   Governor Johnson, formerly a popular man, Avas
 noAv become more so by his bold and successful ex-

 become as it Avere a monster unto many, yet I intreat your cha-
 ritable opinion of my  great contrition and godly sorrow for the
 errors of my past life, and am so far from entertaining the least
 thoughts of being, by any inducement in nature,  drawn into the
 like evil and wicked courses, if I had the happiness of a longer
 life granted me in this world, that I shall always retain in mind,
 and  endeavor to  follow those excellent precepts of our  holy
 Saviour—to love  my neighbor as myself;  and do unto all men
 whatsoever I would they should do unto me, living in perfect
 holy friendship and charity Avith all mankind.   This I do as-
 sure you, sir,  is the sincerity of my heart  upon the word  of a
 penitent  christian, and my only desire of enjoying such a tran-
 sient being is, that it may for the future be consecrated to the
 service of my maker, and by a long and unfeigned repentance
 I may beseech Almighty God, of his infinite mercy,  to pardon
 and remit all my sins, and enable me to live a  holy religious
 life, and make satisfaction to all persons whom I have any ways
 injured.
   I don't doubt but the favor of your friendship  and interest in
 the house of Commons may prevail on his honor to indulge me
 with a reprieve, if you'll be so  charitable  as to grant it me;
 which I presume to hope  for not only in  tender regard of so
 many men having already suffered, and of  my hearty and sin-
 cere repentance Avith full purposes of amendment of life  ; but
 in consideration of the securities and  promises  of favor  I re-
 ceived from colonel Rhett, Avhich, together with the joy I con-
 ceived of having an opportunity safely to disengage myself from
 all such wicked people and inhumane actions, made me the sole
 instrument of persuading those people  to deliver themselves
 and arms up, which took me near twenty-four hours time and
trouble to do after the engagement was over, when I knew what
the two sloops Avere that colonel  Rhett commanded.  By which
means I saved the great effusion of blood which must infallibly
have been spilt by those rash people, had they received colonel
Rhett's company on board, and blown us all  up as they threaten-
ed, Avhich I found  much difficulty to persuade them from doing". 
206    MILITARY  HISTORY,  1670—17 76.

pedition  against  the  pirates.    The coast was now
happily cleared, and no pirates afterwards ventured
to sea in that quarter.  These tAvo expeditions co>t
the province upwards of  ten  thousand pounds ster-
ling,  a burden which at this juncture it Avas ill quali-
fied to support.
   In  addition to the Avars  which have been stated
Carolina, as an appendage to  Great-Britain,  Avas im-
plicated in all her Avars.  These occupied forty years
of the  106 of its colonial existence.  Its trade was
so  materially injured from  frequent captures made
by armed vessels of  France, and Spain, that its sta-
ple commodities were greatly  reduced in price when-
ever either of these nations were at Avar with Great-
Britain.   This unfortunately  was the case  more than
one third of the Avhole period between the first  set-
tlement  of South-Carolina, and its becoming an  in-
 dependent state.

 This is what colonel Rhett and most of his officers on board can
 testify.
   I must confess the escape I attempted might justly increase
 and aggravate his honor and the  government against me, for
 Airhich I ask his and their pardon, and should not in the least
 have offered it, had not nature, as  I believe it will in any man
 under the same circumstances, prompted me to evade, if pos-
 sible, so horrid a sentence, by endeavoring to get to some pri-
 vate settlement and continue there till my friends could apply
 home for his majesty's gracious pardon.
   I am fearful I have been too  tedious already;  therefore,
 shall not further trouble you than once more to repeat my  earn-
 est intreaty for your charitable favor, and to assure you that it
 will ever heartily devote me to your service, and oblige me al-
 ways gratefully to acknowledge myself,
                      Sir, your  most obliged,
                        And unfortunate humble servant,
                                 STEED BONNETT. 
CHAPTER  VI.
 i      The settlement  of the back country.

Q
settlements as early as 1736 had partially pro-
gressed Avestward, from the sea coast, about eighty or
ninety miles*.    Between  1750 and 1760  two  or
three germs of  settlement were  planted  200  miles
from CharlestOAvn by emigrants from Pennsylvania
and Virginia, Avho had advanced from north to south
and in front of the eastern settlers.
   Between the  sea-coast settlements, and  those to
the Avestward, a considerable tract of country was for
several years left in the undisturbed possession of the
aborigines.  These and several other circumstances,
sanctioned an early  distinction between  the upper
and lower country of South-Carolina.   In 1750,

   * Two classes of people generally advanced in front of the
regular settlers or cultivators of the soil.  These Avere the oav-
ners of cowpens, and traders with the indians.  An uncultivat-
ed country covered with canes and natural grasses, possessed
many advantages for raising stock. These were greatest where
the settlements were least.   Central spots in which  cattle
might be occasionally rallied, and so far domesticated as to pre-
vent their running wild, were sought for and improved.  These
were often located  in front of the settlements, and were called
cowpens.   They did not interfere Avith the pursuits of the na-
tives, and therefore seldom gave offence; though they were
sometimes observed >vith jealousy as  the precursors  of settle-
ment.
  Traders advanced Avithout ceremony into the heart of indian
settlements.  Speculative  men have  drawn comparisons be-
tween saArage and  civilized life, highly colored in favor of the 
208   SETTLEMENT  OF  THE BACK COUNTRY.

colonel Clark emigrated from Virginia and settled on
Pacolet  river.    In the course of six years he  Avas
joined by eight or ten families from Pennsylvania, all
of aa horn settled on or near Fair Forest creek, or the
three  forks of  Tyger  river.   These  constituted the
whole Avhite population of that part of  the province
in 1755.   In that year Braddock Avas defeated;  and
the  frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Vir-
ginia,  Avere exposed  to so much danger  from  the
french at fort Duquesne on the Ohio, and the indians
attached to them, that their inhabitants were strong-
ly inclined to move southwardly.   In the same year
governor Glen  made a treaty with  the cherokee in-
dians, by Avhich much of what is  now called the up-
per country Avas ceded to the king of Great-Britain.
Both events allured  settlers  to the  western parts of
South-Carolina.

former.  Their theories have been acted upon ever since the
discovery of America, by individuals who, turningjtheir backs up-
on civilized society, have voluntarily chosen a residence among
the indians.  Of this description there were several who  at an
early day had settled among the indians at a great distance  from
the Avhite people.  Anthony Park, one of the first settlers of
the back country,  who now lives in Newberry district, travelled
in 1758 a few hundred miles amon^ the indians to the west of
the Alleghany mountains.  He found several white men, chiefly
scotch or irish Avho said  that they had lived as traders among
the indians tAventy years ; a few from forty to fifty,  and one six-
ty years.   One of these said that he had  upwards of seventy
children and grand-children in the nation.   If these accounts
are correct, the oldest of these traders must have taken up his
abode among the  indians 400 miles to the west of Charlestown
before the close of the 17th century, when the white popula-
tion of Carolina scarcely extended twenty miles from the sea
eoast.
I 
       SETTLEMENT  OF THE  B^CK COUNTRY.  209

     In  the year  1756 Patrick Calhoun, with  four
  families of his friends, settled on Long Cane in Ab-
  beville.   On his arrival there were only two families
  of  Avhite settlers, one named Gowdy the other Ed-
  wards, in that south-western extremity of the upper
  country.   The  progress  of settlement which com-
  menced in or about 1750 Avas so very slow, for five
  years, that in the beginning of 1756, the whole number
>  of families scarcely exceeded twenty.  In that and the
  three following yaars, there was a great influx of in-
  habitants  from the middle  provinces.    Carolina,
  though nominally at Avar, really, enjoyed all the bles-
  sings of peace, while hostilities  raged in the north-
  ern  and middle provinces, and their frontiers Avere
  drenched in blood shed by the savage allies of France.
  The recent settlers in the upper country of Carolina,
  Avho had fled from indian massacres in Pennsylvania,
  Maryland, and Virginia, in the three years that fol-
  lowed Braddock's defeat, found that in the year 1759
  they  were involved in calamities similar  to those
  from  which they had escaped.   The reduction  of
  fort Duquesne  in 1758 gave the blessings of peace
  to the middle provinces, but entailed  the miseries of
  war* on  South-Carolina.  The  origin of  cherokee

    * A feAv facts attested by an eye witness will give some faint
  idea of the sufferings of the frontier  settlers.  A young man
  was shot through the body and through the thigh,  one of his
  arms was broke, and he was scalped.  A tomahawk Avas stuck
  into his head.  The muscles of his neck Avere so far divided
  that his chin lodged  on his breast, and several  arrows  were
  shot into his body.  In this condition after he had extracted the
  arrows, he walked .twenty miles before he could get any assis-
  tance.  Another was found wounded in the  Avoods  where he 
CIO  SETTLEMENT OF  THE  BACK COUNTRY.

hostilities in  1759, has  been explained  in  the last
chapter.   It is here only necessary to observe  that
its operations in that, and the two or three follow ing
acts,  stunted the growth  of  the  upper  country.
Several flourishing settlements were broke up. Some
took to forts, others abandoned the country, and no
new settlers Avould venture into  it.   These  calami-
ties Avere done away by the peace of Paris in 17 63,
and from that period  the settlements recommenced
with increasing vigor.   The influx of inhabitants was
greater than ever,  and the population Avas advanced
w ith gigantic strides.   Unalloyed good is not the lot
of man.   The w ar w as ended, but the consequences
of it continued.  It had tainted the principles of many
of the inhabitants, so as to endanger the peace and
happiness of society.   When settlements w ere broke
 up, industry was at an end.   The prospects of  reap-
 ing were so faint, that few had the resolution to sow.
 Those  who took  up  their residence in forts had no-
 thing to do.   Idleness  is the parent of every vice.
 When  they sallied out  they found  much propeit\
 left behind by others who had quitted  their homes.

 had lain nine days without bread or water, incapable of helping
 or even of moving himself. An attempt was made to move him
 but he instantly expired.   When settlements were attacked  by
 iiie indians, some Avould escape   These would conceal or lose
 themselves in  the woods.  In this condition they have been
 known to wander two or three  weeks, living  on snafces and
 such articles of food as the woods afforded.  Several who were
 scalped, and otherwise badly wounded, had the good fortune to
 recover ; though they received no aid from regular physicians
 or surgeons.  Women and  children were oftener the subjects
 of these barbarities than men, for the latter by resistance for  the
 most part obtained the superior boon of being killed outright. 
     SETTLEMENT OF  THE  BACK COUNTRY.   211

To make use of such derelict articles did not appear
to them in the odious colors of theft.  Cattle were
killed—horses  were sold—household furniture, and
plantation tools were taken into possession in viola-
tion of private rights.   The wrong-doers lived easi-
ly at the expense of the absentees, and acquired such
vicious habits  that when the Avar  was over they des-
pised labor and became pests  of society.  To steal
was easier than to work.   The  former  was  car-
ried on extensively,  and the latter  rarely attempt-
ed.  Among all kinds of  theft none  was so easy
in  execution,  so difficult in detection, and  at the
same time so injurious in its consequences, as horse-
stealing.   On  the  labors of that  useful animal, the
cultivators of the soil depended for raising the  pro-
visions necessary for their support.   A horse when
grazing is as easily caught by a thief, as by his own-
er ;  and will as readily carry the one as the other to
a distance where he might be sold or exchanged,  to
the serious  injury of an helpless fami'y.   Practices
of this kind /became  common, and  were carried on
by system and in  concert with associates living re-
mote from each other.  The industrious part  of the
community Avere oppressed, and the support of their
families endangered.
   These difficulties Avere  increased  from  an ineffi-
cient system of government.   If the  thieves were
caught, they could not be brought  to trial nearer
than Charlestown.    Till the year 1770, there were
no courts of justice held  beyond the limits of the
capital.  The only legal authority in this infancy  of
the back country was that of justices of the peace,
authorised by the governor, Avho always resided near-

       i 
212   SETTLEMENT OF TUT BACK  COlVTIiV.

the sea coast.  With his scanty means of information.
to select proper persons for that office was no easy
matter.   The greatest villains had generally the mosl
money,  and often the most friends.  Instead of ex-
erting their authority to suppress horsc-st< aling and
other crimes, some of these justices were sharirs  in
the profits  of this infamous business.   Before such
it Avas difficult to procure the commitment  of crimi-
nals.   If the proofs of their guilt were too strong  to
be  evaded, the expense of  transporting  them  to
Charlestow n was great; the chances of their escape
many.    When brought to trial,  the non-attendance
of witnesses from a distance of  two  hundred miles.
and other circumstances were  so improved by law
yers to  whom  the horse thieves were  both  able and
Avilling to give large fees,  that prosecutions though
for real crimes  seldom terminated  in  conviction.
The inhabitants groaned under these frustrations of
justice.   Despairing of redress in a legal channel,
they took the  law in their  own hands.  In the year
176*4 Thomas Woodward, Joseph  Kirkland,  Bar-
naby Pope, and others of the  best and most orderly
inhabitants, held a consultation on what was best to
be done.   They drew up  an  instrument of writing
which they and their associates generally subscribed.
In  it they  bound themselves to  make a common
cause in immediately pursuing and arresting all horse
thieves  and other criminals. Such when caught were
tried in a summary way by the neighbors, and if found
guilty, Avere sentenced to receive a number of stripes
on their bare  backs,  more or less in proportion to
their misdeeds.  They were then advised to leave  the
neighborhood  and  informed that  it they  returned, 
      SETTLEMENT OF THE BACK COUNTRY.   213

 their punishment would  be doubled.   This mode of
 proceeding Avas called regulation, and its authors and
 friends regulators.  The horse thieves, their associ-
 ates, and other criminals, Avho from  causes already
 mentioned Avere numerous,  made a  counter  com-
 mon cause in  supporting themselves  against  these
 regulators.  Most of the inhabitants favored one or
 other of these parties.   The one justified their pro-
 ceedings  on the score of necessity and substantial,
 though irregular justice ; the other alleged the rights
 of britsh subjects to a legal trial by a court and jury.
Though the former meant well, yet justice is of so
 delicate a nature that form as well as substance must
 be regarded.   It is therefore probable, that in  some
 cases, the  proceedings of the regulators may have so
 far partaken of the infirmities of human nature as to
 furnish real grounds  of complaint  against  them.
 Their adversaries made  such high colored  represen-
 tations  of  their conduct,  that the civil authority in-
 terposed.   Lord Charles Greville  Montague, go-
 vernor  of the  province,   adopted measures for their
 suppression.   WTith  this viewr  he conferred a high
 commission on a man  named Scouil, Avhose  con-
duct, character, and standing in society had render-
ed him  in  the opinion of his  neighbors, and espe-
cially of the regulators,  very  unfit for the office.
As if  the.country had  been  in rebellion, Scouil
erected something which  Avas intended to be a royal
standard; and  afterwards called upon  the regulators
to answer  for their transgressions of the  law.  In
addition to many  other acts of severity, he arrested
two of their number and sent them under a guard to
Charlestown where they were imprisoned.   The rer 
<214   SETTLEMENT  OF THE BACK  COUNTRY
gulators  and the scouilites contending for the supe-
riority, Avere arranged under their leaders and form-
ed camps in opposition to each other.  A  civil war
Avas on the point of commencing ; both were armed
and prepared for the  last extremity.   Each party
Avas ready to return a fire  from their adversaries,
but both dreaded the odium  of beginning hostilities.
Instead thereof a flag w as sent from one to the other
—a  capitulation ensued,  in which  both  agreed to
break up their camps—go  home and respectively
petition the governor for a redress of their grievan-
ces.    This  was done and eventuated in the circuit
 court law, passed in the year 1769-  The establish-
 ment of courts of justice at  Ninety-Six, now Cam-
 bridge, at Orangeburgh, and Camden, removed that
 necessity which was an apology for the proceedings
 of the regulators.   These gloried in having obtained
 their ends for bringing criminals  to justice.  Their
 exertions henceforward took a  different direction;
 they applied to law and ceased to regulate.   In  less
 than two years they brought 32 horse thieves to tri-
 al, condemnation,  and punishment under the autho-
 rity  of the  new  and adjacent  circuit courts.  The
 cause of justice triumphed, and  a wholesome exer-
 tion  of judicial authority re-established order.  The
 country enjoyed peace and prosperity for  the  five
 following  years.    At the  end  of that period new
 scenes  of  distress,  connected  with the revolution,
 opened on the  inhabitants.  The  animosities  be-
 tween these  parties continued  to rankle  in  their
 hearts, but were not called into action till the  year
  1775.  When the revolution commenced the actors
  in these late scenes of contention took opposite sides; 
     SETTLEMENT  OF THE BACK  COUNTRY.  215

and the names of scouilites and regulators were in-
sensibly exchanged for the appellation of tories and
whigs, or the friends of the old  and new order of
things.   Many of the former were called scouilites,
and probably had co-operated Avith Scouil in oppos-
ing the regulators;  but the name  Avas  applied to
others as a term of reproach on the alleged similari-
ty of their principles as being both abettors of royal
government, in opposition to the struggles of the peo-
ple for justice and liberty.  The tories or scouilites,
for the opposers of revolutionary measures were
called by both names, insisted that the king had laid
no new  burdens or taxes on the  people  and that
therefore their opposition to royal government was
groundless.   The act, as it respected Carolina, was
true; but the conclusion drawn from it did not fol-
low.   No new burdens had been laid on the inhabi-
tants of the province, but the most grievous had been
laid  on Massachusetts  in pursuance of principles
which equally applied to Carolina and struck at the
 foundation of ail her boasted rights.   This train of
 reasoning was  too  refined  for  selfish  individuals
 w ho  had not energy enough to encounter a present
 evil to obtain a  future good.  Respectable  Avell in-
 formed persons were sent by the council  of safety to
 explain the  nature  of the controversy to these mis-
judging people, and to  induce their co-operation
 with their  fellow citizens in the common cause of
 american liberty.  Partial success  followed their ex-
planations, and atreaty of neutrality was granted to the
 disaffected.   But the old grudge still subsisted,  and
 they continued to  thwart the  measures  of congress.
 The  friends of the revolution marched an  army  in- 
 216   SETTLEMENT OF  THE  BACK COUNTRV.

 to their settlements.  Opposition  Avas subdued with
 little or no  bloodshed, and a temporary  calm suc-
 ceeded.   But many  of the  disheartened royalist*
 abandoned  their plantations, and  went either to the
 province of Florida, or among the indians.  In both
 cases they w ere  tools in the hands of the british and
 ready  to co-operate with  thein against their country-
 men Avho favored  revolutionary  measures.   They
 lent their aid  to a  project for attacking the western
 settlements of South-Carolina, at the moment Char-
 lestown Avas to  be  invaded by a powerful fleet and
 army.   Thev  performed  their part.   I'nder  the di-
 rection of  Britain,  and in concert  with  indians
 dressed and painted like them, they began to murder
 the Avhite  settlers nearly on the  same day Sullivan's
 island  was  attacked  by the  british.   Measures of
 discrimination had  been proposed  among themselves
 to restrain the indians from disturbing the tories, but
 they were unavailing.  Both classes of white people
 fell by a common massacre.  The repulse of the bri-
tish in  their  attack on fort Moultrie disconcerted the
tories  and  indians, and gave  the whigs  leisure to
chastise them both.   This  was done with spirit  and
effect by an army commanded by colonel Williamson.
A calm succeeded for three or four years, but guards
were kept on the frontiers and the inhabitants lived
in terror; for they  were  apprehensive of a renewed
attack.  After the fall of Charlestown in 1780, every
thing was reversed.   The british, the tories, and in-
 dians,  had the  upper hand.  Robbery, desolation,
 and  murder,  became common  and continued  till
 the revolutionary  Avar was ended.   Many were kil-
 kci__several fled—the country  was filled with wi- 
      SETTLEMENT OF THE BACK  COUNTRY.  217

 dows and orphans—and adult male population Avas
 sensibly diminished.
    From the first settlement of  the upper country
 till the peace of 1783, a succession of disasters had
 stunted its  growth.  The years 1756,  1757, and
 1758,  were attended with  no uncommon  calamity.
 The same may be said of the years betAveen  1770 and
 \775, but Avith these exceptions ;  the upper country
 was for nearly twenty years of the  first thirty of  its
 existence kept in a  constant state of disturbance
 either by the indians or tories, and the contentions
 between regulators and scouilites.   Under all these
 disadvantages it greAv astonishingly.  Prior to the
 revolution it had received  such  an increase of in-
 habitants, as essentially contributed to the support
 of that bold measure; but since the year 1783, the
 improvement of that part of the state has exceeded
 all calculation.   In the course of the revolutionary
 Avar the cherokees,  having  taken  part with the ene-
 mies of the state, were  so  completely defeated that
 in 1777 they  ceded to South-Carolina all their lands
 to the eastward of the Unacaye mountains.   In the
 year 1784 a  land office was opened tor the sale  of
 this land.  The price fixed  was ten  dollars  per hun-
 dred acres, payable in debts due from the state.  This
 low price, the fertility of the soil, and the healthiness
 of its climate, allured settlers to this newly acquired
 mountainous  territory in such abundance  that its
 population advanced with unexampled rapidity.  The
extention of the  limits of South-Carolina—the in-
creasing population both of  its old and new western
territory, has within  the last twenty-five years eleva-
ted the upper country from a low condition to be the
  vol.  t..              2 F 
—18   SETTLEMENT  OF THE BACK  COUNTRY.

most  influential portion of the state.   The base of
South-Carolina on the  sea  coast  beloAv the tails- of
the rivers,  when  compared w ith its  apex above the
falls,  is nearly as three to two ;  yet  its  principal
strength  rests with the smaller  section.  The latter
increases in Avealth,  population, and  improvement of
every  kind,  much   more rapidly  than the  former.
What the flat sea coast has slowly attained to in 138
years, is  now  Avithin the grasp of the hilly upper
country; though very little more than  half a century
has passed since  the first germs of civilized popula-
tion  were planted in its Avestern woods. 
THE
  CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY
                  OF THE

          REVOLUTION
                    OF

      SOUTH-CAROLINA,

FROM A BRITISH PROVINCE TO AN INDEPENDENT STATE.
               CHAPTER VII.


                 SECTION I.

    Of introductory events and  taking of arm*.

In the  year  1763,  when the peace  of Taris had
strengthened the british interest  in North America
by the addition of the contiguous french and Spanish
colonies, many thought the english american empire
was established  on a permanent footing.  Subse-
quent events proved the  fallacy of these specula-
tions.  Perhaps some  may allege that the removal
of hostile neighbors inspired the colonists with pro-
jects  of independence.   This opinion is also un-
founded, especially in South-Carolina.   Happy  in
her connexion with Britain she wished for no change.
Between her and the mother country  there was no
collision of interests, and there  never had been any
serious complaints of either against the other.  Com-
merce and  manufactures  Avere die favorite pursuits 
CCO   REVOLUTIONARY HIMORV,  1775—1783.
of Great-Britain, and agriculture of Carolina.   Xo
instance can be  produced where the relative connex-
]on, between a colony and its parent state, was more
likely to last.   In none  was  there a stronger bond
of union from a reciprocity of benefits, or a fainter
prospect of contention from the interference of their
respective  pursuits.   The colony consumed an  im-
mensity of british  manufactures,  which  she  could
neither make for herself nor purchase elsewhere on
equal terms, and lor the payment  of which  she had
ample  means  in her valuable native  commodities.
The exchange of one for the other,  was a basis of,
profitable  commerce.  Carolina,  satisfied with  her
political condition,  did not covet independence.   It
Avas forced upon her as  the only means of extrica-
tion from  the grasp of tyranny, exerted to enforce
novel claims of  the mother country, subversive of li-
berty  and happiness.   These claims  were brought
forward soon alter the peace of Paris; and dissipated
all  the hopes  Avhich were  fondly  indulged, that
Great-Britain Avould maintain a pre-eminent rank in
America.   At  this inauspicious period the scheme
of a revenue to be laid by the british parliament, and
collected in the  colonies without the consent of their
local legislatures, was introduced.  The british mi-
nistry  were prompted to this innovation by the im-
mense  load of  national  debt, incurred during the
Avar which in that year had terminated.  They con-
ceived that every part of their dominions should pay
a proportion of  the public debt and that the parlia-
ment of Great-Britain, as the  supreme poAver,  was
constitutionally  invested  Avith a right to lay  taxes on 
             INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         221

every part of the empire.  This doctrine, so plausi-
ble in itself, and so conformable to the letter of the
british constitution when the whole dominions were
represented in one assembly, was reprobated in the
colonies as subversive of their rights and contrary
to  the spirit of the same government when the em-
pire became so far extended as to have many distinct
representative assemblies. The  colonists  conceived
that the chief excellence of the  british  constitution
consisted in the right of the people to grant or with-
hold taxes, and  in their having a share in the enact-
ing ot the laws  by which they were to be  governed.
In the mother country it was asserted to be essen-
tial to the  unity of the empire, that the  british par-
liament should havre  a right of taxation over  every
part of their extended dominions.   In the colonies
it  was  believed that  taxation  and representation
were inseparable, and that they could neither be free
nor happy if their property could  be  taken from
them without their consent.   The patriots in the
american assemblies insisted that it was essential to
liberty and happiness, that the people should be tax-
ed  by those  only  who were chosen  by themselves
and had a  common interest with them.  Mr. Locke's
celebrated  position " that no man has a right to that
which another has a  right to take from him," was
often quoted as a proof that british taxation virtual-
ly annihilated american property.
  Every thing in South-Carolina contributed to nou-
rish a spirit of liberty and independence.   Its settle-
ment was nearly coeval Avith the revolution in Eng-
land; and  many of its inhabitants had imbibed a 
 £22   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__1785.
 large portion of that spirit,  avhich brought one tvrant
 to the block and expelled  another  from  his domin-
 ions.   Every  inhabitant was,  or easily  im«lit be a
 freeholder.   Settled  on lands  ot  his  own,  he was
 both  farmer and landlord.   Having no superiors to
 Avhom he was obliged to look up, and producing all
 the necessaries of lite from his own  grounds, he soon
 became independent.
   The first statute that roused general and united op-
 position to british taxation was the memorable stamp
 act, passed in the year 1765.  By this it was enacted,
 that the instruments of writing which are in daily use
 amongst a commercial  people should be  void in law
 unless they were executed on stamped paper, or
 parchment,  charged  with  a duty  imposed by  the
 british parliament.   A  less extensive tax might have
 passed unobserved by  the unsuspecting colonists ;
 but the stamp  act was so intimately connected with
 all public and  private business that an united vigor-
 ous opposition to it was judged indispensably neces-
 sary.  To concert an uniform line of conduct to be
 adopted  by  the different colonies on this trying oc-
 casion, a  congress  of deputies from  each province
 was recommended.   This  first step, towards conti-
 nental union, was adopted  in South-Carolina before
 it had been  agreed  to by  any  colony to the south-
ward  of New-England.   The example of this pro-
vince had a considerable influence in recommending
the measures to others who  were more tardy  in their
concurrence.   The colonies on this occasion  not
only  presented  petitions, but entered into associa-
tions against importing british manufactures  till  the 
INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.
22S
stamp  act  should  be repealed.   On the  18th of
March  1766,  that  favorite point  was obtained.
This concession had the effect of inspiring the ame-
ricans w ith high ideas of the necessity of their trade
to Great Britain.  The experiment of taxation was
renewed in the year  1767, but in a more artful man-
ner.  Small duties were imposed on glass, paper, tea,
and painter's colors.   The colonists  again petition-
ed and associated to import no more british manufac-
tures.  In  consequence of which, all the duties Avere
taken off excepting  three  pence a  pound on  tea.
Unwilling to contend w ith the mother country about
paper claims, and at the same time determined to pay
no taxes but such as were imposed by their own le-
gislatures, the colonists associated to import no more
tea; but relaxed in  all their  other resolutions, and
renewed  their  commercial intercourse with  Great-
Britain.                                         '
   The tax on tea  was in a  great measure rendered
a  barren branch of  revenue, by the american reso-
lution of importing none on w hich the parliamentary
duty  was charged.   In the year  1773 a scheme
was adopted by the  East-India company, to  export
large  quantities of that commodity to be sold on
their account in the several capitals of the british co-
lonies.  This measure tended directly to contravene
the american resolutions.   The colonists reasoned
with themselves, that as the duty and  the price of
the commodity were inseparably blended if the tea
was sold, every purchaser Avould pay a tax  imposed
by  the british parliament as part of the purchase
money.   .Jealous of  the designs of the mother conn- 
 224   REVOLUTIONAEY HISTORY, 1775--1 7S.*).
 try, and determined never to submit to british  taxa-
 tion, they every where entered into combinations to
 obstruct the sales  of  the  tea sent out by the  Fast-
 India company.   The cargoes sent to South-Caroli-
 na Avere stored, the consignees being restrained from
 exposing it to sale.  In other provinces  the landing
 of it being forbidden,  the captains were obliged to
 return without discharging their cargoes.   In  Bos-
 ton, a feAv men in disguise threAv  into the  river all
 that had been exported to that city by the East- India
 company.   This trespass  on private  property  pro-
 voked the british parliament to take legislative  ven-
 geance on that devoted town.   An act was immedi-
 ately passed by which the port thereof was virtually
 blocked up by being legally precluded from shipping
 or landing any goods, wares, or merchandise.  Other
 acts directed by the same policy speedily followed.
 One of them was entitled,  " an act for the better
 regulating the government of Massachusetts."   The
 object of  this was essentially to alter the charter of
 the province.   By it the whole executive government
 was taken out of  the hands  of the people, and the
 nomination of all  officers vested in the king  or hie
 governor.   Soon after followed an act in  which it
 was provided  that if any person was indicted for
 murder, or for  any other capital  offence commit-
 ted in  aiding  magistracy,  that the governor might
 send the person so  indicted to another colony or to
 Great-Britain  to be tried.  These proceedings, no
 less contrary to the british "constitution than to the
chartered rights of  the colonies, were considered as
the beginning  of a new svstem ot colonial govern- 
INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         225
ment by which the provinces Avere to be reduced to
a much greater degree of dependence on the mother
country than they had ever experienced.  A general
confederacy to aid the province of Massachusetts in
opposing  the executions of these  unconstitutional
acts very soon took  place.
  The  proceedings  of parliament were no  sooner
known in  Boston, than the inhabitants Avere thrown
into the greatest consternation.   Sundry tOAvn meet-
ings Avere  called to deliberate on the alarming state
of public  affairs.  At one of them, viz,  on May  13
1774, the folloAving vote Avas passed :
  " That it is the opinion  of this town, that if  the
other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all
importation from Great-Britain and  exportation to
Great-Britain and the West-Indies till the act for
blocking up  this harbor be repealed the  same  will
prove  the salvation of North America and  her li-
berties.   On the other hand, if they continue their
exports and imports, there  is high reason to fear that
fraud, power, and the most  odious oppression,  will
rise triumphant over justice, right, social happiness,
and freedom. And, moreover, that this vote be trans-
mitted by the moderator to all our sister colonies in
the name and behalf of this town."
   A copy of this vote was immediately forwarded to
the other  provinces.   Upon its arrival in South-Ca-
rolina, it was presented to  a number of the principal
gentlemen in  CharlestOAvn.  They Avere of opinion
that the principles of policy and  self-preservation
made it necessary to support the people of Boston;
but the mode pointed out Avas a  matter of  too much
   VOL. 7.           2  G 
226  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__17S3.

consequence to be adopted Avithout the General con-
sent of the people.   It Avas therefore determined to
request a  meeting of the  inhabitants.   That this
might be as general as possible, circular letters were
sent by express to every parish and district Avithin
the province.   In consequence of this invitation  a
very great number, some of whom were from almost
every part of South-Carolina, met on the 6th of Ju-
ly 1774 at CharlestOAvn.   The proceedings  of the
parliament against the town of Boston, and province
of Massachusetts, were distinctly related to this con-
vention of the people. On which, without one dissent-
ing voice,  they adopted resolutions declaratory  of
their rights for  supporting the people of Boston by
 voluntary contribution  and for organising  commit-
 tees.  They also adopted the following appropriate
 resolutions :  " That the late act for shutting up the
 port of Boston, and the other  late acts relative to
 Boston and the province of Massachusetts, are cal-
 culated to  deprive  many thousand americans  of
their  rights,  properties, and  privileges; in a  most
 cruel, oppressive, and unconstitutional manner—are
.most dangerous precedents; and though levelled im-
mediately  at the people of Boston, very manifestly
and glaringly show, if  the inhabitants of that town
are intimidated into a mean submission to said acts,
that the like are designed for all the colonies; when
not  even the shadow of liberty to his person, or  of
security to  his property, Avill be left to any of his
majesty's  subjects  residing on  the  american  con-
tinent. 
             INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         227

   " Resolved,  therefore, that the soundest principles
of  true policy  and self-preservation make  it  abso-
lutely necessary  for the inhabitants of all the colo-
nies in America  to assist and support the people  of
Boston,  by all lawful  ways in their power, and to
leave no justifiable means untried to  procure  a re-
peal of those acts immediately relative to them, and
also all others  affecting the constitutional rights and
liberties  of America  in general:  as the best means
to effect  this desirable end,
   " Resolved,  that Henry  Middleton,  John  Rut-
ledge, Christopher Gadsden,  Thomas  Lynch, and
Edward  Rutleclge, esquires, be^ and they are hereby
appointed  deputies on the  part and behalf of this
colony to meet the deputies of the several colonies
in North-America in general congress ;  to  consider
the act lately passed, and bills  depending in parlia-
ment, with regard to the port of Boston and province
of Massachusetts; w hich act and bills,  in  the pre-
cedent and consequence,  affect the whole continent
—also the grievances under which America labors,
by reason  of the  several acts of parliament that im-
pose taxes or duties for raising a revenue : Avith full
poAver and authority, in behalf of us and our consti-
tuents, to  concert, agree to, and effectually to pro-
secute such legal measures by which we  for  our-
selves, and them, most solemnly engage  to abide,  as
in the opinion of  the said deputies,  and of the de-
puties so to  be  assembled,  shall  be most likely  to
obtain a repeal of the said acts,  and a redress  of
these grievances." 
228 REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775 — 1782.

   This convention  of the people, and these resolu-
tions, laid the foundation of all the subsequent pro-
ceedings ;  which ultimately terminated in a revolu-
tion*.   The deputies appointed on this occasion, in
 a little time, sailed for Philadelphia;  and were soon
joined by  others invested with similar powers by the
 several provinces.
    In this manner, by  the general consent  of the
 people  and the  universal alarm for theiryliberties,  a
 new  representative  body  with powers to  bind all
 the  american provinces was  speedily  constituted.
 The  continental congress  having, on the  26th  of
 October  1774, finished  their deliberations,   the
 South-Carolina members returned home,  and gave
 an account  of their proceedings.    The most im-

    * Every atom of political power now exercised in and over the
  people and state of South-Carolina, is a ramification derived from
  what was granted by the last of these resolutions.  The people,
  by virtue of their inherent right to resist the illegal oppression of
  their rulers, delegated full powers to five men of their own
  choice to take  care of their political interests and promised to
  abide by what  they might resolve upon.  Power thus  liberally
  granted was faithfully and judiciously used.  The germ of re-
  presentative government, then planted,  has grown up to the
  tree of liberty  and happiness, under the shade of Avhich the
  people of South-Carolina enjoy as great a proportion of social
  blessings as in any country or age has fallen to the lot of man. On
  this memorable day, the aged declared their willingness to sa-
  crifice the remnant of their days rather than submit to the op-
  pressive acts of Britain.  The young, with greater ardor, en-
  gaged to resist to the last extremity ; and if they should survive
  all prospect of successful  resistance, that they would retire
  from civilized society and take up their abode with the savages
  of the  wilderness. 
            INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.          229

portant of which  were as follows : a state of ame-
rican claims, particularly of their exelusive right to
tax themselves and to regulate their internal polity:
a  petition to  the  king stating their grievances and
praying a repeal of thirteen acts of parliament which
imposed taxes on  them, or  interfered in their inter-
nal government;  and an  association to suspend im-
portations of  british  goods, and  the exportation of
american produce,  till  these grievances  were re-
dressed.   They also  addressed the  people of Great-
Britain, and the inhabitants of the  colonies.  With
great energy of language they justified their pro-
ceedings to both, and endeavored to  dissuade the
former from aiding any  attempt on their  liberties;
and the latter from a tame relinquishment  of them.
To give  efficacy to the measures adopted by the de-
puties at Philadelphia it was determined,  by the
general committee in  CharlestOAvn, to convene a pro-
vincial congress  by  electing representatives  from
every parish and  district in South-Carolina and to
submit the proceedings of the continental congress
to their  judgment.   As  the  measures about to  be
adopted  depended entirely on  the consent of the
people, a very large representation was thought ad-
viseable.  The constitutional assembly consisted on-
ly of forty-nine members ;  but this new representa-
tive body consisted of 184.  The members of the
constitutional  assembly  were universally  members
of the congress, but  with this difference, that in the
latter capacity they could neither be prorogued nor
dissolved by the royal governor.   This first provin-
cial congress met on the 11th January, 1775, and took 
230   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775—1783.

under  consideration the  proceedings  of  the  conti-
nental congress  at Philadelphia in the close of the
preceding year.   Without one dissenting voice they
gave public thanks to their late deputies to the con-
tinental congress, approved  their  proceedings, re-
solved to carry them into execution, and reappoint-
ed the same delegates to the next continental con-
gress.   Lest the  selfishness  of individuals  might
break through the public resolutions, committees of
inspection and observation Avere appointed Avhose bu-
siness it Avas to see that they were universally obeyed.
This same body also passed an unanimous resolution;
that in their opinion no  action for  any debt should
be commenced or proceeded  in, Avithout the permis-
sion of the committee  where the defendant resided,
and  that the committee  should give permission for
bringing suits Avhere the debtors refused to  renew
their  obligations  or  to give  reasonable security,
or were justly suspected of intentions to  leave the
province or to defraud their creditors. They also re-
commended to all the inhabitants to be diligent and
attentive in learning the use of arms, and at the same
time recommended to them so set apart the 17th day
of February 1775 as a  day  of fasting, humiliation,
and prayer, before Almighty God; devoutly to peti-
tion him " to inspire the king Avith true wisdom to
defend the people of North America in their just
title to freedom, and to avert from them the calami-
ties of civil Avar;" and requested the several ministers
of the  gospel throughout the colony to prepare and
 deliver suitable discourses on the solemn occasion.
   These recommendations for arming and praying 
               INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         231
  were carried into effect with equal zeal.   A military
  spirit pervaded the whole  country, and Charlestown
  soon had the appearance of a garrison town.  Volun-
  teer companies  Avere formed, and almost daily ex-
  ercised.  Children, in imitation of their  superiors,
  were often  to be seen going through the manual ex-
  ercise Avith something in the resemblance of  a g\m.
  In these times that tried men's souls, the epithets of
  aristocrat and democrat Avere never heard.  The poor
  wished for the countenance and influence of the rich.
  The wise and distinguished  feAv, sought for the strength
  of the many. Wealth and wisdom, nerves and numbers,
„ were put in .requisition for  the public service.   Each
  depended on the other, and all knew that their uni-
  ted vigorous exertions were indispensably necessary.
  Joining foot to foot, and hand to hand, they, with one
  mind, presented the whole  body of the people a solid
  phalanx opposing their energies and resources to the
  introduction of arbitrary poAver.
    The first of February 1775 Avas the day fixed by
  the continental congress, after which no british goods
  should be imported.  Notwithstanding the solemnity
  with which  the resolutions had been adopted, sever-
  al vessels loaded  with british goods  arrived in the
  harbor after that  period.   It was doubtless presu-
  med by many that an association, so  contrary to the
  immediate  interest and convenience of such great
 numbers, would be either violated or evaded.   But,
 to their great surprise,  they found the resolutions so
 well observed that a single  article could not be land-
 ed; and that they  must either throw overboard, or
 send back their cargoes. 
232   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 177J —1783.

  In this manner, Avhile the form of the old govern-
ment  subsisted,  a new and independent authority
was virtually established.   It was so universally the
sense of the people that the public good  require! a
compliance  Avith  the  resolutions of congress that
any man, who discovered an anxiety  about the con-
tinuance of trade and business, Avas  considered as a
selfish individual; preferring private interest to the
good  of his country.  LTnder the influence of these
principles  the intemperate  zeal  of the populace
transported them, frequently, so far beyond the limits
of moderation  as to apply singular  punishments to
particular persons who contravened the general sense
of the community.
  This was the third time that a scheme of non-im-
portation had  been adopted.  From its success on
two former occasions,  and an apprehension that the
trade of America was necessary to the inhabitants of
Great-Britain,  it was generally hoped the obnoxious
acts would soon be repealed. An appeal to arms, in-
dependence, and  an alliance with France, were events
at this period neither intended  nor expected.   A
bloodless self-denying  opposition was all  that South-
Carolina designed; and was all the sacrifice,  which,
as she supposed,  Avould be required at her hands.
  During the  first three months of  the year  1775,
hopes  were  entertained that Great-Britain  Avould
follow the same line of policy which before had led
her to repeal the stamp-act.   On the 19th of April
1775, a packet from London reached Charlestown ;
but with intelligence subversive of the pleasing hopes 
INTRODUCTORY  EVENTS.
233
 of  a speedy  accommodation*.   On that same day
 hostilities were  commenced  at  Lexington, in  the
 Massachusetts,  by a detachment from the royal ar-
 my at  Boston, against the inhabitants of that  pro-
 vince.   A particular account of  that bloody scene
 was  soon brought  to the  general  committee  in
 Charlestown.   No event during the war seemed so
 universally to interest the minds of the people.  All
 were struck with the new face  of things, and viewed
 the  contest in a much more  serious  light.  Fi\ m
 every appearance Great-Britain, instead of redress-
 ing american grievances, was determined to dragoon
 the colonists into submission.  The spirit of freedom,

   * This was obtained in the  following  manner.   A secret
 committee  had been appointed, who agreed to watch the arrival
 of the british packet, and to take possession of the mail. When
 it arrived, it was peremptorily demanded by William Henry
 Drayton, John Neufville, and  Thomas Corbett, the members
 of that  committee.   The post-master refused, and protested,
 but these three gentlemen took charge of the mail  and carried
 it off to the general committee.   The private letters were re-
 turned unopened to the post-office,  but public dispatches from
 the british  government to the governors  of Virginia, the two
- Carolinas, Georgia, and  East-Florida, were opened and  read.
 These furnished abundant evidence of  the determination of1
 England to coerce America by a military  force.   About th  ;
 same time a letter from governor Wright of Georgia, to gene-
 ral Gage commander of the king's  army then in Boston, was
 intercepted by the secret committee.  It contained a request
 to general Gage to send a detachment of his. majesty's forces
 to awe the people of Georgia.   The secret committee took, out
 this  letter and put another in its place,  with an imitation of
 Wright's signature subscribed, in  which general  Gage was
 informed " that there was  no occasion for sending any troops
 to Georgia  as the people, convinced of their error, AYere come
 again to order."
   VOL.  T.                 2 H 
■234   REVOLUTIONARY II HI OftY, 1775—'1783.
beating high  in  every breast, could not brook  the
idea ; while reason, more temperate in her decisions,
suggested to the people their insufficiency to  make
effectual opposition.  They were fully apprised of the
power of Britain—they knew that her fleets covered
the ocean, and  that her flag  had waved in triumph
through the four quarters of the globe.—They knew
that they were exposed on their western frontiers to
the irruptions of savage tribes,  whose common rule
of Avarfare is promiscuous carnage—and they were
not ignorant that their slaves might be worked  up-
on,  by the insidious  offer of freedom, to  slay their
 masters in the peaceful  hour of domestic security.
The  province, thrbugh its Avhole extent on the sea
 coast, Avhich  is nearly two hundred miles, Avas ac-
 cessible  to the fleets and armies of Great-Britain.
 For  defence it possessed but a  few fortifications,
 too  inconsiderable  for particular notice,  and  even
 these  were held by the officers  of  the  king.  The
 royal governor was commander in chief of the  mili-
 tia ; and all the officers,  being of his appointment,
 held their commissions during his pleasure.  The in-
 habitants were quite defenceless—without arms—
   'thout  ammunition—without  clothing—without
 atiips—without  money—without officers  skilled in
 the art of war.  The stores of the merchants afforded
 no supplies,  as the  importation of arms had been
 restrained by the resolutions  of congress.   That
 Great-Britain would commence  hostilities, was not
 imagined—that America should  have recourse to
 arms was not originally intended.  Twelve hundred
 Stand  of  muskett were in the royal magazine, but 
            INTRODUCTORY  EVENTS.       .  235

they could not be obtained without the commission
of an OA-ert act of treason.  However, this alarming
crisis of public affairs stripped treason of its wonted
terrors.—All  statutes  of allegiance were  considered
as repealed on the plains of Lexington, and the laAvs
of self-preservation  left to operate  in full force.—
Accordingly, on the  night after intelligence of actual
hostilities was received, a number of the principal
gentlemen  in Charlestown concerted a plan  to take
possession  of the arms and accoutrements  in the roy-
al arsenal  which they instantly carried  into execu-
tion.   They removed them that night from  the ar-
senal,  and afterwards  distributed  them among the
men enlisted in  the  public service.   Lieutenant-go-
vernor Bull immediately offered a reward, of one hun-
dred pounds sterling, to any person Avho should dis-
cover the  persons concerned in this business ; but
such as had the  power had not the inclination, while
the few who had the inclination were afraid to incur
the risk of informing.
   Hitherto the opposition to Great-Britain had been
entirely conducted on commercial principles ;  but as
she  turned a  deaf ear  to  the petitions and  remon-
strances of the colonists, and  resolved  to  enforce
their obedience, they now found themselves w ith no
alternative left  but  a mean submission or a manly
and  virtuous  resistance.'  Though  the colonists to
the southward of Boston  were not immediate suffer-
ers,  yet they  were  sensible  that a foundation was
laid  tor every species   ot  future  oppression.  The
news-papers and other  publications, through all the
colonies,  were filled with arguments  and declama-
tions to the following effect:  " It  a british  parlia- 
236  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1783.

ment, in which we are unrepresented,  has a right to
shut up our ports, to tax us at pleasure, to abolish
our charters, and to bind us in all cases whatsoever,
we are tenants at will depending on  the good  hu-
mor of our fellow-subjects for all our possesions."
   In this neAv state  of matters,  the provincial con-
gress  was immediately  summoned  by the general
committee to meet in twenty-three days at Charles-
town.
   So great was the zeal of the inhabitants,  and so
general the alarm throughout  the province, that one
hundred and seventy two members  met on the  day
appointed ; and proceeded  with such  assiduity,  that
they finished  a great deal of important business in a
short session  of  twenty-two days.   Great were the
 objects which came before  this assembly.  Hitherto
 the only sacrifices demanded at the  shrine of liberty,
 AAere  a suspension of trade and business;  but  now
 the important question  was agitated,  whether it was
 better to " live slaves or die freemen."
   On the second day of their meeting it was unani-
 mously resolved,  that an association was necessary.
 The following one was drawn up and signed by their
 president Henry Laurens, and all the  members  pre-
 sent;  and afterwards very  generally by the  inhabi-
 tants.   It was also offered to lieutenant-governor
William Bull w ho was a native of the  province, and
had a large estate in  it; but he refused to add his
name.
   " The actual commencement of hostilities against
this cqntinent by the british  troops,  in the bloody
scene  on the 19th of April last, near Boston—the in-
crease of  arbitrary  impositions from  a wicked and 
INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         237
despotic ministry—and the dread of insurrections in
the colonies—are causes sufficient to drive an  op-
pressed people to the use of arms.   We,  therefore,
the subscribers, inhabitants of South-Carolina, hold-
ing ourselves bound  by that most sacred of all obli-
gations—the  duty of good  citizens  towards an in-
jured country, and thoroughly convinced that,  under
our present distressed circumstances,  we shall be
justified before God and man  in resisting force by
force—do unite ourselves under every tie  of religion
and honor, and associate as a  band in her defence
against  every foe—hereby  solemnly  engaging that,
whenever  our continental or provincial councils shall
decree it necessary, we Avill  go forth and be ready to
sacrifice our lives and fortunes to secure her freedom
 and safety.  This obligation to continue in full force
 until a reconciliation shall take  place betAveen Great-
 Britain and America,  upon constitutional principles
 __an  event which we most ardently desire.  And we
 will hold  all those persons* inimical to the liberty of
 the colonies who shall refuse  to subscribe this as-
 sociation."
    Within three days after  it was  resolved to raise
 two regiments of foot, and a  regiment of rangers,
 and to put the town and  province in a respectable
 posture of defence.   These resolutions were delibe-
 rately agreed to,  after counting the cost.   The lan-
 guage of the times was, " we will freely give up half,
 or even the whole of our estates for the  security of
 our liberties."  To defray these expenses  bills of cre-
 dit were  struck, which, Avithout being a tender in
 law and though funded on nothing but the consent
 and enthusiasm of the people, retained  their credit 
*38  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.

undiminished  for eighteen months,  and answered
everv purpose of a circulating medium.
  So great Avas  the  military ardor among the gen-
tlemen of the province, that the candidates for com-
missions in the proposed regiments were four time*
as numerous as could be employed; and in their num-
ber were many of the first families and fortune.   In
making a selection among the numerous candidates
that offered, care Avas taken to choose men ol influ-
ence, decision, and spirit, residing in different parts
of the province so as to unite all its energi-s in the
common cause.   Four or five had the recommenda-
tion of having served in the war of 175b,  but the
other candidates were preferred solely on the ground
of their possessing  the natural qualifications requi-
 site for making good  officers  in addition  to their
 holding an  influential rank  among  their fellow  ci-
 tizens.                                      .
    In this manner, in a feAv  weeks after the  Lexing-
 ton battle, the  popular leaders  became possessed  of
 an army and treasury at their command.   '1 he mili-
 tia  officers also, having resigned their commissions
 under the royal governor, were, by their own consent,
 subjected to the orders of the  provincial  congress.
 The following gentlemen were chosen  a council  of
 safety : Henry  Laurens, Charles Finckney, Rawlins
 Lowndes, Thomas Ferguson,  Allies Brewton, Ar-
 thur Middleton, 1 nomas Heyward, junior, Thomas
 Bee John Huger,  James Parsons, William Henry
 Drayton, Benjamin Elliott, and William Williamson
 To this  council the provincial  congress  delegated
 authority to certify commissions*,to suspend officers,

   * This phraseology was used as a defence against the charge 
INTRODUCTORY  EVENTS.         239
and to order  courts-martial for their trial; to have
the direction,  regulation, maintenance, and ordering
of the army ;  and of  all military  establishments and
arrangements, and to draw on the  treasury for the
demands of the public service.
   During the sitting of this congress, Avhich had in
so  many instances invaded  the  royal prerogative,
lord  v'v illiam  Campbell, governor of the province,
arrived  and  was received wiih  all  the demonstra-
tions of joy  usual on  similar occasions.   The pro-
vincial congress  waited on hiin with an address, in
which they  observed :  " We declare that no love of
innovation,  no desire of altering  the constitution of
government,  no  lust ot  independence, has had  the
least influence upon our counsels ; but alarmed  and
roused by along succession of arbitrary proceedings
by w icked administrations, impressed with the great-
est  apprehension  of  instigated  insurrections,  and
deeply affected by the commencement of hostilities
by the british troops  against this continent, solely
for the preservation and in defence  of our lives, li-
berties,  and properties, we have been impelled to as-
sociate and to take up arms.
   " We only desire the secure enjoyment of our in-
valuable rights,  and we wish for nothing more ar-

of treason and rebellion.  They did not  grant commissions, but
barely certified  that such had been granted by the provincial
congress.  At this period they, and other popular  leaders,  con-
sidered themselves as acting Avith ropes about their necks ; and
well knew that want of success Avould  make that a rebellion,
which otherwise might be  a revolution.  They  all knew the
consequences of the battle at Culloden: 
240  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775—1783.

dently than a speedy reconciliation with our mother-
countrv, upon constitutional principles.
   " Conscious of the justice of our cause, and the
integrity of our views, we readily profess our loyal
attachment to our sovereign, his crown and dignity ;
and,  trusting the event  to  providence,  we  prefer
death to slavery.
   " These things we have thought it our duty to de-
clare that your  excellency, and  through you our
august sovereign, our fellow-subjects, and the whole
world, may clearly understand that our  taking up
arms is the result of dire necessity  and  in compli-
ance Avith the first law of nature.
   " We intreat and trust, that your excellency will
make such a representation of the state of this colo-
ny, and of our  true motives,  as to assure his ma-
jesty ; that in the midst of all our complicated dis-
tresses, he has no subjects in his wide extended do-
minions who  more  sincerely desire to testify their
loyalty and affection or who would  be more willing
to  devote  their lives  and  fortunes in his real ser-
vice.
   To  this address lord William Campbell answer-
ed, that he knew of  no representatives of the people
of this province except those constitutionally con-
vened in the general assembly;  and  was incompe-
tent to judge of the disputes which at present unhap-
pily subsisted between  Great-Britain  and the ame-
rican colonies; and  that  no  representation should
ever be made by him but what was strictly consistent
with truth and vvith an earnest endeavor to promote
the real happiness and prosperity of the province. 
INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.        241
   Opposition having been carried much further by
this congress than was originally intended at the time
of their election, they resolved to give the  people  a
fresh  opportunity to express their unbiassed judg-
ment on the state of public affairs.   They therefore
determined,  that  their  own  existence  as a  body
should expire on the 6th  of August following • and
that a new election should he held on the two suc-
ceeding days for a new provincial congress.  On the
22d of June 1775 they adjourned, having first de-
legated a great part of their authority  to the council
of safety and the general committee;  the former of
which w as in the nature of an executive, and the lat-
ter of a legislative  authority.   It  was particularly
recommended to the general committee  to take ef-
fectual  methods to  have  the  association  signed
throughout  the  province, and to demand from Lie
non-subscribers the  reasons of their refusal..  . Fx-
cepting in that part of the country included betw een
the  Broad  and  Saluda rivers,  the non-subscribers
were comparatively  feAv.  In Charlestown,  where
the general  committee sat, their number amounted
to about forty.  The greatest part of these were of-
ficers,Jiving on salaries, paid by his britannic  majes-
ty.  They and others in the same predicament were
advertised as inimical to the liberties of America, and
all intercourse betAveen them and the associators was
interdicted.   An oath of neutrality Avas required of
all, to which some agreed.  Those who refused were
disarmed; and a few, who would not  enter into any
engagements for the public security, were confined to
their  houses and  plantations.
   vol.  i.              2  I 
242   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.

   The people having  concurred Avith the views of
congress in a military opposition, various plans were
suggested  for the defence of the province.   Some
thought it  necessary to obstruct the bar, by  sinking
vessels  so as to  exclude the  approach of ships of
war.   Others proposed abandoning the  town,  and
making their stand in the  country.   Many measure-
ments Avere  made and much  expense incurred to
accomplish the first, but it was at last abandoned as
impracticable.   Nevertheless, a spirited  resolution
was  adopted  to defend  the town  to the last ex-
tremity.
   At the time all these military preparations were
 making, the Avhole  quantity of powder in the pro-
 vince did  not exceed three thousand pounds.   The
 people not originally designing a military opposition,
 no care was taken to provide stores; but now, re-
 duced to  the alternative of fighting or submitting,
 extraordinary methods were taken to obtain a sup-
 Ply-
   Twelve persons, authorised by the council of safe-
 ty, sailed from Charlestow n, and by surprise board-
 ed a  vessel near the bar of St. Augustine,  though
 twelve british grenadiers  were on board.   They took
out fifteen thousand pounds of powder,  for  which
they gave a bill  of exchange  to the captain, and ha-
vin» secured a safe retreat to  themselves, by spiking
the guns of the powder vessel, set sail for Carolina.
Apprehending that they  should  be pursued,  they
steered for Beaufort.   From  that  place they came
by the inland navigation, and delivered their prize to
the council of safety, whilst their pursuers were look-
ing for them at the bar of Charlestown.   This sea- 
            INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         243

sonable.supply enabled the people of South-Caro-
lina to oblige their suffering brethren  in  Massachu-
setts ;  who, though immediately  exposed  to the
british army,  were in a  great measure destitute of
that  necessary  article of defence.   Though the po-
pular leaders  had determined on a military opposi-
tion, yet fort Johnson on James island, which com-
manded  the harbor of Charlestown,  continued in
possession of the king's servants for more than three
months after these resolutions were adopted.   The
Tamar sloop of Avar, and Cherokee armed vessel of
eighteen  guns, belonging to his britannic majesty, lay
in Rebellion road opposite to Sullivan's island ; but
the royal officers, either from an apprehension that
indiscriminate  violence could  not be justified, or
from a contempt of the popular party, attempted no-
thing vigorous or decisive.
   About the middle of September 1775, the gene-
ral committee  became  possessed of intelligence, ob-
tained by artifice, directly from lord William Camp-
bell, " that troops would soon be sent out to all the
colonies."   On the next evening it  was resolved,
" that proper  measures ought to be immediately ta-
ken to prevent fort Johnson being made use of to the
prejudice of the  colony."   Colonel  Motte,  with a
party of  the new raised provincials, w as appointed to
execute this first military enterprise under the au-
thority of the council of  safety.   Before he landed
on the island the  fort was dismantled, the guns dis-
mounted, and  the people  belonging to it  retired on
board the Cherokee and  Tamar.   On the follow-
ing night captain Heyward, with thirty-five of the 
244   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
CharlestOAvn artillery, landed at the fort;  and not-
withstanding an incessant rain,  they had imte guns
ready  for action before the  dawning  of day.  The
officers of the men of war, then in the harbor, dis-
covered a strong inclination to fire upon the fort;
but, for prudent reasons, desisted from  the attempt.
   The popular leaders issued orders forbidding the
 king's victuallers to supply the  men of war with pro-
 visions and water, otherwise than from day to day.
 Atter sundry letters and messages had passed on this
 subject, captain Thornborough, of the sloop Tamar,
 gave public notice,  " that if his majesty's agents  in
 Charlestown were not permitted regularly, and with-
 out molestation, to  supply the king's ships, Tamar
  and  Cherokee, with such provisions as  he thought
  necessary to  demand, he would not from that day,
  so tar as  it w as in  his power, suffer any vessel to  en-
  ter the harbor of Charlestown, or depart from it."
     The new  provincial congress met,  agreeably to
   their original appointment, on the  1st of  November
   17?5.   On that day, captain Thornborough sent his
   menacing letter to  the chairman of the general  com-
   mittee.   This congress had been chosen subsequent
   to the late resolution for raising troops, and resisting
   Great-Britain.  The  royal servants presumed that
   the people at large would not justify these invasions
   of their master's prerogative; and, as they had  late-
   ly had an opportunity given  by a  general and free
   election to express their real opinions on the state
   of the province, that the new  congress would reverse
   the determinations of the former.  To the great  sur-
   prise of the  king's officers the new provincial con-
   fess, instead of receding from the resolutions of their 
            INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.         245

predecessors, took methods to  Avard off the injuries
that might arise from the execution of the menaces
ol captain Thornborough.  They sent out two arm-
ed pilot boats with orders to cruise near the bar, and
to caution all  vessels destined for Charlestown to
steer for some other port.
  The late congress in June had  agreed to arm the
colony ;  but  many still shuddered at the idea of hos-
tile operations against their former  friends and lellow-
subjects.  It was at length,  after much debating,
resolved  by the new congress, ontheyth of Novem-
ber  1775, to direct  the american  officer command-
ing at fort Johnson,  " by every military operation to
endeavor to  oppose the passage of any british na-
val armaneni that might attempt  to pass."  Though
the  tort  had  been in the possession of the council of
saety for near  two months, yet a  variety of motives
restrained them from issuing orders  to fire on  the
king's  ships.   When this resolution was adopted,
they communicated  it  to captain Thornborough,
commander of the Tamar sloop of war.
   An open passage to the tOAvn, Avithout approach-
ing fort Johnson, was still practicable for the small
royal armed vessels  Tamar and Cherokee.   It Avas
therefore, at the same time, resolved to obstruct  the
passage  through  Hog-Island   channel.    Captain
Tufts Avas ordered to cover  and protect the sinking
of a number  of hulks in that narroAv strait.   While
he was  engaged  in this business  on board a coast-
ing schooner, which wa£ armed for the security of
the  town and called the Defence, the Tamar and
Cherokee vvarped in the  night of November  12,
1775, within  gun shot of  him and began a heavy 
246   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775__IJS.'v
cannonade.   The inhabitants were alarmed, expect-
ing that the town, in its defenceless state, Avould be
fired upon ; but about sunrise both vessels dropped
down to their moorings in Rebellion road,  without
having done any material injury either  to the schoo-
ner or to any of her crew.  The schooner  Defence
returned a few shot, but they Avere equally ineffectu-
al.   This  was the commencement of  hostilities in
South-Carolina.
   On  the evening of the same  day, on  which this
attack  was  made, the provincial congress  impressed
for the public service the ship  Prosper; and ap-
pointed a committee to fit and arm her as a frigate
of Avar.  On the day following they  voted that a
regiment of artillery should be raised,  to consist of
three companies with one hundred men in each.  A
vote was taken about the  same time tor a new coun-
cil of  safety.  Ten of the former thirteen  were re-
elected, and  Henry Middleton, David Oliphant, and
Thomas Savage, added in the room of three others.
Their  powers were  enlarged so  far  as to authorise
them " to do all such matters and things relative to
the strengthening, securing, and defending the colo-
ny as should by them be judged expedient and  ne-
cessary."
   Agreeably to  the  menaces  of captain Thornbo-
rough, the king's ships in  the road seized all the ves-
sels within their reach which were either  coming to
Charlestown or going from it.  These seizures com-
menced several weeks prior to the  act of parliament
for confiscating american property.
   After these unauthorised seizures  of private pro-
 perty  had been continued about six weeks, the coun- 
INTRODUCTORY EVENTS.          247
cil of safety took measures to drive the royal armed
yessels out  of the road of Charlestown*.   Colonel
Moultrie, with a party, took possession of Haddrells
point and mounted a few pieces  of heavy artillery
on  some slight works.   A few well directed shot
from this post induced the commanders of the Che-
rokee and Tamar  to put out  to  sea.   Fhe harbor
and road being clear, the  council of safety proceed-
ed  in their plans of  defence.   They completed  the
fortifications  at Haddrell's point,  and at fort John-
son—continued a  chain of fortifications in front of
the town, both to the eastward and southward—and
erected a  new fort  on James island  to  the  west-
ward of fort Johnson, and a very strong one on Sul-
livan's island.  The militia were diligently trained ;
the provincial troops were disciplined, and every pre-
 paration made to  defend the colony.
   In addition to the four regiments ordered  to  be
 raised in the year 1775,  two regiments of riflemen
 were voted in February 1776.

   * An opinion generally prevailed that these small royal arm-
 ed vessels could at any time destroy Charlestown by firing into
 it.   As often as they bent their sails, an 'alarm was communi-
 cated that they were about to commence a bombardment.  The
 inhabitants were for several months  kept in  daily painful ex-
 pectation of such an event. 
248   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
                 SECTION II.

Of the extinction of royal authority, and of the
                     royalists.

Ihe legal  representatives  met twice in the consti-
tutional assembly, after the general meeting of the in-
habitants on July 6', 1774. In their first session, alter
that event, it  was privately determined to give the
sanction of their branch of the legislature to the reso-
lutions adopted by the inhabitants atthcir late conven-
tion, though they were well aware that any vote for that
purpose would induce the royal governor to exert his
prerogative  for their dissolution.   After finishing the
necessary public business, the speaker of  the house.
summoned  a meeting  of the members at a very ear-
ly hour.  A motion, previously prepared, was read
and agreed  to without any debate;  which gave the
sanction of  the assembly to the resolutions adopted
by the  people  at their late general meeting in July.
The same words were used by the people in their
general meeting, and by  the legal representatives in
the constitutional  assembly;  and the same persons
were members of both bodies.  Lieutenant-governor
Bull endeavored to dissolve them while they were
ratifying this resolution, but  the business  was com-
pleted before a council could be convened.
   His  majesty's justices  made their last  circuit in
the spring of 1775.   On this occasion William Hen-
ry Dravton,  one of the a^si^tant iudges, and the only-
one Avho aa as born in America, in  his charge to the 
         EXTINCTION OF  ROYAL AUTHORITY.  £4Q

  grand-jury  inculcated  the  same sentiments which
  were patronized by the popular leaders.   Soon after,
  he was elected president ot the provincial congress,
  and devoted his great abilities with uncommon zeal
  to the support of the  measures  adopted  by  his
  native  country.   Before  the next  circuit his  col-
  leagues, having refused to sign the association, were
  disarmed and advertised as inimical to the liberties
  of America.   Not long after he was appointed chief
 justice by the voice of his  country.
    Throughout the year 1775, and the first months
 of the year  1776,  the popular assemblies by words
 avowed their allegiance to the king of Great-Bri-
 tain.   Even while they Avere arming themselves they
 endeavored to reconcile this conduct  with their al-
 legiance, alleging it was only in self-defence  against
 ministerial tyranny and not  for purposes hosile to
 the king of Great-Britain.  After the provincial con-
 gress had raised regular troops  lord William Camp-
 bell  gave commissions  to the officers  of volunteer
 companies of militia, which were formed and trained
 on the recommendation  of the popular leaders. His
 lordship also convened an assembly, and transacted
 public business with officers  in  the  new provincial
 regiments who were also  members of  the constitu-
 tional  legislature; but he dissolved them on the 15th
 of  September 1775,  and  never  afterwards  issued
 Avrits for a new election.   For three months after his
 arrival he was unmolested,  though  indefatigable in
 secretly  fomenting opposition to  the popular  mea-
 sures.   About  the  middle of  September captain
Adam M'Donald had the address to get himself in-
troduced to his lordship under the feigned  name  of
  vol.  r.             2 K 
 250   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__1783.

 Dick  Williams,  a supposed confidential messenger
 from the back country royalists to the governor.  In
 this assumed character he was informed that his lord-
 ship had, on the day before, received  a letter from
 the king of Great-Britain; setting forth, " that his
 majesty was determined speedily to send out troops
 to execute his schemes from one end of the conti-
 nent to the other."  With a view of encouraging the
 royalists,  the governor  gave an exaggerated  ac-
 count of the pOAver of Britain and of  her  fixed re-
 solution to compel the submission of  America.   He
 interspersed his  discourse  with  the severest reflec-
 tions on the new-fangled congresses and committees.
 This conversation being speedily reported to the gen-
 eral committee  they sent  a deputation from their
 body, of Avhich  captain M' Donald was  one, to de-
 mand a communication of his  lordship's  late  dis-
 patches from England and a perusal of his corres*-
 pondence  with the back country.   All these requisi-
 tions being peremptorily  refused, it  was moved in
 the committee to take  the  governor  into immediate
 custody; but the proposition was rejected by a con-
 siderable majority.  His lordship,  mortified at the
 deception which  had  been passed upon  him  and
 distrustful of his personal safety in Charlestow n, took
 the province seal  with him,  and retired on board the
 Tamar sloop of war.  In about a fortnight after, the
 o-eneral committee sent a deputation from their body
 with an address, inviting his return to Charlestown;
 in which  they assured him,  that while, agreeably to
 his own repeated declarations, he should take no ac-
 tive part  against the good people of the  colony, in
the present  arduous struggle tor the preservation of 
       EXTINCTION  OF ROYAL AUTHORITY.   251

their  liberties, they  should,  to the  utmost of their
pouer, secure to his excellency that  safety and res-
pect for his person and character which the inhabi-
tants of Carolina had ever w ished to  show to the re-
presentative of their sovereign.   But his lordship
thought it most prudent to continue  on board.
   Legislative,  executive,  and judicial poAvers Avere
insensibly transferred from their usual channels to a
provincial congress,  council of safety, and subordi-
nate committees.  The inhabitants, generally alarm-
ed for their liberties, took sundry steps for their pre-
servation.   From  their  own  impulse they met and
chose their representatives in committees and con-
gresses.   The power of these bodies  was undefined ;
but by common consent it w as comprised  in the old
roman  maxim: " To take care that the common-
wealth should receive no damage."   The ardor  of
the  people,  and  their  jealousy of the  designs  of
Great-Britain,  gave  the force ot laws to their deter-
minations.  The voice of an  approving country gave
efficacy to the proceedings ol the committees.  Ihey
supported the provincial congress; which,  in its turn,
gave an active energy to the  resolutions of the con-
tinental congress.
   In this manner, without annihilating  the forms of
the ancient  regal constitution,  a  new  government
was in a  short time introduced by the general con-
sent of the people.
  Though this  new establishment was effected by
the voice of a great majority—great  in number, and
in weight  and in influence greater still; yet, it was
not wholly without opposition.  Among the inhabit-
ants of the back country, which had  not been settled 
252   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1773-^1783.

more than twenty years, many were uninformed  or
misinformed.   In some neighborhoods  their affec-
tions Avere estranged from each other by local hosti-
lities and party divisions; which, a few years before,
had  been urged to the extremes of reciprocal hatred
and  violence,  as has been related.
   There were also  among them a considerable num-
ber who had settled on lands granted by the bounty
of government.   These had brought from  Europe
the  monarchical ideas of  their holding their posses-
sions at the king's pleasure.   They were therefore
easily made to believe, that the immediate loss of
their freeholds would be the probable consequence
Of their acceding to the american measures.
   Among a people who had so many reasons to love
 and fear their king, and ay ho Avere  happy  under his
 government, it was no difficult matter lor lord Wil-
 liam Campbell to  gain votaries to support the royal
 interest.
   His lordship was unremitting in his endeavors to
 persuade these  uninformed  back settlers,  that  the
 power of Britain could never  be effectually resisted
 by"the feeble american  colonies—That the  whole
 dispute  was about a  trifling  tax  on tea which, as
they were not in the general habit of using, could not
to them be interesting.  It was frequently insinuated
that the gentlemen  on the sea coast,  in order to  ob-
tain their tea  tree from tax,  were adopting measures
which would involve the back country in the want of
salt  and imported necessaries; and that the expen-
ses of the new raised regiments would be  infinitely
more than the trifling taxes imposed by the british
parliament.. 
       EXTINCTION OF ROYAL AUTHORITY.    258

  The people  generally  felt themselves  secure in
their persons and property.  It was therefore easy
to offer arguments against renouncing  present com-
forts, to ward off future evils.   The popular leaders
could  rfot urge the inhabitants to the dangers and
expenses of war, otherwise than on speculation to
prevent  the  more alarming  consequences  which
would  probably take  place at a future time, if  the
proceedings of  the british parliament, against Bos-
ton and the province of Massachusetts, were suffer-
ed to pass into  precedent.   Distant evils weigh so
little in the estimation of the multitude, that great
scope was given to those who wished to head a party
for submitting to the demands of Great-Britain.
  Though there were  some royalists in every part of
the province the only settlement in which they out-
numbered the friends of congress, was in the fork be-
tween  Broad and Saluda rivers.  When it was deter-
mined  to raise troops, the inhabitants  of that part of
the province could not be persuaded that the measure
was necessary.   Feeling themselves happy and free
from present oppression they were averse from be-
lieving that any designs, inimical to american liber-
ty, had been adopted by the british government.  In-
stead of  signing the association they signed  papers,
at their general  musters,  declaring their unwilling-
ness to concur  in  the  measures  recommended by'
congress.   The council of safety sent William Hen-
ry Drayton, and William Tennent, into their settle-
ment, to explain to them  the nature of the  dispute
and to bring them  over to a co-operation with  the
other inhabitants.   They had several public meet-
ings, and  much eloquence was exerted to induce 
254  revoiutionary history, 1775__1783.

them to sign the association.  Some were convinced
and subscribed that bond of union ;  but the greater
number could not be persuaded that there was any
necessity  for congresses,  committees,  or a military
establishment.   Suspicion began to exert her mis-
chievous  influence.   The friends of the old govern-
ment doubted the authenticity of all  pamphlets, and
newspapers, which ascribed to the british troops in
Boston, or  to the british government,  any designs
injurious  to the  rights of  the  colonists.   They be-
lieved the whole to be an imposition.   The friends
of congress suspected the leading men of the royal-
ists to be  in the pay of governor Campbell.  Reports
were circulated by one party,  that a plan was laid
to seize  the commissioners sent by the  council of
safety; by  the other,  that the third provincial regi-
ment was brought up to compel the inhabitants to
 sign the association.  Motives and designs were  re-
 ciprocally attributed to each  other of the most un-
 generous nature  and  mischievous tendency.  The
royalists embodied for reasons similar to those which
had induced the other  inhabitants to arm themselves
against Great-Britain.  They suspected their adver-
saries  of an intention to dragoon them into a compli-
ance w ith the measures of congress;  and they,  in
their turn, were suspected of a design to commence
hostilities against the associators  tor disturbing the
established royal government.   Camps were tormed
in opposition to each other, and great pains were
taken to increase their  respective numbers.  Mode-
rate men  employed  their good offices to prevent
bloodshed.   After some  days, the leaders on both
sides met in conference.  Several explications having 
        EXTINCTION OF ROYAL AUTHORITY.    255

 taken place a treaty was  reciprocally agreed to; by
 which it was stipulated, that the royalists should re-
 main  in a state of neutrality.   Both parties retired
 to  their homes, and a temporary  calm succeeded.
 Mr. Robert Cunningham, who had been a principal
 leader among the royalists, continued to encourage
 opposition to the popular measures;  and declared
 that he did not  consider himself as bound by  the
 treaty.  This  declaration was construed as an evi-
 dence of  a fixed intention  to disturb the peace, by
 another insurrection.   To prevent  any  thing of that
 kind  he was  apprehended, brought to town,  and
 committed to gaol.   Patrick Cunningham instantly
 armed a party of his friends, and pursued with  the
 expectation of rescuing his brother.  The party col-
 lected on this occasion seized a thousand pounds of
 powder, which was at that juncture passing through
 their settlement.  This Avas public property, and had
 been sent by the council of safety as a present to the
 cherokee indians.   To inflame the minds of the peo-
 ple, some designing men among the royalists propa-
 gated  a report that the powder Avas sent to the in-
 dians  accompanied  with  instructions to  kill every
 man who should refuse to sign the association.  1 his
 charge, entirely false  in itself,  Avas not believed by
 any of the well-informed inhabitants ;  nevertheless
it answered the purposes of party among  some of
the ignorant multitude.  Great pains were also taken
to exasperate the inhabitants against the council of
safety, for furnishing the  indians with poAvder at a
time when the white  people could  not  be supplied
with that necessary article. 
25G REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  177J--1783.

   Major Williamson, Avho commanded the  militia
in favor of congress,  went  in  quest  of  the  p-irty
which had taken the public powder,  but  was  soon
obliged to retreat before their superior numbers.
The royalists, irritated  by the capture of Cunning-
ham, and flushed with success in seizing the powder,
were at this time more  numerous than at any other
period.   Major Williamson was reduced to the ne-
cessity of retreating into a stockade fort, in which he
and his party were confined without any  water, till
after three days by digging  they obtained a scanty
supply.  The royalists possessed themselves of the
gaol of Ninety-Six and from that station fired into
the fort, but  very  little  execution was done.  Af-
ter some days the assailants hoisted a flag, and pro-
posed a truce.  Reciprocal permission was given to
forward expresses from the royalists to the governor,
and from major Williamson  to the council of safety.
Both parties once more dispersed,  and  retired to
their homes.
   Domestic  division at this time was particularly to
be dreaded.   An  invasion from Great-Lritain wag
soon expected.   A british fleet and army  in front,
and disaffected  inhabitants in rear, threatened de-
struction to the friends  of congress.  Lord  William
Campbell had uniformly recommended to the royal-
ists to remain quiet till  the arrival of a british force.
This advice, so well calculated to distract  the  views
of the popular leaders, had been providentially lrus-
trated.  Similar reasons ot poiicy, to those which in-
duced the royal  governor to recommend  inaction to
the royalists,  operated with the council of safety to
crush their intestine foes before that force should 
      EXTINCTION OF ROYAL AUTHORITY.    257
arrive.   It was therefore judged necessary, for the
public safety, to march an army into  their settle-
ments before that event should take  place.  To re-
move prejudices, a declaration was circulated through-
out their settlements stating the views and designs of
congress—the necessity  of  the  measures  they had
adopted, and the wisdom and policy of co-operating
with them in defence of their common country.
   The provincial  congress enforced their measures
with  an  army  sufficiently  numerous to intimidate
opposition.   They sent a large body of militia and
new raised regulars, under the command of colonels
Richardson  and Thomson.   They Avere also joined
by nine hundred men from  North-Carolina.   In a
little time congress had an army of two or  three
thousand men uneler their direction, with instructions
" to apprehend  the leaders  of the party which had
seized the powder, and to do all other things neces-
sary to suppress the present and prevent  future in-
surrections."  Colonel Richardson proceeded in the
execution of these orders with great moderation and
propriety.    A demand was made that the persons
who had seized  the powder should be delivered up
to the justice of their  country.   Assurances were
publicly given that no injury should be done to inof-
fensive persons,  who  would remain quietly on their
plantations.  The leaders of the royalists found great
difficulty in persuading their followers  to  embody.
They were  cut off from all  communication Avith
governor  Campbell.  Unconnected  with  their bre-
thren, in other parts, there Avas no union in their
   vol.  i.               2 L 
458   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
measures.  They Avere ' a rope of sand'  without or-
der and subordination, and without that enthusiasm
which inspired the friends of congress.  Their lea-
ders  Avere destitute of political knoAvledge and with-
out military  experience.   The  unanimity of the
whigs, and the great numbers which, from all sides,
 invaded the settlements of the royalists, disheartened
 them from facing their adversaries in the field of bat-
 tle.  They saw resistance to be  vain, and  that the
 new government had much greater energy than they
 had supposed.  The whigs acted by system, and in
 concert  with their  brethren in  the adjacent states,
 and were directed by a council  of safety composed
 of the wisest men in the province.   They easily car-
 ried every point—seized the leader* of the royalists,
  and dispersed their followers.   This  decided supe-
  riority gave confidence to the  popular leaders, and
  greatly strengthened their hands.   The vanquished
  royalists retired  to their plantations ;  but  on  all oc-
  casions discovered as much obstinacy  in opposing
  their countrymen,  as their countrymen did firmness
  in opposing Great-Britain.  Several of them, and of
  others who were averse from fighting, retired over
  the mountains,  where, remote from  the  noise and
  bustle of war, they enjoyed that independence_for
  which so many were contending.  In the year 1778
  when every inhabitant was called  on to take an oath
  of allegiance to  the state,  many of them voluntarily
  abandoned their country for  East-Florida.   In the
  same year, when the alliance  between 1 ranee and
  the United States of America was published, others
  of  them nominally joined the  congress.  After the
r 
       EXTINCTION  OF ROYAL AUTHORITY.  25?
reduction of Savannah, a considerable party rose a
second time in favor of royal government; but they
were completely routed on their way to the british
encampments in Georgia.  They afterwards remain-
ed quiet till the british obtained possession of Charles-
town.
   Excepting these ill-concerted insurrections  no
public body in the province, prior to the british con-
quests in the  year 1780, gave  avowed  evidence of
their disapprobation of the popular measures.  Seve-
ral in private,  no doubt, complained ; but they con-
tented themselves with secret murmurings.   The
number of slaves Avithin the province, and of indians
on its Avestern frontier, together, with the large ex-
tent of unprotected sea-coast, were,  in the opinion
of some  worthy  men,  insuperable obstacles  to suc-
cess  in  contending with Great-Britain.   Several,
influenced by reasoning of this sort, Avould rather
have tamely submitted to the encroachments of the
mother country  than  risked the vengeance  of her
arms.
  The selfish, among the merchants and planters
whose gains Avere lessened by the cessation of trade,
wished for the return of business ;   but the  main
body of  both  classes most heartily  concurred with
the  popular  measures.  A great majority of  the
people determined  to  sacrifice ease, pleasure, and
fortune;  and to risk life itself,  to obtain permanent
security for american rights.   They  believed their
liberties to be  in  danger.   Roused Avith this  appre-
hension, they Avere animated to the most  self-denying
exertions.   Beside  their  superiority in  numbers, 
260   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1783.
there Avas an animation  in  the friends  of  Congress
which Avas  generally Avanting in  the advocates for
royal government.   Men of ardor for the  most part
sided Avith  the former;  but the latter Avere chiefly
composed of the ignorant, the selfish, and  the timid.
Vigorous decisive measures characterized  the popu-
lar party; while their opposers  either acted without
system,  or  from timid counsels which were  feebly
executed.
   No  revolution  was ever  effected  with greater
 unanimity,  or with more order and regularity.  The
 leading men in every part of the province,  w ith very
 few exceptions, from the first moments of the con-
 test,  exerted themselves in the cause of their coun-
 try.   Their abilities and influence gave union and
 system to the proceedings of  the  people.   A  few
  persons in the colony hated republican governments;
  and  some ignorant people were induced to believe
  that the whole was an artful deception, imposed up-
  on them for interested  purposes, by the  gentlemen
  of fortune and ambition on  the  sea coast.   But
  among the independent enlightened freemen of the
  province,  who loved liberty and had spirit to risk
  life and fortune in its support, there were very few
  to  be found Avho took part with the royalists. 
INDEPENDENT CONSTITUTION.     26)
                 SECTION  III.

  Of the formation  of a regular Constitution.

 X  ill the year 1776 the  opposition to Great Bri-
tain was conducted  on such  temporary principles,
that tfie  repeal of a  feAv acts of parliament would
have immediately produced a reinstatement  of bri-
tish  government—a  dissolution of the american ar-
my—and a recommencement  of the mercantile in-
tercourse between the two countries.    The  refusal
of Great-Britain to redress the grievances of the co-
lonies, suggested to  some bold spirits early in 1776
the  necessity of going  much greater lengths  than
Avas originally intended.
  A few penetrating  minds foresaw that the  love of
dominion in the parent state, and the unconquerable
love of liberty in America, would for ever obstruct a
cordial reconciliation ;  but the bulk of the  people
still flattered themselves  with the fond  hopes  of a
re-union.
   Public affairs were in confusion for  Avant  of a
regular constitution.    The impropriety of holding
courts of justice  under the authority of a  soA'ereign'
against whom  all the colony was in arms, struck
every thinking person.  The impossibility of govern-
ing a large community by the ties of honor, Avithout
the  authority of laAv, Avas equally  apparent.   But
 notwithstanding the  pressing weight of all these con-
siderations, the formation of an independent consti-
 tution had  so  much the appearance  of an  eternal 
262  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY, 1775—17*3.
separation from a country, by a reconciliation with
which many yet hoped for a return of ancient hap-
piness, that a great part of the provincial congress
opposed the necessary measure.   At the very time
when they were suspended on this important debate
an  express arrived  from Savannah, Avith an act of
parliament passed December 21, 1775 ; confiscating
american property,  and throwing all the colonists
out of his majesty's  protection.   This  turned  the
scale—silenced  all  the moderate  men who were
advocates for a reconciliation—and produced a ma-
jority for an independent constitution.  In less than
an hour, after  that act was  read in the provincial
congress, an  order was issued to seize for the  pub-
lic "the  Port-Henderson, a  Jamaica vessel loaded
 with sugar, which had put into Charlestown on her
 way to London; though she had the day before ob-
 tained leave to pass the forts, and would have sailed
 the same afternoon  on her intended voyage.
    A law of the national  parliament,  which   had
 thrown  the colonies  out of his majesty's protection,
 convinced the most lukewarm that America, legally
 discharged from her allegiance to the king of Great-
 Britain, must now take care of herself.
    So strong was the attachment of many to Great-
 Britain, which they fondly  called the mother-coun-
 try that though they assented to the establishment
 of an independent  constitution; yet.it was carried,
 <ifter a long debate, that it was only to exist « til  a
 reconciliation between  Great-Britain and  the colo-
 nies should take place."  The friends of reconcilia-
 tion believed that it was the dictate of sound policy,
 and in no respect incompatible with the true honor 
INDEPENDENT CONSTITUTION.     265
and dignity of the parent-state,  to redress the grie-
vances of the american colonies.   The great body of
the people would have rejoiced at  such an  event,
and would with cheerfulness have returned  to  the
class  of peaceable citizens in the ancient line of sub-
ordination.  They therefore only framed a tempora-
ry constitution, consisting of three branches,  on the
model of the british government.    The provincial
congress Avhich formed this constitution, in confor-
mity  to  the example of their revolutionary predeces-
sors in  1719, voted themselves to  be the general as-
sembly of South-Carolina.  They  elected thirteen of
their  most respectable members  to be a legislative
council: they also elected a president and vice pre-
sident;  six privy counsellors to  advise the presi-
dent; a chief justice and three assistant judges;  an
attorney general; secretary;  ordinary ;  judge of
the  admiralty; register  of  mesne  conveyances*.

   * These several offices were filled as follows:
    Charles Pinckney,     Richard Richardson,'
    Le Roy Hammond,    Thomas Ferguson,
    GeorgeGabrielPowel, Joseph Kershaw,
    William Moultrie,   Henry Middleton,   ^thp  iZ ,
    Rawlins Lowndes,    David Oliphant,     \tJZnl
    Stephen Bull,       Thomas Bee,       I
    Thomas Shubrick,                     J
   John Rutledge, President.  Henry Laurens, Vice President.
 W. H. Drayton, Chief Justice.  Thomas Bee, John Mathews,
and Henry Pendleton, Assistant Judges.  Alexander Moultrie,
 Attorney  General.  John Huger, Secretary. William Burrows,
 Ordinary.  Hugh Rutledge, Judge of the Admiralty.  George
 Speed, Register of mesne Conveyances.
   James Parsons,   William H. Drayton,! Memi,ers 0f fh,
   John Edwards,    Charles Pinckney,   \firivy council.
   Thomas Ferguson.  Rawlins LoAvndes,   ) 
264  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__1/83.
The newly  elected  president John Rutledge took
an oath  to  discharge his duty faithfully, and made
an impressive speech on the occasion.   The legisla-
tive council and general  assembly presented an af-
fectionate address  to the president, by which they
engaged  to " support  him  with their  lives  and
" fortunes."  A solemn compact was thus establish-
ed between the people  and  their  chief magistrate.
Every department  of government was organized on
the representative system, and went into immediate
operation.
   From this time forward, the  public business  was
conducted agreeably to the fixed rules of the tempo-
rary constitution.  Instead of resolutions of the  con-
cresses, and committees, bills were brought in and
debated, both in the assembly and legislative-council,
deliberating apart  and  uninfluenced by each other.
On their being agreed to by both houses, they  were
presented to the  president  for his assent.   When
duly enacted by the three branches of legislature,
they were carried  into  execution  by the president
and privy-council.   An act  of  assembly was passed
in this session, ' for preventing sedition,  and pu-
1 nishing insurgents and disturbers of the public
 ' peace.'
   By this law  treason and rebellion assumed a  new
form, and the penalties of these crimes were legally
denounced  against the aiders and abetters of british
government.
  3 The courts  of justice which  had been  shut for
twelve months were, with great solemnity, opened on
the 23d of April 1776,  under  the sanction of this 
INDEPENDENT CONSTITUTION.    265
temporary constitution.   On that occasion William
H. Drayton, chief-justice, under the appointment of
the provincial congress,  gave an interesting  charge
to the grand-jury ;  in which he vindicated the pro-
ceedings of  his native country as just in themselves,
and justified by what was done in England in 1688.
The charge  concluded thus.  " I think it my duty to
declare in the awful seat of justice, and before  Al-
mighty God, that, in my opinion,  the americans can
have no safety but by the  divine  favor,  their own
virtue, and their being so prudent  as not to leave it
in the power of the  british rulers to injure  them.
Indeed the  ruinous and deadly injuries received on
our side, and the jealousies entertained, and, which,
in the nature of things, must daily increase  against
us on the other; demonstrate to a mind in the least
given to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires,
that  true reconcilement  never can exist between
Great-Britain and America; the latter being in sub-
jection to the former.—The Ahniguty created Ame-
rica to be independent of Britain : let us beware of
the impiety  of being backward to act as instruments
in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish
his purpose ; and by the completion of which alone
America, in the nature of human affairs, can  be se-
cure  against the craft and insidious designs of her
enemies  who think her prosperity and power alrea-
dy by far too great.  In a word, our piety and poli-
tical safety  are so  blended,  that  to refuse our  la-
bors in this  divine work,  is to refuse to be a great, a
free, a pious, and a happy people !
   " And now, having left  the important alternative,
political  happiness or wretchedness under God  in a
  vol.  t.             2 M 
266'  REVOI.LTIONARV HISTORY,  1773—1789.

meat decree  in  your own  hands, 1  pray the su-
preme arbiter of tiie affairs of  men so to direct jour
judgment as that you may act agreeably  to  what
seems to  be his will revealed in  his miraculous
 works in behalf of America bleeding at the altar  of
 liberty!"
    The sentiments contained in this charge, from the
 bench of  justice, were re-echoed from the grand-ju-
 ries in the different districts.   This first general  as-
 sembly, agreeably to the constitution they had fra-
 med, was dissolved by their  own act and a general
 election for members of legislature was immediately
 held throughout the state.   Such was the. union of
 the people, and so general their acquiescence m  the
  measures  adopted  by their representatives, that the
  former members were  almost umversaly returned,
  Ttenew assembly met on the 6th ot  December
  1776  and in a few days  after re-chose  the former
  preside".and vice-president.  The government had
  Tergy and was cheerfully obeyed.  So  much tran-
  nuUlly reigned in every part of South-Carohna, that
  a e   he departure of  the british fleet and army «
  July  and the termination of the Cherokee^ expedi-
  tion in October 1776, events which shall hereatte,
  "re particularly explained,  the bulk  of the  peo-
  % were scarcely  sensible of any revolution or that

   ^rK^^iers  in departing  as  .ittle as
       •uJfrom  ancient forms and names, made the
    Pu°SS    J^overetuty  less perceptible.    The  inha-
    Change I   lon« beel in  the habit of receiving laws
    ST.  ^era —ly  and council.   The admi
    So-aofthe government in tunes P^ on the 
          INDEPENDENT  CONSTITUTION".      9.67

demise of the governor, had  been uniformly commit-
ted to one of the  council under  the  title of presi-
dents  The people felt themselves secure in their
persons and properties, and experienced all the ad-
vantages of law and government.  These benefits
were communicated under  old  names,  though de-
rived from a new  sovereignty.  Their ancient laws
and  customs were generally retained.   The kingly
office was  dropped, and the revolution  took place
without any violence or convulsion.
   South-Carolina  Avas  the first of the united colonies
that formed an independent  constitution :  it rested
on this fundamental point, that the voice of the peo-
ple Avas the source of law, honor  and office.    Cri-
minal prosecutions, which were formerly carried on
in the  name of the king, were from that aera carried
on in the name of  the state.   The same offices, with
nearly the same duties and  powers that had existed
under the  royal government, were  continued under
the popular establishment;  but with this difference,
that the officers obtained their places by the vote of
the legislature and not from the appointment of the
crown.   The majesty  of the people took the place
that had formerly  been occupied by the kingly office.
By this substitution a change of government was
easily and almost  insensibly effected.    The respect
which  for time  immemorial had  been  attached  to
kings, as the vicegerents of deity and contributed to
the support of their power, was transferred to those
who by  public suffrages  were brought  forward  as
substitutes of the  people.   Each individual thought
that by honoring and supporting the men thus elect-
ed to public office, he  honored himself as an unit in 
268   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—-1783.

the mass of common sovereignty  from Avhich all
power Avas derived*
                 SECTION  IV.

Of the attack of the fort on Sullivan s island,  by
  sir Peter  Parker and sir Henry  Clinton, and
  the invasion of the cherokees by colonel JVilliam-
  son.
Suox  after  a regular  form of  government  Avas
adopted,  a formidable  attack from Great-Britain
gave an opportunity of ascertaining its energy.  Go-
vernor  Campbell, from the time of his abandoning
the province, had been assiduous in his attempts to
procure a military force to reduce  it  to obedience.
 He represented  the  friends of royal authority as
 needing  only the countenance of a small military
 force,  to give them an opportunity of embodying
 for  the  establishment of  british  government—that
 Charlestown might  be easily reduced, and that the
 reduction of it Avould restore the province  to its for-
 mer tranquillity ; crown officers,  and their  friends
 the royalists,  associating chiefly with one another.
 and not  knowing or not believing the numbers, the
 resources nor the enthusiasm of  the opposite party,
 deceived themselves and communicated their delu-
 sions to the  rulers in Great-Britain.
    In the close of the year 1775,  and  the  beginning
 of the year 1776, great preparations had been made
 in Great-Britain to invade the  american colonie? 
          ATTACK ON FORT MOULTRIE.       269
with a force sufficient to compel submission.   With
this view, early in 1776, upAvards of fifty thousand
men  were employed  in active  operations against
America.  Part of this force was  ordered to the
southward, to carry into effect in that quarter the
designs of the british ministry.   In South-Carolina
every exertion had been made to put the province,
especially its capital, in a respectable posture of de-
fence.   As one mean conducing thereto, the  popu-
lar leaders had erected works on Sullivan's island.
This is a very convenient post for annoying ships ap-
proaching the town.  At the time the british fleet ap-
peared off the  coast, about twenty-six heavy can-
non, tAventy-six  eighteen and nine pounders  Avere
mounted  at  Sullivan's  island on  a fort constructed
with palmetto.   This is a tree peculiar to the  south-
ern states, Avhich grows from twenty to forty feet
high, without branches,  and then terminates in some-
thing resembling the head of a cabbage.   The wood
of it  is remarkably spongy.   A bullet entering it
makes no splinters nor extended fracture, but buries
itself without injuring the parts  adjacent.
   On the first of June 1776, advices were received
in Charlestown that a fleet of forty or fifty sail were
at anchor about six leagues to the northward of Sul-
livan's island.   The  next day the alarm was fired,
and expresses  sent to  the officers commanding the
militia in the country to repair to Charlestown.   In
a  few  days after several hundreds of the troops from
the british fleet were landed on Long-island.   This
is situated to the eastward of Sullivan's island,  and
separated  from it by  a creek.  On the  fourth of 
270   REVOIUTIONARY IIIST0RV, 1775—1783.
June thirty-six of the transports crossed the bar,
in front of Rebellion-road, and anchored about three
miles from Sullivan's island; tw o of them ran aground
in crossing, one of Avhich got off bat the other went
to pieces.   On the  10th of June the Bristol, a fitty-
 gun ship, her guns  being previously taken out, got
 safely over.  About this time a proclamation was
 sent ashore, under the sanction of a flag, in which
 the  british general, sir Henry Clinton, promised par-
 don to the  inhabitants in case of their  laying down
 their  arms and quietly  submitting to the re-estab-
 lishment of royal government.   This produced none
 of the effects expected from it.  The militia of the
 country repaired in great numbers to Charlestown.
 The  regular  regiments of  the  adjacent  northern
  states, having been ordered to the assistance of their
  southern neighbors, arrived at this critical juncture.
  The two continental general officers, Armstrong and
  Howe, came  about the same time.  The whole was
  put under the orders  of major-general Bee.   In  a
  few days  the americans, including the militia of the
  town and country,  amounted to five or six  thousand
  men   The first South-Carolina  regular regiment,
  commanded by  colonel Gadsden,  was stationed at
  fort  Johnson.  This is situated  about three miles
  from Charlestown, on  the most northerly  point of
  James island, and  is within  point blank  shot of the
  channel.   The second and third  regular regiments
  of South-Carolina, commanded by colonels  Moul-
  trie and Thomson, occupied the two extremities of
  Sullivan's  island.   The other forces had their posts
  assigned them  at  Haddrelfs point,  James-island, 
ATTACK ON FORT MOULTRIE.       271
•and along the bay in front of the town.  The streets
near the water were in different places strongly bar-
ricaded.   The stores on the wharves were pulled
down, and  lines of  defence were continued  along
the water's edge.  Domestic conveniencies were ex-
changed for blankets and knapsacks;  and hoes and
spades  were in the  hands of every citizen.   In a
few days by their labor, in  conjunction with a num-
ber of negroes, such obstructions w ere thrown in the
Avay as would have  greatly embarrassed the royal
army attempting to land in the town.
   On the  25th, the Experiment,  a fifty gun ship,
arrived  near the bar ; and on the twenty-sixth, her
guns  being previously taken  out, she  got  safely
over.
   On the 28th the fort on  the island was briskly at-
tacked by the two fifty-gun ships, Bristol and Expe-
riment, four frigates,  the  Active, Acteon,  Solebay,
Syren, each  of twenty-eight guns, the Sphynx of
tAventy guns, the Friendship armed vessel of twenty
tAvo guns,  Ranger sloop and  Thunder-Bomb each
of eight guns.   Between ten and eleven o'clock the
Thunder-Bomb  began to throw  shells.  The Active,
Bristol, Experiment, and Solebay, came boldly on
to the attack.   A little before eleven  o'clock \the
garrison fired four or five  shot at the Active while
under sail.  When she came near the fort she drop-
ped anchor, and poured in a broad-side.   Her ex-
ample was followed by the three other vessels, and
a most tremendous cannonade ensued.  The Thun-
der-Bomb, after having thrown about sixty shells,
was so damaged as to  be incapacitated from  firing. 
272   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
Colonel  Moultrie,  Avith  three hundred and  forty-
four regulars, and a feAv volunteer  militia, made a
defence that would have done honor to experienced
veterans.  During the engagement the inhabitants
stood  Avith  arms in their hands at their  respective
posts, prepared to receive the british wherever they
might land.  Impressed  with high  ideas of british
bravery, and diffident of the maiden courage of their
OAvn neAv troops,  they were  apprehensive that the
forts would either be silenced  or  passed and that
they  should be  called to immediate  action.  The
various  passions  of the  mind assumed  alternate
sway, and marked their countenances with anxious
fears  or cheerful hopes.   Their resolution  was
fixed to meet the invaders at the water's edge, and
 dispute every  inch of ground, trusting the  event to
 Heaven and preferring death to slavery.
    General Clinton was to have passed over  to Sulli-
 van's island with the troops  under  his command on
 Long-island;  but the  extreme danger to which he
 must unavoieiably have exposed his  men, induced him
 to decline the perilous attempt.   Colonel Thompson,
 with seven hundred men, an eighteen pounder,  and a
 field piece, were stationed at the east eud of Sullivan's
 island to oppose their crossing; but no serious at-
 tempt to land  on Sullivan's island  was made, either
 from the fleet or by the detachment on Long-Island.
 The Sphynx, Acteon, and Syren, were sent round to
 attack the western extremity of the fort.  This w as
 so unfinished as to afford very imperfect cover to the
 men at  the guns in that part, and also so situated as
 to expose the men in the other parts of the fort to a 
          ATTACK ON FORT MOULTRIE.      273
        i
very dangerous cross-fire.  Providence, on this oc-
casion, remarkably interposed in behalf of the garri-
son and saved them from a fate, that, in all  proba-
bility, would otherwise have been inevitable.  About
twelve o'clock, as the three last mentioned ships were
advancing to attack the AAestern  wing of the fort,
they all got entangled  with a shoal called the Middle
Ground ; two of them ran foul of each other.  The
Acteon stuck fast.  The Sphynx, before she cleared
herself, lost her bowsprit;  but the Syren  got off
without much injury.  The ships in front of the fort
kept up their fire till  near seven o'clock in the- eve-
ning without intermission ; after that time it slacken-
ed.  At half past nine the firing on both sides ceas-
ed ;  and  at eleven the  ships  slipped  their  cables.
Next morning all the men of war, except the Acteon,
had retired  about two miles from  the island.  The
garrison fired several shot  at the Acteon ; she at first
returned  them, but soon after  the creAV set  her on
fire and abandonediher;  leaving her colors  flying,
guns loaded, and all her ammunition and stores. She
Avas in a short time boarded by a party of americans,
commanded by  captain Jacob Milligan.   While
flames were bursting out on all sides they fired three
of her guns at the commodore, and then quitted her.
In less than half an hour  after their  departure she
bleAV  up*.  The Bristol had forty  men killed and
  * Her guns were afterwards raised and planted on the lines
of Charlestown  for purposes of defence : but  on being fired
they burst.  This  was supposed to be the consequence of a
change their metal had undergone  from their falling into the
cold water of the harbor, when they  Avere heated by previous
discharges.
   vol.. I.            ? N 
£74   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775 —17 S3.
seventy-one Avounded.   Every man, avIio Avas station-
ed in the beginning of the action on her quarter deck,
Avas either killed or Avounded.  The Experiment had
twenty-three killed and seventy-six Avounded.  Lord
William Campbell, the late governor of the province,
Avho, as a volunteer, had exposed himself in a post
 of danger, received a  Avound which ultimately pro-
ved  mortal. ' The fire of the fort was principally di-
rected against the Bristol and Experiment;  and they
suffered very much in their hulls, masts,  and rigging.
Not less than seventy balls Avent through the former.
The* Acteon had lieutenant  Pike killed,  and six men
 Avounded.  The Solebay  had eight men Avounded.
 After some days  the troops were all re-embarked,
 and the whole sailed for NeAv-York.
   The loss of the garrison was  ten men killed and
 twenty-two wounded.  Lieutenants Hall and Gray
 were among the latter.  Though there Avere many
 thousand shot fired  from the shipping, yet the works
 Avere  little damaged:  those which struck the fort
 were ineffectually buried  in  its  soft Avood.   Hardly
 a hut or tree on the island escaped.
   When the british  appeared' off the  coast  then
 was so scanty a  stock of lead, that to supply the mus-
 ketry Avith bullets, it became necessary to strip the
 AvindoAvs  of the dwelling houses in Charlestown  of
 their weights.   Powder Avas also very scarce.  Tl e
 proportion allotted forlhe defence of the fort was
 but barely sufficient for  sIoav firing.   This was ex-
 pended with great deliberation.  The officers in their
 turn pointed the guns with such  exactness that most 
           ATTACK  ON  FORT MOULTRIE.       275

of their shot took effect*.   In the  beginning of the
action the flag-staff was shot away.   Sergeant Jasper
of the grenadiers immediately jumped on the beach,
took up the  flag  and fastened it on a sponge-staff.
With  it in  his hand he mounted the merlon ;  and,
though the ships Avere directing their incessant broad-
sides at the spot, he deliberately fixed it.   The day
after the  action  president  Rutledge presented him
Avith a SAvord, as a mark of respect for his  distinguish-
ed  valor.   Sergeant M' Donald, of captain Huger's
company,  Avas mortally wounded by a cannon  ball.
He employed the short interval between his Avound
and his death, in exhorting  his comrades  to  continye -
steady in the cause  of liberty and their country.
   This ill-conducted expedition  contributed greatly
to establish  the popular government which it was

  * On the third day after the action, the lady of colonel Ber-
nard Elliott presented  an elegant pair of colors  to the second
regiment which had so bravely defended fort Moultrie.  Her
address on the occasion concluded thus : " 1 make not the least
doubt, under heaven's protection, you will stand by these colors
as long as they Avave in the air of liberty."  In reply a pro-
mise was made, " that they should be honorably supported, and
never should be tarnished by the second regiment."   This en-
gagement was literally fulfilled.   Three years after they were
planted on the british lines at Savannah.  One  by  lieutenant
Bush who was immediately shot doAvn.   Lieutenant Hume in
the act of planting his, was also shot down ; and lieutenant Gray
in supporting  them received a mortal Avound.  The brave Ser-
jeant Jasper on seeing lieutenant Hume fall, took up the color
and planted it.   In doing so he received a wound  Avhich termi-
nated in death  ; but on the retreat being ordered he brought the
colors off with him.   These Avere taken at the fall of Charles-
town, and arc said to be now in the tower of London, 
276  REVOLUTIONARY history, 1775—17 83.

intended to overset.    The  friends of America tri-
umphed.  Unacquainted  Avith the  vicissitudes  of
Avar, some of them began to flatter themselves their
work was done and their liberties established.     In
opposition to the bold assertions of some, and the
desponding fears of others,  experience proved that
America might effectually  resist  a british  fleet and
army.    The  diffident grew  bold in their country's
cause, and looked forward to the completion of their
wishes for its  liberty  and independence.   The ad-
vocates for the omnipotence of the british navy con-
fessed their mistake.  Those who,  from interested
motives, had abetted the royal government, ashamed
of their opposition to the struggles of an infant peo-
ple  for their  dearest rights, retired into obscurity.
Mr. Cunningham, and other leaders of the royalists,
who, on the defeat and dispersion of their party in
the  latter end of 1775, had been taken and  com-
mitted  to close confinement,  obtained  their  dis-
charge  soon after  the departure of the british fleet.
The state wished to conciliate them to the popular
measures, and therefore in this moment of triumph
received from them  assurances  of fidelity to  their
country, and restored them to the rights and privile-
ges of free citizens.
   Soon after the engagement, when the british troops
Avere re-embarked for their departure,  the transport
ship Glasgow,  mounting  six  four  pounders  with
fifty-six  high landers  on board,  ran aground  near
Lonf-Island.   Captain Pickering, Benjamin Waller,
Cornelius Dewees, William Dewees, and  twenty-one
seamen, all volunteers,  came along  side of her in a
Avood-boat, on which Avere  mounted  one eighteen 
           ATTACK ON FORT MOULTRIE.       277
pounder and some smaller guns, and took the whole
crew of the GlasgOAv prisoners.  After stripping her
of every thing that could be  brought off,  they set
her  on  fire.     This  successful defence  gave to
South-Carolina a respite of three years from the ca-
lamities of war.   In that season of leisure two ex-
peditions were projected against Florida, but  they
both proved abortive.    The  energies of the state
were applied  Avith more  success against the  chero-
kee indian nation,  which inhabit lands  not far dis-
tant from the Avestern settlements of Carolina.   On
the first  appearance  of a rupture  betAveen Great-
Britain and her colonies,  the attention of both par-
ties  was  engaged to secure the friendship of indians.
Many circumstances  had concurred to give them
unfavorable  impressions of the americans.    For
several years the management  of them had  been ex-
clusively committed to John Stuart, an officer of the
crown and Avholly  devoted to  the royal  interest.
Being  in  the  immediate  service  of his  britannic
majesty, he conceived  himself under obligations to
exert his influence to attach the indians to the royal
interest.  The state of public affairs, in the colonies,
furnished hiin  with many plausible  arguments  sub-
servient to this design.   The non-importation  agree-
ment,  adopted by the americans, not only  disabled
them from supplying the wants  of  the  indians but
precluded the possibility of their receiving royal pre-
sents.   This  interruption of the commerce,  usual
betAveen  the  white inhabitants  and their  savage
neighbors, gave Mr.  Stuart an  opportunity of exas
perating the indians against the friends of congress. 
 £78  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1783.

   In the years 1760 and  1761, a Avar with the che-
 rokee indians had involved the inhabitants of South-
 Carolina in such distress  that they courted  the aid
 of the king's  troops  in America.   In fifteen years
 after,  when  the people of the same country dared
 to  resist  the  parent state, it Avas  supposed by the
 friends o*~  ~oyal government that the horrors of an
 indian Avar would once more bring the  province to
 sue for british protection.
   The above mentioned Mr. John  Stuart, very ear-
 ly in the  contest,  retired  from South-Carolina to
 West-Florida ;  and from that province employed his
 brother Henry  Stuart,  Mr. Cameron and others, to
 penetrate into the indian country to the Avestward of
 Carolina.  A plan was settled  by him, in  concert
 with the king's governors and other royal servants,
 to  land a  british  army in  Florida and  to proceed
 Avith  it to  the western  frontiers  of  the southern
 states, and there, in conjunction with the tories and
 indians, to fall on the friends of the revolution at the
 same time that a fleet and army should invade them
 on the sea-coast.  Moses Kirkland, a leader of the
 party for royal government in the back parts of South-
 Carolina, was confidentially employed by John Stu-
 art, governor Tonyn, and other royal servants to the
 southward, to  concert  with general Gage, the com-
mander of the british forces in Boston, the nc-ipsa-
ry means for accomplishing the above-mentioned
scheme.  The whole plan Avas fully detected by the
providential capture of the vessel Avhich Avas convey-
ing Kirkland  to Boston.   The letters  found in his
possession were published by the order of congress,, 
         CHEROKEE EXPEDITION--1776.     279
and produced conviction, in the minds of the ameri-
cans, that the british administration,  in order to ef-
fect their schemes, had employed savages,' who in-
discriminately  murder men, women, and children,
to commence hostilities on  their Avestern brethren.
Though the discovery of the british designs and the
capture of Kirkland, Avho Avas to have had an active
share in the execution  of them, in  a great  degree,
frustrated the views of the royal servants ;  yet so
much Avas carried into  effect,  that the  cherokee
indians  began  their massacres  two  days  after the
british fleet attacked the fort on Sullivan's island.
  The americans very early paid attention to their
savage neighbors.   They  appointed  commissioners
to explain to  them the grounds of the dispute between
Great-Britain and her colonies, and to cultivate with
them  a friendly correspondence.  As far as they pos-
sibly  could,  they supplied their wants.   They en-
deavored to  persuade the indians that the quarrel
Avas by no means relative to them, and that therefore
they should take part with neither side.   These mo-
derate propositions were over-ruled by the superior
influence of  the royal superintendent, Avho had  their
previous  confidence and  more ample means of ad-
ministering  to  their  necessities.  An  indian Avar
commenced and Avas  carried on with its usual  bar-
barity.   Their  massacres caused a  general alarm.
It Avas known that the indians Avere excited by royal
agents, and aided by some of the tories.  The in-
habitants were for the most part destitute of arms,
and government could afford them no supply.  For
present safety  they betook themselves to stockade 
280  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775--17 S3.

forts.   Colonel Williamson Avas charged with the de-
fence ot the country,  but so  general was the panic
that in sixteen days he could not collect 500 men.
An engagement took place on the 15th of July, be-
tween a party of indians and tories and a party  of
militia commanded by major Downs.  The former
w ere defeated and  fled.   They  Avere pursued, and
thirteen of their number  being taken Avere found  to
be  Avhite men painted like indians.   Intelligence  of
the repulse of the british at Sullivan's island on the
28th of June,  arrived in the back country at this
critical  time  and  produced  very  happy effects.
—The tories were intimidated, and the inhabitants
turned out  Avith  so much alacrity that Williamson
soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of 1150  mem
With 330 horsemen he advanced to attack a party
of  tories and indians  which Avas encamped at Occ-
nore  creek.   On  his Avay he was attacked both in
front and flank by savages who had formed an am-
buscade, and from  it kept up a constant fire.   Wil-
liamson's horse was shot under him; Mr. Salvador
fell by his side, and his whole party Avas throAvn  in-
to disorder.   Colonel Hammond  rallied about  20
men, and, directing them  to reserve their fire, march-
ed  rapidly  Avith them  to  the fence behind Avhich the
indians were covered; fired upon them, and imme-
diately jumped over and  charged.  The indians fled
from the approaching bayonet.   Williamson burned
the indian  tOAvn  on the east  side  of  KeoAvee river,
but his men could not be induced  to pass  the river
till colonel Hammond crossed before them.   They
then followed and  without delay destroyed all  the 
         CHEROKEE EXPEDITION,  1776.      281
houses and provisions they could find.  Williamson
returned to his main body and  advanced Avith them
to eighteen mile creek, Avhere he encamped on the
second of August.   As he advanced, he sent off de-
tachments to lay waste the indian settlements, who
by the fifteenth had completed the destruction of all
their  loAver towns.   On the  13th  of September
Williamson, with  an army of two  thousand men,
partly regulars and partly militia,  marched into the
country of the cherokees, whose warriors were said
to be equally numerous.  The invaders again  tell
into an  ambuscade.  They entered  a narrow valley
enclosed on each side by mountains.   Twelve hun-
dred indians occupied  these heights, and from them
poured in a constant and well directed fire.   De-
tachments Avere ordered to file off and gain the emi-
nences  above the indians, and  to turn their flanks.
Others Avhose guns were loaded, received orders from
lieutenant  Hampton  to advance,  and  after dis-
charging to fall down and  load.  The indians be-
ing  hard  pressed  betook  themselves to  flight.—
The army proceeded  Avithout  further  interruption,
and  on  the twenty-third of September arrived  in
the vallies.  Penetrating  through them they destroy-
ed whatever came in their way.  All  the cherokee
settlements to the eastward of the Apalachian moun-
tains were  so  rapidly  laid Avaste, that  the business
of destruction  was completed,  and Williamson's ar-
my disbanded  early in  October.  Above  five hun-
dred of the cherokees Avere obliged, by their dis-
tress  for  want of  provisions,  to  take  refuge Avith
John Stuart, in West-Florida, where they Avere fed
at the expense of  the british government.  The  in-
   vol.  i.              2 O 
282   REV0IUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—17S3.
dian settlements to the nortlnvard Avere at  the same
time  invaded by a  party of Virginia  militia, com-
manded by colonel Christie,  and nineteen  hundred
North-Carolina militia,  commanded by gen. Ruther-
ford ;  and to the southward by the Georgia militia,
commanded  by colonel  Jack.   Dismal was the wil-
derness through Avhich  the americans had to pass.
Their route was over pathless  mountains,  whose as-
cents were so steep that they  could not  be scaled
without serious  danger.   At other times they had to
march through thickets so impenetrable  that  the
rays of the sun scarcely ever reached the  surface of
the earth.  They were incessantly occupied for  five
days in advancing tA\enty-five miles.  NotAvithstand-
ing all these fatigues, not one died of disease,  and
only one  was so sick as to be  unable to march.
    The  unfortunate misled indians, finding them-
 selves attacked on all sides, sued in the most submis-
 sive terms for peace.  They had  not the  Avisdom to
 shun war, nor the cunning to  make a  proper choice
 of the party  with whom they made a common causj.
 About fifteen years before, by taking part with the
 french, they had brought  on themselves a severe
 chastisement from the  british  and americans.    At
 this time, in consequence of joining the british  and
 the tories, their country was laid waste,  and their
 provisions so far destroyed as to be insufficient for
 their support.   And they were compelled, as a con-
 quered people, to  cede to  South-Carolina all their
 lands to the eastward  of the  Unacaye mountains,
 which now  form the populous and  flourishing dis-
 tricts ot  Pendleton and  Greenville.  These former 
CHEROKEE EXPEDITION, 1776.       283
lords of the soil have ever since been cooped up in
a nook  in the southwest  angle of  South-Carolina,
though the best part of that state was  about sixty
years ago their  exclusive property.   To  preserve
peace and good  order, a fort  called fort Rutledge
was erected at  Seneca,  and garrisoned by two inde-
pendent  companies.   A friendly  intercourse  be-
tween the savages and Avhite inhabitants took place,
and every thing remained  quiet till the year 1780.
  None  of all the expeditions  before  undertaken
against the savages had  been so successful as  this
first effort to the new-born commonwealth.  In 'ess
than three months the business was comp'eted,  and
the nation of the cherokees so far subdued as to  be
incapable of annoying the settlements.  The loss of
the americans in the expedition was thirty-three kil-
led, and seventy-two  Avounded.  The cherokees lost
about two hundred  men.
  From the double success of this campaign, in re-
pelling the british and conquering the savages,  the
people of South-Carolina began to be more and more
convinced that  the  leading-strings  of the mother
country were less necessary than in  the days of their
infancy.   Through  the Avhole of this  year, though
the arms of the british were successful  to the north-
Avard, their  interest  to  the  southAvard  declined.
Every plan,  for their  acting in concert  with the to-
ries and indians, proved  abortive.   Hard  would it
have been for the whigs  of South-Carolina  to have
opposed   so  formidable  a combination, could  the
friends of Britain have  succeeded  in their scheme
of acting at one and  the  same time:  but, through
the kindness ol neaven, the lavorers oi the revolution 
284  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775__17$J.

had the  opportunity of  attacking them separately,
and of  successively pouring  their whole force, and
also that of a considerable aid from their neighbors,
on  the tories,  the british, and the indians.  The first,
from their premature insurrection, Avere crushed be-
fore  their british friends  arrived.   The  last were
abandoned to the resentments  of the  state, by  the
royal fleet and army precipitately leaving the coasf,
and under the smiles of  heaven, all three were van-
quished by  the infant  american  republics.  The
means adopted by the british to crush the friends of
the congress were providentially over-ruled, so as to
produce the contrary effect.   Their exciting indians
to massacre the defenceless frontier  settlers increas-
ed the unanimity of the inhabitants, and invigorated
their opposition to Great-Britain.   Several  Avho cal-
led themselves tories in  1775 became active Avhigs in
 1776, and cheerfully took up arms in the first in-
 stance against indians,  and  in the second against
 Great-Britain,  as the instigator  of their barbarous
devastations.    Before this event some well-meaning
people could not see the justice or propriety of con-
tending Avith  their  formerly protecting parent state;
but indian cruelties, excited by royal artifices, soon
extinguished all their predilection for the country of
their forefathers.
   The expedition into the cherokee  settlements dif-
fused military ideas, and a spirit of enterprise among
the inhabitants.  It taught them  the necessary  arte
ot providing tor an army,  and gave them experience
in the business of war.   The new arrangements,  ci-
vil and military, Avere followed with that energy and
\-jgor which is acquired  by an individual or a eolkr. 
  INDEPENDENCE AND FRENCH  ALLIANCE.  28J

tive body of people acting from the impulse of their
own minds.  The peaceable inhabitants of a whole
state were  in a  short time transformed from plan-
ters, merchants,  and mechanics, into an active mili-
tia and a well-regulated self-governed community.
                 SECTION V.

  Of independence and the alliance with France.

.{Notwithstanding the nominal existence of roy-
al authority in South-Carolina,  an independent go-
vernment had a virtual operation from the 6th of
July 1774.  This was at first by  conventions, com-
mittees, and congresses, Avhose  resolutions  had the
fullest force of law on a  people  Avho thought that
their liberties  were endangered, and that their only
safety consisted in union.   It was aftenvards redu-
ced into a more regular form in March 1776; but all
these institutions were temporary, and  looked  for-
ward to an accommodation w ith Great-Britain. The
act of final separation from the mother country could
not be the Avork of any one state.   Every thing of
that magnitude w as referred to  the continental con-
gress, to whose  general superintendence the indivi-
dual  colonies  had  voluntarily \ submitted.   That
august assembly, at  their  first meeting  in 1774,
petitioned  the  king, and  addressed .Jthe people of
Great-Britain  for a  redress  of their  grievances.
In the year 1775 they renewed their supplications 
 286  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__1783.
 to their  sovereign, in Avhich  they  prayed  that his
 majesty would be pleased  " to direct  some mode
 by  which  the united application  of  his faithful
 colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their com-
 mon councils, miiiht be improved into a happy
 and permanent reconciliation ;  and that in the mean
 time measures might  be taken for preventing  the
 further destruction of  his majesty's subjects."  They
 also a second time addressed  the  people of Great-
 Britain, in which  they apprized them of their fixed
 resolution to defend their  liberties,  but at the same
 time disclaimed every  wish of independence, or any
 thing more  than the secure  enjoyment of their  an-
 ci.nt rights  and privileges.   They asked for peace,
 but the sword was tendered—for liberty, but nothing
 short  of unconditional   submission  Avas offered.
 Their petitions received  no answer.   And all the
 inhabitants of the  colonies were, by an act of parlia-
 ment passed  December  21,   1775, thrown out of
 the king's protection.   This  was a legal  discharge
 from their allegiance  to  the  king ot Great Britain,
 and placed the colonies  in a state of nature, at lull
 liberty  to provide  for  their own safety,  by  entering
 into any new social compact Avhich  they approved.
 Though the refusal of  protection was a  legal justifi-
 cation of their conduct in withholding allegiance, yet
independence was  untried ground,  and could not at
once gain the plenary approbation of colonies which
had long flourished under royal  protection.   The
minds of the  inhabitants were overcast with fears,
and tossed in a tumult ot uncertainty.   Their reso-
lution  Avas fixed  never to submit to the  claims of
the british pariiament, but how to  extricate them- 
   INDEPENDENCE AND FRENCH ALLIANCE.  £87

selves from surrounding difficulties was a question "
that  embarrassed  their wisest politicians.  While
they  were in  this  state of feverish anxiety, a pam-
phlet, under the signature  of Common Sense, writ-
ten by Mr.  Thomas Paine, made its appearance.  It
proved the necessity, the advantages, and  practica-
bility of independence.   It  satisfied a great majori-
ty of the people that it was their true interest  im-
mediately to cut the gordian knot which bound the
american colonies  to  Great-Britain, and  to open
their commerce as  an independent people, to all the
nations of the  world.   Nothing could be  better ti-
med than this performance.   It found the colonists
greatly exasperated against the mother country, most
thoroughly alarmed for their liberties,  and disposed
to do and suffer everv thing that bid fairest for their
establishment.   In unison with the feelings and sen-
timents  of the people, it produced astonishing ef-
fects.    It Avas read by almost every american, and
in conjunction with the cruel policy of Great-Britain,
was by the direction of Providence,  instrumental in
effecting an unexampled unanimity in favor of inde-
pendence.   The   decisive  genius of  Christopher
Gadsden in the south,  and  of John  Adams in the
north, at a much   earlier day,  might  have desired
the complete separation of America from Great-Bri-
tain—but till  the  year 1776—the  rejection  of the
second petition of congress—and the  appearance of
Mr. Paine's pamphlet—a reconciliation Avith  the
mother country was the unanimous Avish of almost
every other american.
   Before the  congress  ventured on  the important
step of changing the sovereignty of the colonies, they 
28$   REVOLUTIONARY history*,  1775—1783.
sent forth a resolution  on the  15th of  Mav,  17/6,
recommending to all of them  to institute forms of
government.   This  Avas intended  to ascertain the
sense of the inhabitants on the important question
of independence.   In adopting this  measure con-
gress, instead of leading, only followed the voice of
the  people.   South-Carolina  had for  near  two
months  been in possession of a regular government.
Independence  was finally decided  on  in congress.
and declared in  Philadelphia,  on  the  4th of .July.
1776.   In this  declaration South-Carolina  most
heartily concurred, and the same was subscribed on
her part by her representatives Edward Rutledge,
Thomas Heyward, Thomas Lynch,  Arthur  Mid-
dleton.
   From this moment  every thing  assumed a new
appearance.   The americans no longer appeared in
the character of subjects in arms against their so-
vereign, but as an independent people, repelling the
attacks  of an  iiiArading foe.   The  propositions and
supplications for  reconciliation Avere done away.
The dispute Avas brought to a single point, whether
the late british  colonies should be conquered, en-
slaved  provinces,  or  free and independent states.
This decisive measure was  adopted Avithout  assu-
raftces of aid from any foreign power, and in the
face of  a british force  of fifty thousand men.  In a
few days it was received in CharlestOAvn, and pro-
claimed in the  most solemn manner to  the troops
under arms  This Avas followed with  the firing of
guns, ringing of bells, acclamations of the  people.
and all the  usual parade of a public rejoicing.  The
declaration of independence arrived in CharlestowH 
     INDEPENDENCE AND FRENCH ALLIANCE.  289

 at a most  favorable juncture.   It found the people
 of  South-Carolina exasperated against Great-Bri-
 tain for her late  hostile attack,  and elevated with
 their successful defence of fort Moultrie.    It  Avas
 Avelcomed  by a  great  majority  of the inhabitants.
 In  private it is probable that some  condemned the
 measure, as rashly  adventurous beyond the ability
 of  the state;  but these private murmurs never pro-
 duced to the public ear  a single  expression of disap-
 probation.
  After the termination of the  unsuccessful attack
 on  the  fort on Sullivan's island  in  June  1776,  the
 british  arms were for more  than two years wholly
 employed  to  the northward.   During this period
 South-Carolina felt  very few of the inconveniences
 Avhich  were then grinding  their brethren  to  the
 nortliAvard.  They were in possession of a lucrative
 commerce,  and comparatively happy.   In the year
 1777 and  1778  Charlestown  Avas the mart  for sup-
 plying  with goods most of the  states  to the south-
 ward of New-Jersey.   Many  hundred  Avaggons
 Avere employed in this inland traffic.  At no period
 of peace were fortunes more easily or more rapidly
 acquired.
  While congress vigorously opposed Great-Britain
 from their  own resources,  they did not neglect  the
 important  business of negociation.   The friendship
 of foreign  powers, particularly  of the  ancient  and
powerful monarchy of France, was, from the decla-
ration  of independence, earnestly desired  by  the
new-formed states of America.   On the 6th of  Fe-
bruary,  1778,  his  most christian majesty Louis  the
  vol.  i.              2  P 
 2.90  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1/75—1783.
 Sixteenth entered  into treaties  of  amity and com
 merce and  of alliance with the american commis-
 sioners at Paris,  on the footing of the most perfect
 equality and reciprocity.   Such a powerful ally, ad
 ded to  the  natural force of America,  alarmed the
 fears of Great-Britain, and induced her to make  an
 effort in the Avay of negociation to recover her late
 colonies.   Governor Johnstone, lord  Carlisle, and
 Mr.  Eden, were appointed commissioners  on the
 part of Great-Britain, to come  to  America and  to
 offer congress a relinquishment of the parliamentai \
 exercise of  taxation, and to confirm them in every
 immunity consistent with an union of force.   So
 expeditious was  the court of Great-Britain in pro-
 posing these overtures, that the bills containing them
 Avere read  in congress eleven  days before any in-
 formation Avas received by that body of their alli-
 ance with France.   A firm determination, under no
 change  of fortune whatever to recede from their de-
 claration of independence, prompted congress in the
 first instance to reject the proposals of a  re-union
 Avith  Great-Britain.   After their  connexion  with
 France  was known, gratitude and national faith were
 additional incentives to continue in the same  line of
 conduct.
   When the alliance with France was  announced in
 South-Carolina, it  diffused a  general  joy.   It not
only gave confidence to all in the final establishment
of their independence,  but reconciled them to the
calamities of war.  They viewed their misfortunes
only as  temporary,  and looked  forward to a speedy-
peace,  Avhen  all their  wishes  in  favor of their 
    INDEPENDENCE AND FRENCH ALLIANCE. 2£H

 country would be realized.  The conduct  of con-
 gress, in instantly rejecting the offers of the com-
 missioners, Avas in all companies  applauded.  The
 second petition  of congress had not asked so much
 as was then offered.   At that period the propositions
 of Great-Britain would  have been gladly accepted;
 but to that petition the king of Great-Britain refused
 an answer.  After the colonies  had declared  them-
 selves independent states—had pledged their  honor
 to abide by that declaration—had, under the smiles
 of heaven, maintained it  for three campaigns Avithout
 foreign aid—After the greatest  monarch in  Europe
 had entered into a treaty with them, and guaranteed
 their  independence—After all this to degrade them-
 selves from the rank of freemen to that of subjects
 —from sovereign states to dependent  provinces—
 Avere  propositions no where less  relished than by the
 citizens of South-Carolina.  The tide Avas fairly turn-
 ed.    Instead of that hankering  after Great-Britain
 Avhich had made a separation painful, the current of
 popular opinions and prejudices ran strong in an op-
 posite direction.
  On a revieAv of the transactions between  Great-
 Britain and America from the year 1774 to the year
 1778, an attentive observer cannot but remark four
 different periods,  in each of which the contest be-
 tween the two countries assumed a new complexion.
 The parliamentary claims of unlimited supremacy—
 the Boston port-act—the abolition of the charter of
 Massachusetts—and  the  other acts of the like ten-
dency,  passed  about  the  same time—roused  the
colonies in 1774 to the appointment of a congress, 
292   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
and  to a declaration of their exclusive right to ta>
themselves, and  regulate their oavo internal polity.
To obtain a repeal of thirteen acts of  parliament.
which infringed  upon these claims, they  petition-
ed the king of Great-Britain, and associated to sus-
pend all  trade till  this  repeal should be obtained.
The success that had  followed two former attempts
of this kind, flattered them  that their present  wishes
would soon be fully gratified.    They therefore very
generally came into the measure, without foreseeing
all the consequences,  and  without intending any
thing further than such a commercial opposition as
Avould  interest the Avest-indians and  british  mer-
chants in their behalf.   The refusal of  this first pe-
tition, and the -subsequent commencement of hostili-
ties on the part of Great-Britain,  produced  in the
colonists a  determination  to oppose force to force.
 A military opposition was therefore adopted about
 the middle of the  year  1775, but without a design
 of effecting a separation  from Great-Britain.  At
 this second stage of the quarrel the congress pre-
 pared a  second petition,  praying  for  the repeal of
 the obnoxious acts.  To give weight to this renew-
 ed application to the throne, and  to rouse the peo-
 ple of England to a sense of the probable consequen-
 ces of their persisting in  the  Avar, they formed a
temporary army, and published to the  world their
 resolution of  defending their liberties  at every  ha-
 zard.  Still nothing further was intended than a re-
 dress of orievances.   The rejection of this  second
' petition—the determination to w age Avar in full form
against  the colonists—and  the  act of parliament 
  INDEPENDENCE AND FRENCH ALLIANCE.   293

putting the whole of them out of the king's protec-
tion ;   gave birth to a third and  unforeseen measure
—the  declaration of independence.   Without this
they must either have submitted with their grievan-
ces unredressed, or carried on a war under the ap-
pellation of subjects  in  arms against their acknoAv-
ledged sovereign, in  which case  no foreign power
could  have openly assisted them.    After this mea-
sure was adopted, a federal union might have taken
place between Great-Britain and America.   Instead
of proposing any thing of this  kind, Great-Britain
carried on  the  war for the campaigns of 1776 and
1777,  professedly with a view to reduce them to un-
conditional  submission,  and offered nothing to the
United States before April 1778, which they could
with  safety accept.    After a treaty had been con-
cluded between France and America, Great-Britain
sent out commissioners to offer  congress more than
a repeal of the acts  which Avere at first the source
of the dispute.   By this conduct she virtually ac-
knowledged she had been hitherto in the wrong, and
also gave the United States an  opportunity of evin-
cing to their new ally, the sincerity of their engage-
ments.
  From  this time forward commenced the fourth
period of the contest.   The colonies were not only
lost to Great-Britain, but their whole  Aveight was
thrown into the  opposite scale of France.
  Though  the  continental congress,  in  conducting
the opposition to the mother country, did little more
than give an efficient operation to  the Avishes of their
constituents ; yet the british commissioners flattered
themselves that an application to the  local legisla- 
294   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1783.

tures, and the people at large, would be more suc-
cessful.   They therefore next addressed themselves
to the individual states, and denounced the extremi-
ties of war on those Avho continued to prefer the al-
liance Avith France to a re-union with Great-Britain.
This did not produce the intimidation expected from
it, nor were their proposals more favorably received
by the local legislatures,  or the people,  than they
had  been by the continental congress.   When  the
flag arrived with their overtures  separately address-
ed to the governor, the assembly, the military,  the
clergy, and the people of South-Carolina, it was  de-
tained in the  road near the harbor  of Charlestow n,
till president Lowndes convened his council, and the
heads or leading men of the different orders  of the
inhabitants, to whom they were addressed.  As soon
as the letters of the british  commissioners were read
to the gentlemen convened on this occasion, an unan-
imous resolution was adopted to order the flag-ves
sel immediately to depart the state.  This was ac-
companied with a reprimand for attempting  to  vio-
late  the constitution of the country, by offering to
negociate with the state in its separate capacity.
                SECTION VI.
               Campaign of \779-

Soon after the british commissioners were  convin-
ced of the inefficacy of negociation to effect a re-un-
ion of the colonies with  Great-Britain,  the war re-
commenced, but entirely on a new system.   Hither- 
CAMPAIGN OF  1779-           295
to the conquest of America had been  attempted by
proceeding from north to south ; but that order was
from this period inverted.   The northern states in
their turn obtained a diminution of their calamities,
while South-Carolina, and  the adjacent  settlements
became the principal theatre of offensive operations.
   The reduction of Savannah in December 1778 by
colonel Campbell, and the rapid extension of british
conquests over Georgia, were among the first conse-
quences of this neAv plan of warfare.   South-Caroli-
na was thereby made a frontier; the proximity of the
enemy called for redoubled exertions to be prepared
for every event.
   At the request of the delegates from South-Caro-
lina, congress appointed major  general Lincoln to
take the command of  all their forces to the south-
ward.   This officer was second in command in the
campaign of 1777, when general Burgoyne and his
army surrendered to general Gates.   He brought to
the southward  great  reputation,  and  there, though
under many disadvantages,  acquired the further ho-
nor of checking  the british conquests, and preserv-
ing the state for  upAvards of fifteen months against a
superior enemy.   His plans were well formed ; but
his little army, mostly consisting of militia, was not
able to contend with  superior numbers  and the
discipline of british regular troops.   The  continen-
tals under his command did not exceed six hundred
men,  and  all the rest of his force was made up of
draughts from the inhabitants of the country, chang-
ed every second or third month.
   Upon advice  received  of the  intentions of the 
296  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.

british  to invade  the southern  states,  president
LoAvndes, in order to keep as great a force as possi-
ble in the country, laid on a general embargo, and
prohibited the sailing of vessels from any port of the
state.   He  also  ordered  " the proprietors of neat
cattle, sheep  and hogs, on the sea-islands and  other
parts immediately exposed to the incursions of the
enemy, to remove them off the said islands or ex-
posed places, that the british might  be  prevented
from obtaining a supply  of provisions."  And also
addressed the legislature  in an animated speech of
Avhich the following is a part.   " Our inveterate and
obdurate  enemy  being foiled in the northern states,
and by the valor  and good conduct of the inhabit-
ants compelled to abandon their hopes of conquest
there, have  turned their arms more immediately
against these southern states, in hopes of better suc-
cess.  They are noAv in possession of Savannah, the
capital of Georgia, from  whence,  if not prevented,
an  easy transition may be made  into this country.
This situation of danger, gentlemen, calls for your
most serious consideration.   Our whole force and
strength should  be  exerted to stop the progress of
the  enemy."  These  spirited sentiments  Avere re-
echoed by the house of representatives in an address,
of Avhich  the  following is a part.   " That our cru-
el and  ambitious enemies should turn their  arms
against  these  southern states  is a circumstance not
unexpected.   But this last nefarious struggle of our
desponding foes will, Ave  trust, under the assistance
of divine providence, in the end tend more to  shoAv
their impotent malice, than  the wisdom  of  their 
CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
297
counsels or the  valor of their arms ;  for that same
spirit which once animated our countrymen to drive
them disgraced from our coasts, will again be exert-
ed to effect the like happy consequences.  We con-
ceive ourselves bound  by all the difference there is
tAveen the horrors of slavery and the blessings of li-
berty, to use every means  in  our poAver to  expel
them from our country."
  General Lincoln established  his first post at Pu-
rysburgh, a small village on  the northern banks of
the  river Savannah.   A large proportion of the mi-
litia of the state of South-Carolina was draughted,
put under the command of colonel Richardson, and
marched  for the american  head-quarters.   Their
numbers  were considerable, but they had not  yet
learned the implicit obedience necessary for military
operations.   Accustomed to activity on their farms,
they could not bear the languors of an encampment.
Having grown up in habits of freedom and indepen-
dence on their freeholds, they reluctantly submitted
to martial discipline.
  The royal army at Savannah, being reinforced by
troops from St. Augustine, its commanders formed a
scheme erf extending a part of their forces into South-
Carolina.  Major Gardiner, with two hundred men,
was detached to take possession of Port-Royal  isl-
and.  Soon after he landed general Moultrie, at the
head of  an equal number of men in which  there
Avere only nine regular soldiers, attacked and  drove
him off the island.  This advantage was principally
gained by two field pieces which were Avell served by
  vol.  t.             2 Q 
J.(J8   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY, 1775--1783.
a party of the CharlestOAvn militia artillery,  under
the command  of the  captains  Hey ward and  Rut-
ledge.  The british lost almost all their officers, and
several  prisoners  were taken by  a small  party  of
Port-Royal militia commanded  by captain  Barn-
well.   The americans  had eight  men  killed, and
twenty-two Avounded.   Among  the former lieuten-
ant Benjamin  Wilkins  was the theme of universal
lamentation.    His country regretted the fall of a
worthy  man,  and an excellent officer.  A numerous
young family sustained  a loss which to them was ir-
reparable.
  This  success of the americans checked the british,
and for the present  prevented their attempting any
enterprise against South-Carolina ; but they extend-
ed  themselves over a great part of Georgia.   Their
next  object was to strengthen themselves by the ad-
dition of the tories.   Emissaries were employed to
encourage them to a general insurrection.   Several
hundreds of them accordingly embodied and march-
ed  along the western frontiers of the state.  Colonel
Pickins, with  about three hundred men, immediate-
ly  followed  and  came up with them near Kettle-
creek ;  Avhere an action took place Avhich lasted three
quarters of an hour.    The  tories gave way, and
were totally routed.   Colonel Pickins had nine men
killed, and several wounded.  The royalists had about
forty killed;  in Avhich number Avas their leader a .o-
nel Boyd,  who had been secretly employed by briti.-.h
 authority to collect  and head these insurgents.   By
this action the british were totally disconcerted. '1 ».e
tories were dispersed  all over the coui'd y.   Some 
CAMPAIGN OF  1779-
299
ran to North-Carolina, some wandered not knoAving
whither.  Many went to their homes, and cast them-
selves on the mercy of the new  government.  Soon
after this defeat, the british retreated from Augusta
towards Savannah;  and  for the remainder of that
season  the whole upper country, of  both South-Ca-
rolina and Georgia,  enjoyed  domestic security.
   The insurgents on this occasion Avere the subjects
of the state of South-Carolina, and OAved obedience
to its laws.  They Avere therefore tried in a regular
maimer, by a jury, under the direction of the courts
of justice appointed by the republican government.
Seventy of them Avere condemned to  die by the laAvs
of the state, enacted since the abolition of royal  go-
vernment ; but the sentence of the court was execu-
ted only on five of their principals, and all  the rest
were pardoned.
   This second  unsuccessful insurrection damped the
spirit of the tories.   Their plans were ill laid, and
worse executed.  They had no men  of ability capa-
ble of giving union to their force.   They were dis-
appointed in their expectations of aid from the royal
army, and had the  mortification to see a few  of
their  ringleaders executed  for treason and rebellion
against the state.
   As the british extended  their posts up the river
Savannah on the south  side,  general Lincoln  fixed
encampments at Black Swamp and opposite to Au-
gusta.  From  these  posts  he crossed the river  at
Augusta and at Zubly's ferry in two divisions, with
the view of limiting  the british to the sea coast of
Georgia.  In the execution of this  design  general 
300   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
Ash,  with  fifteen  hundred North-Carolina  militin,
and a few Georgia continentals, crossed the >a\an-
nah river on the 28th of February  1779; and im-
mediately marched down the country as far as Briar
creek.  At this place, on the  fourth day after  his
crossing, he was surprised at three o'clock in the af-
ternoon  by lieutenant-colonel Prevost.   This  de-
tachment of the royal army,  having crossed Briar
creek fifteen miles  above general  Ash's  encamp-
ment, came unexpectedly on his rear.   The ameri-
can militia, completely  surprised,  Avere thrown into
confusion  and  fled  at the first fire.   Several were
killed, and a consielerable number taken.   None had
any chance of escaping but by crossing the  river, in
attempting w hich many were drowned ; of those Avho
got over safe, a great part returned home.   The few
continentals, about 60 under  colonel Elbert, fought
 with the greatest bravery; but the survivors of them,
 with  their gallant leader, were at last compelled to
surrender.   The whole that  remained and  rejoined
the american camp, did  not exceed four hundred and
fifty men.   This event deprived general  Lincoln of
one fourth of his numbers, and opened a communica-
tion between the british, the indians, and the tories
of South and North-Carolina.
   Unexperienced  in the art of war, the  americans
 were frequently subject to those reverses  of fortune
 which usually attend young soldiers.   Unacquainted
 with military stratagems, deficient in discipline,  and
 not  thoroughly  broken to  habits of implicit obedi-
 ence, they were often surprised; and had to learn,
 by repeated misfortunes, the neccessity of subordi- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1779-
301
nation and the advantages  of  discipline.   Their
numbers in the  field, to those who are acquainted
with  european  wars, must appear inconsiderable ;
but such is the difference of the state of society, and
of the population in the old  and new world, that in
America a few hundreds  decided objects of equal
magnitude  with those  which, in  european  states,
would have called into the field  many thousands.
The prize  contended for Avas  nothing less than  the
sovereignty of  three millions of people, and five
hundred millions of acres of land ; and yet, from the
remote situation of the  invading  power and  the
thin population  of the invaded states, this moment-
ous  question was materially affected by the  con-
sequences  of battles in Avhich only a few hundreds
engaged.
   The series of disasters  which had followed  the
american arms,  since the  landing of the british  in
Georgia, occasioned among the inhabitants of South-
Carolina many  Avell-founded apprehensions for their
safety.   The assembly  of the state, desirous of ma-
king a vigorous opposition to the extension of  the
british conquests,  passed a very severe  militia-laAv.
Hitherto  the  penalties for disobedience of  orders
were inconsiderable; but as the defence  of the coun-
try in a great measure depended  on the exertions
of its inhabitants,  much heavier fines were imposed
on those who either neglected to  turn  out or  who
misbehaved or disobeyed orders.   Every effort was
made to strengthen the continental  army.   Addi-
tional bounties,  and  greater emoluments  were  pn>
mised as inducements   to encourage  the recruiting 
302  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__1783.
service.  The extent and variety of militarv opera-
tions in the open country pointed out the advantages
of  cavalry; a regiment  of dragoons  Avas therefore
raised and put under the command of colonel Da-
niel Horry.
   In this time of general alarm John Rutledge, by
the almost unanimous voice of his  countrymen, was
called to the chair of government.   To him and  his
council  Avas delegated, by the legislature, power " to
do  every thing  that appeared  to him  and them ne-
cessary  for the  public good."  In execution  of this
trust he assembled  a body of  militia.   This corps,
kept in constant readiness to  march  whithersoever
public service might require, was stationed near the
centre of the state at Orangeburgh.  From this mili-
tia camp, colonel Simmons was detached with a  thou-
sand men to reinforce general Moultrie at  Black-
Swamp.   The  original plan  of  penetrating  into
Georgia was resumed.   Lincoln inarched with the
main army up the Savannah river that he might give
confidence to the country, and lead into Georgia a
body of militia encamped in South-Carolina under
the command of general Williamson.   A small force
Avas left at  Black-Swamp and  Purysburgh for the
purpose of defending Carolina, Avhile offensive oper-
ations were about  to  be commenced in Georgia.
General Prevost availed himself of the critical time,
Avhen the american army was one hundred and fifty
miles up the Savannah river, and crossed over^nto
Carolina from  Abercorn to Purysburgh Avith  two
thousand men.   In addition to this number of regu-
lar troops a party of indians,  whose  friendship the 
CAMPAIGN  OF 1779-
303
british had previously secured, Avere associated with
the royal army.  Lieutenant-colonel Macintosh, who
commanded a few continentals at Purysburgh, not be-
ing able to oppose this force, made  a  timely retreat.
It was part of Prevost's plan to attack Moultrie 'at
Black-Swamp,  to effect which  he  made  a forced
march the  first night after he landed on the Carolina
side;  but he Avas three hours too late.   Moultrie had
changed his quarters, and being joined by Mackin-
tosh's party took post at Tulifinny bridge, to prevent
the incursion of the british into the state and to keep
between them and its capital.  General Lincoln, on
receiving information of these movements,  detached
colonel Harris Avith two hundred and fifty of his best
light troops,  for Charlestown ; but  crossed the river
Savannah  near Augusta  with the  main army,  and
marched for three days  down the country towards
the capital of Georgia.   He was induced to pursue
 his original  intention from  an  idea that  Prevost
 meant nothing more than to divert him from his in-
 tended operations in Georgia, by a feint of attempt-
 ing the capital of South-Carolina;  and because his
 marching  doAvn on the south side of the river Savan-
 nah  would occasion very  little additional delay in
 repairing  to the defence  of Charlestown.   Prevost
 proceeded in his march by the main  road,  near the
 sea coast,  without opposition as far  as Coosawhat-
 chie bridge.  Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens, Avith
 eighteen continentals and a much larger number of
 militia, was detached  to  dispute this difficult pass.
 That gallant  officer persevered till he was wounded
 and had lost one half of his  continentals.  The bri- 
304   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—-1783.
tish fired in security under the cover of  houses oh
the opposite bank, and had the advantage of a field-
piece.   On this, the hr.-t time of their being in dan-
ger, the american militia could not be persuaded to
stand their ground.  A retreat took place, and was
conducted  by  captain Shubrick, over a  long cause-
way, in the face of a superior foe.
   As the british  army advanced into the  countrv
they committed many  outrages  and depredations.
The  day before the skirmish, just mentioned, they
burnt all the buildings on major Butler's plantation
at the Eutaws.    The  day after, they burned  the
Episcopal  church in prince William's  parish and
general Bull's house at Sheldon.
   The position of general Moultrie at Tulifinny Avas
by no means a safe one, for the british might easily
have  crossed  above him and got in his  rear.  A
general retreat of his A\hole force towards Charles-
town  was  therefore thought  adviseable.    This was
conducted  with great propriety, though under many
disadvantages.    Moultrie  had no cavalry to check
the advancing foe; and, instead of receiving reinforce-
ments from the inhabitants as he  marched  through
the country,  many of the militia left him and w cnt
home.   Their families  and property lay directly in
the route of the invading army.   Several, after pro-
viding for their Avives and children, rejoined Moul-
trie in Charlestown; but the greater number sought
security  by staying on their  plantations.   The re-
treating americans destroyed all the  bridges in their
rear; but  there was scarce any other interruption
thrown  in  the way of the bricish  in their  march 
CAMPAIGN OF 1779.
305
 through the country.  The absence of the main ar-
 my under Lincoln, the retreat of Moultrie, the plun-
 dering and devastations of the invaders, and above all
 the dread of the royal auxiliaries, the indian savages,
 Avhose constant practice is to murder women and chil-
 dren, diffused a general  panic among the inhabitants;
 and induced many of them to apply to the british for
 their  protection.   NeAv converts to  the royal stan-
 dard  endeavored to ingratiate themselves Avith their
 protectors by representing the capital as an easy con-
 quest.   This flattering prospect induced  general
 Prevost, contrary to his original  intention, to pursue
 his march.   Governor  Rutledge, Avith  the  militia
 lately encamped at Orangeburg, had set out to join
 Moultrie at Tulifinny bridge ; but, on the second day
 of their march, advice was  received of Moultrie's re-
 treat, and that Prevost  was pushing towards Char-
 lestown.  This intelligence determined the governor
 to march with all the force under his  command to
 the defence of the capital.
   When Prevost crossed the Savannah river,  Char-
 lestOAvn Neck was  almost  wholly defenceless.   An
 invasion on  the land  side,  by an army marching
 through  the  country, was an event  so unexpected
 that no proper provision had  been made  against it.
 The british did  not continue their march with the
 same  rapidity with which it was begun, but  halted
 two or three  days when they had advanced  more
 than half the distance.   In this short interval lieute-
 nant-governor Bee, and the gentlemen of the council,
made the greatest  exertions to  fortify the town on
 the land side.   All the houses in the suburbs were
  vol.  i.            2  R 
306   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
burnt.  Lines, and an abbatis, were in  a feAv days
carried  from  Ashley  to  Cooper rivers.  Cannon
were mounted at proper intervals across the whole
extent of Charlestown Neck.
  The militia in the vicinity were summoned to the
defence of Charlestown, and they generally  obeyed.
Public affairs now appeared in a verv singular situa-
tion.   Lincoln  was marching  unmolested  towards
the capital of Georgia, while Prevost was advancing
with  as  little interruption toAvards  the capital  of
South-Carolina.  The hurry and confusion that pre-
vailed in the state, and particularly in Charlestown,
exceeds all description.  The whole country  see med
to be  in motion.  In the north the militia Avere push-
ing for the capital.  In the south no less than five
armies were at the same time, but for very different
purposes, marching through  the state.   General
Moultrie, with a force originally  1200 but daily di-
minishing, was retreating before general Prevost at
the head of  a british army of 2000 men.  General
Lincoln, with an american army of 4000 men having
recrossed Savannah river,  was in the rear of  Prevost
pursuing him with hasty strides to save Charlestown.
While governor Rutledge with 600 militia men and
colonel Harris with a detachment of 250 continental
troops, were both hastening, the one  from Orange-
burg and the other from the vicinity of Augusta,  to
get in front of Prevost; and either to reinforce Moul-
trie or defend the capital, as circumstances might re-
quire.   Moultrie, Rutledge, and Harris, with  their
respective commands  all  reached Charlestown  on
the 9th and  10th of May ;  the last having marched
nearly forty  miles a  day for four days successively. 
CAMPAIGN  OF 1779-
307
Their arrival, together with that  of the militia from
the northern parts of the state, gave hopes of a suc-
cessful defence.
   On the 11th 900 of the british army, their main bo-
dy and baggage being left on the south side of Ashley
river, crossed the ferry;  and in a few hours appeared
before the lines.  On the  day that they marched doAvn
Charlestown Neck,  the  infantry of an american le-
gionary corps crossed Cooper river and landed in
CharlestOAvn.  This  Avas commanded by brigadier
general  count Pulaski,  a  polander of high  birth.
The men under his command had  scarcely arrived
two hours when he led them out,  and engaged the
british cavalry  Avith so much resolution that the se-
cond in command, colonel  Kowatch, and most of his
infantry  Avere killed  or  Avounded.  The survivors
with difficulty effected their retreat.  Pulaski  had
several  successful personal rencounters Avith indivi-
duals of the british cavalry, and on all occasions dis-
covered the greatest intrepidity.  The gallant exam-
ple of this distinguished partizan, courting danger
on every occasion, had  a  considerable influence in
dispelling the general panic and in, introducing mi-
litary sentiments  into the  minds of men Avho  had
heretofore been peaceable citizens.
   The british advanced  to Watson's about a mile
from the lines.  As they w ere unfurnished for a siege,
and had nothing to depend on but the chance of a
sudden assault, this was therefore so confidently ex-
pected that the Avhole garrison continued standing to
their arms all night.   That it might not be made by
surprise, tar barrels were lighted up in front; of the
works.  When  it was dark, some fancied they saw 
 308   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.

 the enemy near the lines ;  a false alarm Avas instant-
 ly communicated and a general discharge of cannon,
 field-pieces, and musketry took place.   By this un-
 fortunate mistake major Benjamin Huger,  a brave
 officer, an able statesman, and  a highly distinguished
 citizen, Avas killed by his countrymen. He was Avith-
 out the lines on duty w ith  a party, twelve of whom
 were either killed or Avounded.   It Avas presumed by
 the garrison that  Lincoln with the army under his
 command  was in close  pursuit of Prevost,  but his
 present situation was unknown  to every person with-
 in the  lines.  To gain  time in such circumstances
 was a  matter of great consequence.  A message Avas
 sent to the british commander requesting to be in-
 formed on Avhat terms  he Avas disposed to grant a
 capitulation, to which he returned an answer offering
 " peace and protection ;" and to such as declined ac-
 ceptance of the same, "that they might be received as
 prisoners of war, and their fate be decided by that of
 the rest of the colonies."  On the 12th general Prevost
 was  informed that his proposal w as so dishonorable
 to the garrison, that it could not be agreed to; and
 an interview between officers from both  armies was
 requested to confer on terms.   At this interview the
 officers from the garrison were  instructed to propose
 " A neutrality during the war between Great-Britain
 and America;  and that the question whether the state
 shall belong to  Great-Britain or  remain one of the
 United States, be determined by the treaty of peace
 between these powers."    This proposition being
 made to lieutenant-colonel  Prevost, acting as a com-
 missioner in behalf of general  Prevost, he answered
" that they did not come in a  legislative capacity." 
CAMPAIGN OF 1779-          309
On a  second interview  lieutenant-colonel Prevost
ended  the conference by  saying, " That as the gar-
rison  was in arms they must surrender prisoners of
war."  This being refused, preparations Avere made
for sustaining an immediate assault.  The inhabi-
tants, as Avell as the regular troops, were determined
to stand  to the lines and defend their country.   The
next morning, the 13th, at day light, to the great joy
of the whole garrison, it Avas  resounded along the
lines " the enemy is gone."   It is probable they be-
gan their retreat immediately after the termination
of the conference; and were restrained from making
the threatened  assault by intelligence derived from
an intercepted letter from Lincoln, about fifty miles
distant, to Moultrie  in Charlestown, which was  da-
ted May 10th and concluded thus : " Pray stimulate
your people to every exertion for the  defence of the
town   until  the  troops here can arrive.   Our men
are full  of spirits.  I think  they will  do honor to
themselves, and  render service to the public.   Do
not give  up, nor suffer the people to despair."
   Count Pulaski, with his cavalry, pursued the bri-
tish, but they had crossed Ashley river before he came
to it.   Expresses were sent to general Lincoln to in-
form him of the  retreat of the  enemy ;  and a thou-
sand men were ordered to hold themselves  in imme-
diate readiness to go out  to his aid.  To avoid being
between  two fires the british filed off* from  the main
road by which they came and took post on James is-
land, and the other islands on the sea coast.  While
they were encamped on James island their motions
were  constantly  watched from the  steeple  of  St.
Michael's church, by Peter Timothy, and  minutely 
 310   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.

 reported  to  the  commanding officer.  The british
 collected a number of boats and  seemed  to be ma-
 king  preparations to invade the town on its Avatcr
 side.   The inhabitants expecting an  attack every
 night were kept in  a constant  state of alarm, and
 the little  army Avas subdivided  into a  number of
 small guards, posted round  the town, to prevent a
 surprise.
   While  the british were encamped on  James i.-l
 and, about seventy or eighty of the americans were
 posted nearly opposite to them at the plantation of
 Mr. Mathews on John's  island.    On the 20th of
 May a party of the troops commanded by general
 Prevost  crossed  over the narroAv river which sepa-
 rates the two islands, surprised  the out  centinel of
 the americans, and extorted from him the  counter-
 sign.   Possessed of this criterion, they advanced in
 security to the second  centinel and bayonetted him
 before he could give any alarm.   Without being dis-
 covered  they then surrounded  the house of  Mr.
 Mathews,  rushed in on the unprepared americans
 and put several of them, though they made no re-
 sistance,  to the bayonet.   Among the rest Mr. Ro-
 bert Barnwell,  a young gentleman Avho  adorned a
 very respectable  family  by his many virtues, good
 understanding, and sweetness  of  manners, received
no less than seventeen wounds ; but he had the good
fortune to recover from them all, and still  lives an
ornament to his country.   The british having com-
pleted this business, burned the house  of Mr. Ma-
thews.
  The british and american armies encamped with-
in thirty miles of CharlestOAvn, watching each other's 
              CAMPAIGN OF 1779-           311

motions till the 20th of June, Avhen an attack  was
made on  part of the british  army intrenched at
Stono ferry.   A feint was to have been made  from
James island,  Avith a body of militia from Charles-
tOAvn, at the same time that general Lincoln began
the attack from the main ;  but from mismanagement,
and a delay in providing boats,  the  militia  from
Charlestown did not reach their place of destination
till several hours after the  action.  The american
army consisted of about twelve hundred men.   The
british force consisted of six or seven hundred men.
They had three redoubts, with a line of communi-
cation, and field pieces very advantageously posted
in the intervals, and the whole secured with an ab-
batis.  That they might be harassed or lulled into
security, for several  nights preceding the action they
were alarmed  by small parties.   When the  real at-
tack  Avas  made, two companies of the seventy-first
regiment sallied out to support the pickets.   Lieu-
tenant-colonel Henderson ordered his  light-infantry
to charge them, on Avhich they  instantly retreated.
Only  nine of their  number got safe Avithin their
lines.   All the men at the british field pieces, be-
tween their redoubts were either killed or Avounded.
The attack was continued for an hour and twenty
minutes, and the assailants had manifestly the advan-
tage ; yet the  appearance of a reinforcement, to pre-
vent which the feint from James island was intended,
made a retreat necessary.
   The loss of the americans on this occasion in kil-
led and wounded was about one hundred and fifty.
Among the former was the gallant colonel Roberts;
whose superior abilities as an artillery officer, com- 
312   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
manded  the  approbation of  his countrymen  and
rendered  his early fall the  subject of  universal re-
gret.
  Soon after this attack the american militia,  im-
patient of absence from their plantations, generally
returned to their homes.  About the same time the
british left the islands in the vicinity of Charlestown,
retreating from one to another  till they arrived at
Port-Royal and Savannah.   The sea-coast of South-
Carolina, to the  southward of  CharlestOAvn, is so
chequered with islands and intersected with creeks
and marshes as to make the movements of an army
extremely difficult.   The british were  much better
provided Avith boats than the americans, and there-
fore could  retire  with expedition and safety.   Va-
rious  projects  Avere  attempted to enable  general
Lincoln to pursue them.  Boats on wheel-carriages,
constructed so  as to suit the variegated face of the
country, were proposed ; but before any thing of this
sort could be completed, the british had retreated to
places of security.
  This incursion  into South-Carolina, and subse-
quent retreat, contributed very little to the advance-
ment of the royal cause ; but it added much to the
wealth of the officers,  soldiers,  and followers of the
british army, and still more to the distresses  of  the
inhabitants.   The forces  under the  command  of
general Prevost marched through the richest settle-
ments of the state, where are the fewest white inha-
bitants in proportion to the number of  slaves.  The
hapless  africans,  allured with  hopes  of  freedom,
forsook their owners and repaired  in great numbers
to the  royal army.   They endeavored  to recom- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1779-
313
mend themselves to their neAv masters, by discover-
ing where their owners had concealed their proper-
ty, and  were assisting in carrying it off.   All subor-
dination being destroyed they became insolent, and
rapacious,  and  in some instances exceeded the bri-
tish in their plunderings and devastations.  Collect-
ed in great crowds, near the royal army, they Avere
seized with the  camp-fever  in  such numbers that
they could not be accommodated either w ith proper
lodgings or  attendance.  The british carried out of
the state, it is supposed, about three thousand slaves ;
many of whom were shipped from Georgia and East-
Florida, and  sold in the  West-Indies.   When  the
british  retreated  they had  accumulated so  much
plunder, that they had not the means of removing
the whole of it.   The vicinity of the american army
made them  avoid the main land  and go off in great
precipitation from one island to another.  Many of
the horses Avhich they had  collected from the  .inha-
bitants  were lost in ineffectual attempts  to transport
them over the rivers and marshes.   For Avant of a
sufficient number of boats, a considerable part of the
negroes were left behind.  They had been so tho-
roughly impressed by the british with the expecta-
tions of the severest treatment, and  even of certain
death from their owners, in  case of their returning
home, that  in order to get off with the retreating
army they would sometimes fasten themselves  to
the sides of the boats.   To  prevent this dangerous
practice the fingers of some of them were chopped
off, and soldiers were posted Avith cutlasses and  bayo-
nets to  oblige them  to keep at a proper distance.
  vol.  i.              2 S 
314 revolutionary history,  1775—17^3.

Many  of them, laboring under diseases, afraid to
return home, forsaken by  their new masters,  and
destitute of the necessaries of life, perished in the
woods.  Those Avho got off with the  army were col-
lected  on Otter island,  Avhere the camp-fever con-
tinued to rage.    Without medicine, attendance, or
the comforts proper for the sick, some hundreds of
them expired.   Their dead bodies,  as they lay ex-
posed  in the woods,  were devoured  by  beasts and
birds ;  and to this day the island is strewed with their
bones.    The british carried with them several rice-
barrels full of  plate,  and  household furniture in
large quantities, which they  had taken from the  in-
habitants.   They  had spread  over  a considerable
extent of country, and small parties  visited almost
every house, stripping it of whatever was most valu-
able, and rifling the inhabitants of their money, rings,
jewels, and other personal ornaments.   The reposi-
tories  of the dead were in several places opened, and
the grave itself searched for hidden treasure*.  Fea-
ther-beds were ripped open for the sake of  the tick-
ing.   Windows,  china-ware, looking-glasses,  and
pictures  were dashed to pieces.   Not only the lar-
ger  domestic animals were  cruelly and wantonly
shot down, but the licentiousness of the soldiery ex-
tended so far that, in  several places, nothing within
their reach,  however  small  and  insignificant,  was
suffered  to  live.   The gardens which had been im-

   * Several of the first settlers of Carolina laid off spots of
ground  on their plantations for the interment oi their  v'-jud,
when there were no or very few public church yards.  These
private  cemeteries are still  used by their descendants and others
for the  same purpose. 
              CAMPAIGN OF  1779-            315

proved with great care, and ornamented with many
foreign productions, were laid Avaste and their nicest
curiosities destroyed.  The houses of the planters
were seldom burnt, but in  every  other  way the de-
structions and depredations committed by the british
were enormous.
   Soon after the affair at Stono, on the 20th of June,
the continental forces under the command of gene-
ral Lincoln  retired to Sheldon. Both armies remain-
ed in their respective encampments till the arrival of
a french fleet on the coast roused the whole country
to immediate activity.
   After the conquest of Grenada, in the summer of
1779,  count  D'Estaing  with the force  under his
command retired to Cape-Francois.   Thence  he
sailed for the  american continent and arrived early
in September  with a fleet consisting of twenty sail of
the line, iavo of fifty guns, and eleven frigates.   As
soon as his arrival on the coast Avas known general
Lincoln, with the army under his command, march-
ed for  Savannah;  and orders were issued for the
militia  of South-Carolina  and Georgia to rendez-
vous immediately near the same place.   The british
were equally  diligent in preparing for their defence.
Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, who had a small  com-
mand at Sunbury, and lieutenant-colonel Maitland,
who was in force at Beaufort, were ordered to repair
 to Savannah.   Count D'Estaing made repeated de-
 clarations, that he could not remain more than fifteen
 days on shore.   Nevertheless, the fall of Savannah
 was considered as certain.  It was generally believT-
 ed that in a few days  the british would be stripped
 of all  then'  southern  possessions.    Flushed with 
310  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, J 7 75__17^-;

these romantic hopes, the militia turned  out with a
readiness that far surpassed their  exertions in the
preceding campaign.   Every aid  was given from
Charlestown,  by sending small vessels to assist the
french in their landing;  but as the large ships of
count D'Estaing could not come near the shore, this
was not effected till  the 12th of  September.  On the
16th, Savannah was summoned to  surrender.  The
garrison  requested twenty-four hours to  consider of
an answer.  This request was made with a view of
gaining time for the  detachment at Beaufort, com-
manded by lieutenant-colonel Maitland,  to join the
royal army in  Savannah.  An enterprise was under-
taken to  prevent this junction,  but it proved  un-
successful.    Lieutenant-colonel Maitland pus in el
through by Dawfuskies, dragged his  boats  through
a gut, and joined Prevost  before the time granted
for preparing  an answer  to D'Estaing's summons
had  elapsed.  The arrival  of such a reinforcement,
and  especially of the brave  lieutenant-colonel Mait-
land, determined the  garrison  to  risk an  assault.
The french  and  americans,  who formed a junction
the evening  after, were therefore reduced to the ne-
cessity of storming or of besieging the garrison.   On
the evening of the 23d they broke ground.   On the
4th of October the besiegers opened with nine mor-
tars, thirty-seven pieces of cannon from the lanel-
side and  sixteen from the Avater.   These continued
to play with short intervals for four or five days,  but
Avithout any  considerable effect.
  It w as determined  to make an  assault.  This mea-
sure was forced on D'Estaing by his marine-officers,
who had  remonstrated against his continuing to risk 
CAMPAIGN OF  1779-
317
so valuable a fleet in its present  unrepaired condi-
tion on such a dangerous coast in  the hurricane sea-
son, and at  so great a distance from the shore that
it  might be  surprised by a british fleet.   In a few
days the lines ot the  besiegers might have been car-
ried into the works of the besieged ;  but under these
critical circumstances no further delay could be ad-
mitted.   To assault or to raise  the siege was the
only  alternative.   Prudence Avould have  dictated
the latter; but a sense of honor determined to adopt
the former.   The morning of the 9th of October
was fixed  upon  for  the  attack.   Two feints  were
made Avith the country militia; and  a real attack on
the Spring-Hill battery with 2500 french troops. 600
continentals, and 350 of the Charlestown militia, led
by count  D'Estaing and general Lincoln.  They
marched up  to the lines with great boldness ; but a
heavy  and well directed  fire from  the batteries,  anel
a cross-fire  from the gallies did such execution as
threw  the  front of the column into  confusion.   A
general retreat of the assailants took place after they
had stood the enemy's  fire for fifty-five minutes.
Count D'Estaing received two Avounds ;  637  of his
troops, and 257  continentals Avere killed or wounel-
ed : of the 350 Charlestown militia,  Avho Avercin the
hottest of the fire, six Avere  Avounded  and captain
Shepherd killed.   The force  of the garrison was be-
tween  two and  three  thousand, of which about one
hundred and fifty Avere militia.   The damage  sus-
tained  by the besieged Avas trifling as they fired un-
der cover, and few of the  assailants fired at all.  Im-
mediately after this unsuccessful assault, the miiitia 
318 REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
almost  universally  went to their  homes.   Count
D'Estaing  reimbarked his troops, artillery and bag-
gage, and left the continent;  and general Lincoln's
army marched to Charlestown.
   Thus ended the  campaign of 1779, Avithout any
thing decisive  on either side.   After one year, in
which the  british had  overrun  the state  of Georgia
for one hundred and  fifty miles from the coast and
had penetrated as far  as the lines of Charlestown,
they were  reduced  to their original  limits in Savan-
nah.  All  their schemes of co-operation w ith the to-
ries had failed, and the spirits of that class of the
inhabitants, by repeated disappointments, were tho-
roughly broken. The arrival of the french fleet pro-
tracted the execution of a plan formed  for turning
the force of the Avar against the southern  states. The
want of success in  the attack  on Savannah induced
 the british commander in New-York,  soon  after
 count D'Estaing's departure, to resume it.
                SECTION  VII.
               Campaign of 1780.
No sooner Avas the departure of the french  fleet
from the coast of America known at New-York, than
sir  Henry  Clinton  set on  foot a grand expedition
against Charlestown.  The campaigns of 1778 and
1779 to the  northAvard,  had  produced nothing of
importance.  But he regaled himself with flattering
prospects of more easy conquests  among the weaker
states.  The almost  uninterrupted march of general 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.            319
Prevost through the richest parts of South-Carolina
to the gates of the capital; the conduct of the plan-
ters who,  on that occasion, Avere more attentive to
secure their property  by submission, than to defend
it  by resistance, tog ther Avith the recent successful
defence of Savannah, all invited the british arms t®
the southward.
   Unfortunately for Carolina, the most  formidable
attack  Avas made on her capital, at a time when she
was least  able to defend it.   In  1776 a vote  of her
new government stamped a  value on her bills of
credit,  Avhich in  1780 could not be affixed to twenty
times as much of the same nominal currency.   At
this  important  juncture,  when  the public service
needed the largest supplies, the paper bills of credit
were of the least value.  To a want of money Avas ad-
ded a  want of  men.   The militia  were exhausted
Avith an uninterrupted  continuance of  hard duty.
The winter, to others  a  time of repose, had been to
them a season for most active exertions.   The dread
of the small-pox which, after seventeen years ab-
sence,  was known to  be in Charlestown, discouraged
many  from repairing  to the defence of the capital.
The six continental regiments, on the South-Carolina
establishment,  in  the year 1777, consisted of 2400
men ;  but in the year  1780 they were so much redu*>
ced by death, desertion, battles, and the expiration
of their terms of service, that they did not exceed
800.   Government had neither the policy to forgive
nor the courage to punish the numbers who,  in the
preceding campaign,  deserting their country's cause,
had repaired for protection to the royal standard of 
320   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775__1783.
general Prevost.   They  who  stayed at home and
submitted, generally saved some part of their proper-
ty.   They who  continued with the american army
Avere plundered of every thing that could be carried
away, and deprived of the remainder as far as w as
possible by wanton  destruction.   After events  of
this  kind, it  Avas no  easy  matter  to call forth the
militia from their  homes to the defence of Charles-
town.   The  repulse at  Savannah, impressed the
inhabitants with  high ideas  of the  poAver of Bri-
tain.    The  impossibility of  a  retreat from  an
invested  town,  created  in   many  an  aversion
from  lines and  ramparts.   The  presence  of  sir
Henry Clinton who,  as commander in chief,  could
order Avhat  reinforcements he pleased, and who
would naturally  wish  by something  brilliant  to
efface  the  remembrance  of  his  defeat in  1776,
concurred  with the  causes  already  mentioned to
dispirit the  country.   The  North-Carolina and
Virginia continentals, amounting to 1500 men, and
also two frigates, a twenty gun ship, and a sloop of
war, were ordered  from the northward  for the  de-
fence of CharlestOAvn.  This  was all  the aid that
could be expected from congress.  The resolution
Avas nevertheless unanimously taken, in a full house
of assembly,  to defend  the  tOAvn  to  the  last ex-
tremity.
   The royal  army, destined  for  the  reduction of
Charlestown, embarked at NeAv-York on the 26th of
December 1779.   They had a tedious and difficult
 passage,  in  which  they  sustained  great  damage.
This.- Avith  their touching at  Savannah, made  it as 
CAMPAIGN  OF 1780.           321
late as the  11th of February 1780, before they land-
ed at the distance  of thirty miles from Charlestown.
The assembly, then sitting, immediately broke up,
and delegateel,  " till ten days after their next session,
to the governor John  Rutledge, and such  of his
council as  he could conveniently consult, a power to
do every thing necessary for the public good, except
the taking  away the life of a citizen  Avithout a legal
trial."  Invested with this authority, he immediately
ordered the miiitia to rendezvous.   Though the ne-
cessity w as great, few obeyed the pressing call.   A
proclamation was soon after issued, " requiring such
of the militia as were  regularly  draughted, and all
the inhabitants and owners of property in the town,
to repair to the american standard, and join the gar-
rison immediately, under pain of  confiscation." This
severe,  though necessary measure,  produced  very
little effect.  Had sir Henry Clinton pushed imme-
diately for the town, he might have possessed himself
of it in four days after his landing; but that cautious
commander adopted the  slow method of a regular
investiture.  At VVappoo, on James island, he formed
a depot and erected fortifications  both on that island
and on the main, opposite to the  southern and  wes-
tern extremities of the town.   On the 29th of March
he passed Ashley river, and the third day after broke
ground at the distance of eleven hundred yards,  and
at successive periods erected five batteries on Char-
lestown Neck.   The garrison was equally assiduous
in preparing for their defence.  The works that  had
been thrown up in the spring of the year  17/9, were
  vol. i.               2 I 
322   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
strengthened and extended.   Lines of defence and
redoubts  Avere continued  across  Charlestown  Neck
from Cooper to Ashley river.   In front of the lines
Avas a strong abbatis,  and a Avet ditch picketted on
the nearest side.  Between the abbatis and the lines
deep holes  were dug  at  short distances  from each
other.  The lines were made particularly strong on
the right  and left, and so  constructed as  to rake the
wet ditch in almost its whole extent.  In the centre
a strong citadel was erected.   Works were thrown
up on all sides of the town where a landing  Avas
practicable.   The  continentals, with the Charles-
tOAvn battalion of artillery, manned the lines in front
of the  british on the  Neck between Ashley  and
Cooper rivers.  The works on South-Bay and other
parts of the town, not immediately exposed to dan-
ger,  were defended  by  the  militia.   The  marine
force of the state had been increased  by  converting
four schooners into gallies, and by the armed ships
Bricole and Truite, which for that purpose had been
lately purchased from  the french.  The inferior num-
bers of the  garrison forbad  any attempts to oppose
sir Henry Clinton before his  landing on the main.
 Immediately after  which lieutenant-colonel John
Laurens, with a corps of light-infantry,  briskly  at-
 tacked his advanced guards.  In this skirmish, cap-
 tain  Bowman was killed,  major Hyrne  and seven
 privates wounded.   Though the lines were  no more
 than field-works, yet sir Henry treated them with the
 respectful homage of three parallels, and made his
 advances with  the greatest circumspection.   From
 the third to the tenth of  April, the first parallel was 
CAMPAIGN OF  1780.          333
completed, and immediately after the town was sum-
moned to  surrender.   On the 12th  the  batteries
were opened, and an almost incessant fire kept up.
  A british fleet, commanded by admiral Arbuthnot
consisting of the Renown of fifty guns, the Romulus
and Roebuck  each of forty-four, the Richmond, Le
Blonde, Raleigh, Virginia, each of thirty-two guns,
and the Sandwich armed ship, crossed  the  bar in
front of  Rebellion road on the 20th of March, and
anchored in Five Fathom Hole.  The force opposed
to this was the Bricole of forty-four guns, the Provi-
dence and Boston, each of thirty-two,  the Queen of
France of twenty-eight, L'Avanture and the Truite,
each  of twenty-six, the  Ranger and  brig General
Lincoln, each  of twenty, and the brig  Notre Dame
of  sixteen guns.  The first  object of commodore
Whipple, who  commanded the american naval force,
was to prevent admiral Arbuthnot from crossing the
bar;  but on the near approach of the british fleet he
retreated to fort Moultrie, and in a few days after to
Charlestown.   The crews and guns of all his vessels,
except the Ranger, were put on shore to  reinforce
the  batteries.   On the ninth of April admiral Ar-
buthnot weighed anchor at Five Fathom Hole, and
taking advantage of a strong  southerly wind, and
floAving tide, passed fort Moultrie without  stopping
to engage it.   Colonel Pinckney, who commanded
on Sullivan's island, with three hundred men, kept
up a brisk and severe fire on the ships  in their pas-
sage.   Twenty-seven  seamen w ere killed or wound-
ed.   The Richmond's fore-topmast was  shot away,
and  the  ships  in general sustained damage.  The 
324   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
Acetus transport ran aground near Haddrcll's point.
Captain  Gadsden, detached with two field-pieces,
fired into her with such effect that the crew set her
on fire, and retreated in boats to the other vessels.
The royal fleet  came to anchor, in about two hours,
near the remains of fort Johnson on  James island,
within long shot of the town batteries.  To prevent
their running up Cooper river, from Avhich they might
have enfiladed the  lines, was the next object.   With
this intention eleven vessels  had been  sunk in the
channel opposite  to  the Exchange.  The   Ranger
frigate and two gallies were stationed to the north-
ward  of it, to co-operate with the batteries  on  shore
in defending these obstructions, and to attack any
armed vessels  that might force a passage  through
Hog-Island channel
   Though the  greatest exertions had  been  made by
the gentlemen in  power to  reinforce the  garrison,
and to strengthen the lines, yet their endeavors were
not seconded by  the  people.   No  more  country
militia could be brought  into  the  town,  and very
few could  be persuaded to  embody in the country.
Seven hundred continentals, commanded by general
Woodford, who had marched five hundred  miles .in
twenty-eight days, arrived  in  Charlestown on the
10th of April.  This was the only reinforcement the
o-arrison  received  during the siege, though the  com-
munication between the town and country was open
until the middle of April.
   The fire of the  besiegers soon discovered itself to
be  much  superior to that of the  besieged.   Ihe
former  had  the advantage of twenty-one  mortars 
CAMPAIGN OF  17*V.
325
and  royals ;  the  latter only of  two.   While  the
lines  of approach  advanced  with such  rapidity,
that  the second  parallel,  at  the  distance of three
hundred yards, was completed on the 20th, the lines
ot the besieged in many places sustained great  da-
mage.  On the  14th the american cavalry,  as shall
be more particularly hereafter related, was surprised
at Monk's  Corner, and totally routed.   The british
immediately extended themselves to the eastward of
Cooper river, and took post Avith two hundred  and
fifty  cavalry, and  five hundred infantry, in the vici-
nity  of  Wappetaw.   On  the 16th  general Lincoln
called a council of officers, who Avere of opinion  that
the weak state of  the garrison made it  improper to
detach  a  number sufficient to attack  this separate
corps.  The only practicable route of an evacuation
was  to the right  of the  town.   To deter  Lincoln
from attempting this change  of position, the british
continued to extend and increase  their  force in  that
quarter.  On the  20th and 21st a council of officers
was again called to  deliberate on the important sub-
ject  of an evacuation.   They were of opinion,  "  that
it was unadvisable, because of the opposition made to
it by the civil authority and the inhabitants, and be-
cause, even if they should succeed in defeating a large
body ot the enemy posted in their way, they had not a
sufficiency  of  boats  to cross  the Santee before they
might be overtaken by the  whole british  army."
The  council of war recommended a  capitulation
with the besiegers as the  most eligible mode  of ef-
fecting  the desired evacuation.   In this it was pro-
posed that the security  of the inhabitants, and a safe 
326  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—7183.
unmolested retreat for the garrison, with baggage
and field-pieces to the north-east of Charlestown,
should be granted on the  part of sir Henry Clinton,
as an equivalent for the quiet possession of the town,
its  fortifications  and  dependencies.   These  terms
Avere instantly rejected, and from that time the dispi-'
rited garrison made a languid resistance.
  The inferior numbers of the besieged  forbad re-
peated sallies.  The only one made during the siege
was on the 24th of April,  soon after the rejection of
the  offered terms  of  capitulation.  This was con-
ducted  by  lieutenant-colonel Henderson,  who  led
out  two  hundred  men, and  attacked the advanced
working-party of the british, killed several, and took
eleven prisoners.   In this affair captain Moultrie,
of  the South-Carolina line, was  killed.   The only
plan now left for  an  evacuation,  was to withdraw
privately under cover of the night.  A council of
war held on the 26th pronounced this measure  im-
practicable with  the  present numbers of  the garri-
son.  While general Lincoln was pressed with these
difficulties, the british flag was seen flying on fort
Moultrie.  After  the ships had  passed  Sullivan's
island, colonel  Pinckney,  Avith one hundred and fifty
of the men under his command, was withdrawn from
that post to reinforce the  besieged army in Charles-
town.  The feeble  remainder of that garrison, most-
ly militia, on the  6th  of  May  surrendered  without
firing a gun, to captain Hudson of the british navy.
On the next day sir Henry Clinton began a corres-
pondence, and renewed his former terms.   At  this
time all the flesh-provisions of the garrison were not 
CAMPAIGN OF  1780.              32/
 sufficient to furnish  rations for the space of a week.
 There was no prospect either of reinforcements, or
 of supplies  from the country. The engineers gave it
 as their opinion that the lines could not be defended
 ten days longer, and that they might at any time be
 carried by assault in ten minutes.   The same obsta-
 cles in the way of an evacuation  still existed with
 increased force.   General Lincoln Avas  disposed to
 close Avith the terms offered, as far as they respected
 his army; but some demur was made in behalf of
 the citizens.    Sir  Henry  Clinton  insisted  on their
 being  all prisoners  on parole.    He  also  evaded
 any determinate answer to the article which request-
 ed leave for those who did not choose to submit to
 the british government, to  sell their estates and leave
 the province.   The royalists in the state having had
 this indulgence at all times since the abolition of re-
 gal government, it was hoped that on a  proper re-
 presentation of these matters, in a free conference,
 the generosity of  the besiegers would soften  their
 demands.   This  conference Avas  asked   by general
 Lincoln, without directly refusing  what was offered.
 Contrary  to the expectation of the  besieged, an an-
 swer was returned that hostilities should recommence
 at eight o'clock.   When that hour arrived the most
 vigorous onset of the besiegers was immediately ex-
 pected by the  garrison.  But instead of this neither
 army  fired a  gun for some time.   Both seemed to
 dread the consequences of  an assault, and  to  w ish
for a continuance of  the truce, and a reconsideration
of the proposed articles.  At nine  P. M. firing com-
menced from the garrison,  and was kept up on both 
028   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
sides for several hours Avith unusual briskness, and
did more execution than had taken place in the same
length of time since the commencement of the siege.
Shells and carcasses Avere throw n incessantly into al-
most  all parts of the  tOAvn.  Several houses were
burnt, and  many  more were with difficulty saved.
By this.time the british had completed their third
parallel.     Besides the cannon  and mortars which
played on the garrison at  a distance of less than a
hundred yards, rifles were  fired by the hessian jagers
w ith such effect,  that very few escaped who showed
themselves above the lines.  On the 11th the british
crossed the  wet ditch by sap,  and  advanced within
twenty-five  yards of the lines of the besieged.   On
this day petitions were presented from a great ma-
jority of the inhabitants, and of the country militia,
praying  general Lincoln to accede to the terms offer-
ed by  sir  Henry  Clinton.   Under tfiese  circum-
stances  Lincoln found it  necessary to  assent to the
articles  as  proposed  without  any  conference or ex-
planation.
   This Avas the first instance in the american war of
an attempt  to  defend a town ; and the unsuccessful
event, with its  consequences, makes it  probable
that if this  method had been generally adopted the
independence  of America  could not  have been  so
easily supported.
   Much censure Avas undeservedly cast on general
 Lincoln for risking his army within the lines. Though
 the contrary plan was  undoubtedly the best in gene-
 ral, yet he  had particular reasons  to justify his de-
 viation  from  the  example of  the illustrious com- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.           329
mander in  chief of the american  army.  The rein-
forcements promised  him were fully  sufficient  for
the security of the town.  The congress and the  go-
vernments  of North and South-Carol in a gave him
ground to  count upon nine  thousand nine hundred
men.    From a  variety of causes,  some of  which
have been already stated, this  paper army, includ-
ing the militia of both Carolinas,  was very little
more  than one  third  of that number.  Notwith-
standing this unfortunate termination  of his com-
mand in the southern district,  great praise is due to
general Lincoln  for  his judicious and spirited con-
duct, in baffling, for three months, the greatly supe-
rior force of sir Henry Clinton and admiral Arbuth-
not.  Though Charlestown and the southern  army
were lost yet, by their long protracted  defence,  the
british plans were not only retarded,  but deranged;
and North-Carolina, as will  hereafter be made evi-
dent,  was saved for the remainder of the year  1780.
   The return of prisoners transmitted by sir Henry
Clinton on the surrender of  Charlestown,  was very
large.   It comprehended every adult freeman of the
town, between two and three thousand sailors who
had been taken from  the shipping and  put into  the
batteries, and the militia of  both  Carolinas then in
garrison.   These swelled the number to upAvards of
5000, and afforded ample materials for a  splendid
account of the importance of the conquest;  but  the
real number of the privates of the continental army
was 1977,  and of these 500 were in the hospitals.
The number of captive officers was also great.  Dn-
   vol.  i.             2 U 
330   revolutionary history, 1775—1783.
ring the thirty davs of the siege, onlv twenty ameri-
can soldiers deserted.   The militia and  sailors Avere
stationed in those batteries which were not much ex-
posed, and therefore they suffered  very little.   Of
the continentals who manned the lines in front of the
besiegers  eighty-nine vvere killed, and one hundred
and thirty-eight wounded ; among the former  were
colonel Parker, an officer who had often distinguish-
ed himself by his gallantry and good conduct, and
captain Peyton, both of the Virginia  line;  Philip
Neyle, aid-de-camp to general  Moultrie; captains
Mitchel and  Templeton,  and  lieutenant Gilbank.
The Charlestown militia artillery, who were station-
ed at the lines and did equal  duty with the conti-
nentals, had three men killed; adjutant Warham and
 seven privates wounded ; about twenty  of the inhabi-
 tants who remained in their houses  were killed  by
 random-shot in the town.  Upwards of thirty houses
 were burnt, and many others greatly damaged.
    After the british took possession of the tOAvn the
 arms taken from the army and  inhabitants, amount-
 ing to five thousand, were lodged in  a  laboratory
 near a large quantity of cartridges and of loose pow-
 der.  By the imprudence of the guaid, in snapping
 the guns and pistols, this powder took fire, bleAv  up
 the house,  dispersed the  burning  fragments of  it,
 which set fire to  and destroyed the workhouse, the
 gaol,  and the old barracks.  The british guard, con-
 sisting of fifty  men, stationed  at this place, was  de-
 stroyed and their mangled bodies dashed by the vio-
  lent  explosion  against the neighboring houses  in
  Archdale-street.   Several  persons in the vicinity 
CAMPAIGN  OF 1780.           331
shared the same fate.   Many of the fire-arms were
loaded ;  they,  with  the  cartridges going off,  sent
the instruments of death in all directions.   Upwards
of a  hundred  persons lost their  lives  on this oc-
casion.
   In  the tedious and difficult Avinter passage of the
royal  army from New-York to Charlestown, che hor-
ses destined to mount the british cavalry Avere lost.
Lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton, after he landed, in a
little  time obtained a fresh supply and began the
career of his victories.  Soon after he had procured
horses to mount his  cavalry, he joined  a body of
about a thousand men Avho had marched through
the country from Savannah under the command of
general Patterson.   On  the 18th of March  1780,, a
detachment from his corps  surprised a party of ame-
rican  militia, about eighty in number, at Saltcatcher
bridge, killed  and wounded several of them and dis-
persed the remainder.   Five days after  lieutenant-
colonel Tarleton with his legion fell in with  another
small party of mounted  militia, near Ponpon, who
immediately retreated.   In the pursuit three Avere
killed, one wounded, and four taken prisoners.  His
next rencounter was on the 27th Avith lieutenant-co-
lonel  Washington, at the head  of his regular corps
of horse, between the ferry on Ashley river and Ran-
towle's bridge on Stono.  The americans had the
advantage, took seven prisoners and drove back the
cavalry of the british legion; but for  want of infan-
try durst not pursue them.   At the beginning of the
siege  general  Lincoln ordered  the regular cavalry,
amounting to three hundred men, to keep the field; 
332   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1783.
and the country militia were ordered to act as  infan-
try in their support.  The militia, on various preten-
ces,  refused to attach  themselves to  the cavalry.
This important body of horse, which was intended
to cover the country,  and keep open a communication
between it and the town, was surprised on the  14th
of April at Monk's Corner by a strong party of bri-
tish led  by lieutenant-colonels Tarleton  and Web-
ster.   A negro-slave for a sum of money  conducted
the british from Goose creek,  in the  night, through
unfrequented paths.   About twenty-five of the ame-
ricans were killed or taken.  They who escaped
were obliged for several days to conceal themselves
in the swamps.  Upwards of thirty horses were lost,
and became a seasonable supply to  the british who
were  but badly/ mounted.   After this catastrophe all
armed parties of americans, for some time, abandon-
ed that part of the state which lies to the southward
of Santee.
   Soon after this  surprise colonel  Anthony Walton
White arrived, and took the command of the remains
of the cavalry.   At  the head of this corps, mounted
a second time with great difficulty, he crossed to the
southward of the  Santee and, on the 6th of May
1780,  came up with a small british party,  took them
prisoners and conducted them to Lanneau's ferry.
Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with a party  of horse,
was  dispatched to the ferry and arrived  there in a
few minutes after  the american cavalry and instant-
ty charged  them  with a superior force.   From the
want of boats, and of infantry, a retreat was imprac-
ticable and resistance  unavailing.     A  rout  took 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.           333
place.   Major Call and  seven  others  escaped on
horseback by  urging their Avay through the advan-
cing british cavalry. Lieutenant-colonel Washington,
major Jameson, and five or six privates, saved them-
selves by swimming across the Santee.   About thir-
ty were killed, wounded, or taken.  The remainder
got off by  concealing  themselves in the  swamps.
The british  prisoners, who were in  a  boat crossing
the river, being called upon by their friends to come
back,  rose on their guard and were released.
   After the  landing of the british in 1780,  depreda-
tions similar to those already described recommen-
ced.  As the reduction  of Carolina was then confi-
dently expected,  they did  not commit such Avanton
wastes as general Prevost's army;  but it  is hard to
tell which exceeded the other in  plundering. As the
royal army  of 1780 was much more numerous, and
extended over the country on  all sides of Charles-
town, and  had the convenience  evf a large fleet on
the coast  to carry off their spoil, they made much
greater collections of bulky articles.  They possess-
ed themselves in  particular of indigo to the value of
many thousand dollars.   From mistaken policy, the
merchants and others had stored  the greater part of
their commodities without the lines, and very often
on or near the water.   These collections  very  gen-
erally fell into the hands  of the conquerors.   The
british on this occasion plundered by system, form-
ed a general  stock and appointed commissaries of
captures.   Spoil  collected this way Avas disposed of
for the benefit of  the  royal  army.  The quantity
brought to market Avas so great that though it sold 
334   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
uncommonly low, yet the dividend of a major-general
was upwards of four thousand british guineas.   The
private plunder of individuals,  on their separate ac-
count, was often more than their proportion of the
public stock. Over and above what was sold in Caro-
lina, several vessels were sent abre>ad to market, load-
ed w ith  rich spoil taken from the inhabitants.   Up-
wards of two thousand plundered negroes were ship-
ped off at one embarkation.  Several private gentle-
men lost in  the  invasions  of 1779 and  1780, from
five hundred to two thousand dollars worth of plate,
and other property in proportion.   The slaves a se-
cond  time flocked  to the british army  and, being
crowded together, were visited by the camp-teyer.
The small-pox, which had not  been in the province
for seventeen years,  broke out among  them,  and
spread rapidly.   From these two diseases, and the
impossibility of their being provided with  proper ac-
commodations and attendance in the british encamp-
ments, great numbers of  them died  and  were left
unburied in the woods.
   Never did any people more  mistake their true in-
terest than the inhabitants of South-Carolina, in  per-
mitting the british to obtain foothold in their country.
Exhausted with the fatigues and impoverished by
the consequences of a war into which they had been
gradually drawn, without any intention originally of
pushing it so far, some flattered themselves that the
reduction of Charlestown would terminate their suf-
ferings ;   but that event proved to them the com-
mencement of still greater evils. 
CAMPAIGN OP 1780.
33<j
  The capital  having surrendered,  the  next object
was to secure the general submission of the inhabi-
tants.  To this end the victors  posted garrisons in
different parts of the country, and  marched  with a
large body of their troops over the SanteeytOAvards
that extremity of the state which borders on the most
populous  settlements  of  North-Carolina.   This
caused an immediate retreat of some parties of ame-
ricans Avho  had advanced into the upper parts of
South-Carolina, with the expectation of  relieving
Charlestown.   Among the corps  which had come
forward with that view, there was one commanded by
colonel Buford which consisted of three or four hun-
dred continental infantry  and a  few  horsemen.  Co-
lonel Tarleton with about seven hundred horse and
foot  was  dispatched in quest of this party.   That
enterprising  officer, having  mounted his  infantry,
marched one hundred miles in fifty-four hours, came
up  Avith them at the Waxhaws,  and demanded their
surrender on  terms similar to those  granted to the
continentals taken in CharlestOAvn.    This  being re-
fused, an action immediately  ensued. Buford com-
mitted two capital mistakes in this affair.   One Avas
his  sending his waggons  and artillery aAvay before
the engagement.   The w aggons might have  served
as a breast-work  to defend his  men against the  at-
tacks of the cavalry.  Another mistake was order-
ing his men not to fire till the  enemy were within
ten yards.  A single discharge  made but little im-
pression on the advancing british horsemen.   Before
it could be  repeated, the assailants  were in contact
with their adversaries cutting them down  with their 
336 REVOLUTION A KV IIIVIORA,  177.)— 17 S3.
sabres.   The  americans finding  resistance useless,
sued for quarters ; but their submission produced no
cessation of hostilities.   Some of them, alter they
had  ceased  to  resist, lost their hands ; others their
arms, and almost every one was mangled with a suc-
cession of wounds.   The charge  was urged till five
in six of the whole  number of the americans avcit,
by Tarletons official account of this bloody scene, ei-
ther killed or so badly Avounded as to be incapable of
being moved from the field of battle ; and by the same
account this took place though they made such ineffec-
tual opposition, as only to kill five and wound  twelve
of the british.   Lord Cornwrallis bestoAved on  Tarle-
ton the highest encomiums  for this enterprise,  and
recommended  him in a special manner to poyal fa-
vor.   This  barbarous  massacre  gave a more  san-
guinary turn to the war.  Tarleton's quarters became
proverbial;  and in the subsequent battles a spirit of
revenge  gave a  keener edge to military resentments.
   This total rout of  all the continental troops of the
southern states, Avhich Avere not made prisoners by
the capitulation  of Charlestown, together with tjie
universal panic occasioned by the surrender  of that
capital, suspended  for about six  weeks all military
opposition to the progress  of the  british army.  In
this hour of distress, to the friends of independence,
the royal commander,  by proclamation,  denounced
the  extremity of vengeance against those of the in-
habitants who should continue,  by force of arms, to
oppose the re-establishment  of british government.
The conquerors did not rest the  royal cause exclu-
sively on threats.   On the first  of June, nineteen 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.            33?
days  after the surrender of Charlestowrn, sir Henry
Clinton and admiral  Arbuthnot  in the character of
commissioners for  restoring peace to  the revolted
colonies, by proclamation, offered " to the inhabi-
tants,  with a  feAv exceptions, pardon  for their past
treasonable offences and a  reinstatement  in  the
possession of  all those  rights and immunities  which
they heretofore had enjoyed under a free british go-
vernment exempt from taxation except by their own
legislatures."   These specious offers,  together with
the impossibility  of their fleeing with their families
and effects, and the want of  an army  to which  the
militia of the state might repair,  induced the people
in the country to abandon all schemes of further re-
sistance.   The militia to the southward of Charles-
town sent  in a flag  to the commanding officer  of the
royal  detachment at  Beaufort, and obtained  terms
similar to  those granted to the- inhabitants of  the
capital.  At Camden the inhabitants met the british
with  a flag, and negociated for themselves.   The
people of  Ninety-Six asssembled to  deliberate on
what course  they  should pursue.  Being informed
that the  british Avere  advancing to that part of the
state  they  sent a flag to the commanding officer,
from Avhom they learned that sir Henry Clinton had
delegated full   powers to captain Richard Pearis to
treat Avith them.  Articles of capitulation were im-
mediately proposed, and soon after ratified; by Avhich
they were promised the same security for their per-
sons and property  which british subjects  enjoyed.
Excepting the  extremities of the state,  Avhich border
on  North-Carolina, the inhabitants Avho continued
  voi. r.              2 X 
33S  RLVJl I TION ARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.

in the country generally preferred submission to re-
sistance.   The difference  between evacuating  and
defending towns became apparent, and fully proved
that the  first was the best plan, of defence for Ame-
rica.
   Though the  progress of the british arms  Avas ra-
pid, yet  it was far short of what was originally ex-
pected.  Their schemes had  been deranged  as to
time, and new events made it  necessary for them to
divide their forces and to alter their plans.    Intel-
ligence was received  by sir Henry Clinton, about the
time of the surrender of Charlestown, that a large
number of land-forces, and a french fleet, consisting
of seven sail of the line, and  five  frigates,  command-
ed by M. Dc Temay, was to have sailed from France
so early in the year that its arrival  on the american
coast might be soon expected.   This induced the
commander in chief  of the royal  army to  re-embark
for New-York early in June, with the greatest part
of his  army.  Though  the  french  fleets gained at
this time no direct advantages  for their american al-
lies, yet  they completely deranged the plan of bri-
tish operations.
   On the departure of sir Henry  Clinton from Char-
lestown,  lord Cornwallis was appointed commander
in chief in the southern  department w ith  about four
thousand men.   This force, though far short of Avhat
Avas originally intended for southern operations, was
deemed  fully sufficient for the  purpose of extending
the british conquests.
  The object hitherto pursued by  the british com-
manders, with regard to the  inhabitants  of South-
Carolina, was to induce them to remain peaceably 
               CAMPAIGN OF 1780.            339

at their homes.   To this end they accepted of their
submission on very easy terms.   All, Avith a few ex-
ceptions  who  applied  obtained either  paroles  as
"prisoners, or protections as british subjects.  They
who preferred the latter Avere required to  subscribe
a declaration of their allegiance to the king of Great-
Britain ; but in the hurry of business this frequently
was omitted, and the privileges of british subjects Avere
freely bestowed on some without any engagements.
   The general submission of the inhabitants  was
followed by an unusual calm.  The british believed
that the state of South-Carolina  Avas thoroughly con-
quered ; but they soon found that the disguise, Avhich
fear had imposed, subsisted no longer than the pre-
sent danger.  Their experience in America had not
yet taught them enough of human nature to  distin-
guish a forced submission, in  a temporary  panic,
from  a cordial  return to their former  allegiance.
Subsequent events proved, that a country is unsub-
dued  as long as the minds of the people are actuated
by an hostile spirit.
   All military opposition being  suspended the roy-
 al commanders, supposing their Avork in South-Ca-
 rolina to be  completely  finished, began  to extend
their  views to  the adjacent states.  To  facilitate
their  future operations  they conceived a scheme
of obtaining substantial service from their new sub-
jects.  In the prosecution of this business their po-
licy soon lost what arms had gained.   While some
of the inhabitants were felicitating themselves in ha-
ving obtained a respite from the calamities of war
they  were no less astonished, than confounded by  a
 proclamation in which they were called upon to take 
3i-'>  KV.VOL! T10NARY  H I SI ORY, 1 77 5--1783.

arms in support of royal government.   All  paroles
given to prisoners  not  taken  by capitulation,  and
who were not  in confinement  at  the  surrender of
Charlestown,  were declared on the third  of June
1780 by  the commander in chief" to be null and
void after the twentieth of the same  month ; and
the holders of them were called upon to resume the
character  of  british subjects, and to take an active
part in forwarding military operations or to  be con-
sidered and treated as rebels against his majesty's
government."  This  extraordinary step Avas taken
without any pretence of  violation of parole on the
part of the prisoners.   With this proclamation, and
the enrolment of the militia, commenced the declen-
sion of british  authority.  Many had  applied for
paroles, and  protection, from  the  fond expectation
that they  should be  indulged  Avith a  residence on
their estates  and be at full liberty to prosecute their
private business.   Numbers Avho from motives of
fear or convenience had submitted, still retained an
affection for their american brethren; and shuddered
at the thought of taking arms against them.   A great
number, considering themselves released from  their
parole by the proclamation, conceived  that they had
a right to arm against the british ;  and  were induced
so to do from the royal menace, that they who did
not enrol themselves  as british subjects must expect
to be treated as enemies.  A greater number found
it convenient to exchange their  paroles for  protec-
tion.   To sacrifice all, and leave the country, requir-
ed a degree of fortitude that is the lot of few.  To
take protection, and to enrol  themselves as militia
under  the royal standard, were events wholly unex- 
CAMPAIGN OF 17'8<!>.
34 i
pected when they submitted  as  prisoners of war.
They conceived themselves  reduced to a very hard
alternative.   They  submitted, but their  subsequent
conduct made it probable that this was done, in ma-
ny cases,  with  a secret reservation  of breaking the
compulsory tie when a proper opportunity should
present itself.   If this severe alternative had never
been imposed, and if the people had been indulged
in the quiet possession of their property and  domes-
tie ease, it would have been difficult for congress to
have made adequate exertions for rescuing the state
out of the hands of the british.  But from a concur-
rence ot causes, about this time, there was formed a
strong party disposed to do and suffer more for the
expulsion of their new7 masters than they could be
persuaded to do  six months  before  to prevent the
country from falling  into their hands.
  The situation of the inhabitants of the town was
different from that of the country.   As they had a
right, by the capitulation, to remain at their homes
on parole they  were excepted from  the alternative
offered by the  proclamation  of the  third of June;
other methods were therefore used  to compel  them
to become british subjects.  Immediately after the
surrender of Charlestown a few persons, attached to
the british government, prepared an address to the
general and  admiral congratulating them on their
conquest.   This was signed by two hundred and ten
of the inhabitants ;  the  greater part of whom had
been in arms against  the  british during  the siege,
and among whom were a  few who had been  leaders
in the popular government.   In answer to their ad-
dress they were promised the privileges  and protec- 
342   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775— 17S3.

lion of british subjects, on subscribing a test of their
allegiance  and of their willingness  to  support  the
royal cause.   These  addressers,  who thus decided-
ly took  part with the british,  immediately made an
invidious distinction betAveen subjects and prisoners
and  became the instigators of every  severity against
those who chose to remain on parole.   As thev  had
revolted from the cause of America, that they  might
be kept in countenance they labored to draw others
into the same predicament.   This example of ex-
changing • paroles for protection  was soon followed
by many of their  fellow-citizens.   Those of  them
who owned estates in the country, had no  security
by capitulation for any property out of the lines un-
less  they became subjects.  This  induced persons
so circumstanced  to join their conquerors.  To ob-
lige  them universally to return  to  their allegiance
there was a succession of proclamations, each abridg-
ing the privileges of prisoners.   Subjects were al-
lowed to sue for their debts before the british  board
of police,  but prisoners were denied all benefit of
that court.   Though they  were liable to suits they
had  no security for the  payment  of their debts, but
the honor of their debtors.   The paroles granted to
prisoners, after the surrender of the town, were much
more limited than might have been  expected.    The
citizens of the town  were restrained from going out
of the lines, or on the water,  without special permis-
sion.   This,  when applied for, was  sometimes wan-
tonly refused ; and on other occasions might be ob-
tained for  money.   Ineffectual attempts  were made
to obtain more generous limits, but no extension was
 granted; and they who seemed averse Irom signing 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.          343
the offered paroles  were informed  that, in  case of
an absolute rsfusal, they must expect close confine-
ment.   These shackles sat very uneasy on free ci-
tizens Avho had heretofore been accustomed to the ful-
lest enjoyment of personal liberty ;  but  no relaxation
could be obtained on any other condition than that
of professing a return to their allegiance.  The con-
querors, in the most  perfect confidence of keeping
the province and of extending their conquests, va-
lued themselves much upon their generosity in be-
ing willing to receive as british subjects the citizens
whom they viewed in the light of vanquished rebels.
Under the influence of this opinion they laughed at
the  folly, and resented the ingratitude  and impu-
dence of those  Avho chose to remain in the characr
ter of prisoners.  Such persons met with every dis-
couragement, and at the  same time the door of re-
admission to the privileges of subjects Avas  thrown
wide open.   This made some martyrs, but more hy-
pocrites.   A numerous class of people Avere reduced
to the alternative of starving or suing for protection.
Those inhabitants of Charlestown, who were of the
Hebrew nation, and  others who were shopkeepers,
were, while  prisoners,  encouraged to  make purcha-
ses  from the british  merchants Avho came with the
 conquering army; and after they had contracted large
 debts of this kind, were precluded by  proclamation
 from  selling the goods they had purchased unless
 they assumed the name and character  of british sub-
jects.   Mechanics and  others were allowed,  for
 some months after the surrender, to follow their res-
 pective occupations; but, as  they  could not compel
 payment for their services, repeated losses soon con- 
344   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
a inced them of the convenience of british protection.
Great numbers in all  communities are wholly indif-
ferent Avhat  form  of  government  they  live under.
They can turn with the times, and  submit with  fa-
cility to the present ruling power whatsoever it may-
be.  The low  state of american affairs in the summer
of 1780 induced a belief among many of the inhabi-
tants that congress, from necessity, had abandoned
the idea of contending for the southern states.  The
resolutions of that body, disavowing this  imputation,
were carefully concealed from  the prisoners.  Many
believing that  South-Carolina  would finally remain
a  british province,  and  being determined to save
their estates under every form of government, con-
cluded that  the sooner they submitted the less they
would lose.   The negroes and other property of in-
dividuals had  been seized by  the british during  the
siege.   Prisoners on parole had no  chance of repos-
sessing themselves of  any  part  of this  plunder.
though subjects  were allowed to put in their claim,
and  were sometimes successful.   A party always
attached to royal government,  though they  had con-
formed to the laws of the state, rejoiced in the revo-
lution, and sincerely returned to their allegiance; but
their number was inconsiderable in  comparison with
the multitude  who were obliged by  necessity,  or  in-
duced by  convenience, to accept of british protec-
tion.
   The inhabitants of  the country, for the most part,
lay more at the unconditional mercy of the conquer-
ors than the citizens of the capital.   Those who  re-
fused to give  up their paroles, and did not flee out
of the country,  were generally removed  from their 
CAMPAIGN OF  1780.            345
families and confined to some of the islands on the
sea coast; while their property became the spoil and
plunder of a rapacious  army.   In this trying situa-
tion, the various  ruling passions of  individuals ap-
peared without disguise.   Some men of the largest
fortunes and who had  been promoted to  exalted
stations, both  civil and military,  relinquished the
service of the state for present ease and convenience.
A few of this character, who  were  entirely  out  of
the way of personal danger, and in  the full enjoy-
ment of the privileges of freemen, voluntarily return-
ed and  bowed their necks to  the  conquerors.   In
direct contradiction to  the  whole tenor of their past
conduct, they  attempted  to apologize for their  in-
consistency by declaring that they had never aimed
at independence, and were always averse from an  al-
liance with France.  The  mischievous effects of ne-
gro-slavery were, at this time, abundantly apparent.
Several who had  lived in  ease  and affluence from
the  produce of their lands, cultivated by the labor
of slaves,  had not fortitude enough to  dare  to  be
poor.   Sentiments of honor, and love of their coun-
try,  made them  wish  to  preserve a consistency  of
conduct by  refusing  submission to british govern-
ment; but the impossibility of supporting themselves
by their own exertions, counteracted every generous
resolution.   The  conflict of contrary  passions, and
the distress of the times, drove several to the exces-
sive  use  of spirituous liquors, which  proved   the
source of diseases and often destroyed life.
   Though numbers broke through  the solemn  ties
by which they had voluntarily bound themselves to
   vol. I.              2 Y 
346   revolutionary history, 1775—1783.
support the cause  of  America, illustrious sacrifices
were made at the shrine of liberty ;  several submit-
ted to a disstressing exile, or a more intolerable con-
finement.   The proprietors of some of the best es-
tates in South-Carolina suffered them to remain in
the power and possession of the  conquerors, rather
than stain their honor by deserting  their country.
The rich staked their fortunes;  but in  the humble
walks of obscurity were found several of the  mid-
dling and poorer class of citizens, who may be  truly
said to have staked their lives on the cause of Ame-
 rica ; for  they renounced the comforts subservient to
 health in warm climates, and contented  themselves
 with a scanty portion of the plainest necessaries of
 life in preference  to joining the  enemies of indepen-
 dence.   In this crisis of danger to  the  liberties of
 America,  the  ladies of South-Carolina conducted
 themselves with  more  than spartan magnanimity.
 They gloried in the appellation of rebel ladies ; and
 though they withstood repeated solicitations to grace
 public  entertainments, with their presence, yet they
 crowded on board prison-ships, and other places of
 confinement,  to  solace  their suffering countrymen.
 While  the conquerors  were regaling themselves at
 concerts and assemblies, they could  obtain very few
 of the fair sex to associate with them; but no sooner
 was an american officer introduced as  a  prisoner,
 than his  company was  sought  for  and his  person
 treated Avith every  possible mark of  attention and
  respect.  On  other occasions the ladies in a great
 measure retired  from the public eye,  wept over the
  distresses of their country, and gave every proof of 
              CAMPAIGN OF  1780.          347
the warmest attachment to its suffering cause.   In
the height of the british conquests, when poverty and
ruin seemed the unavoidable portion of every adhe-
rent to the independence of America, the ladies in
general discovered more firmness than the men.
Many of them, like guardian angels, preserved their
husbands from falling  in the  hour of temptation
when interest and convenience had almost gotten the
better of honor and patriotism.  Among the num-
bers  Avho were banished from  their families,  and
Avhose property Avas seized by the conquerors, many
examples could be  produced of ladies  cheerfully
parting with their sons, husbands, and brothers, ex-
horting them   to fortitude and  perseverance,  and
repeatedly entreating  them never  to suffer family
attachments to interfere with the duty they owed to
their country.  When, in the progress of the war,
they  were also comprehended  under a general sen-
tence of banishment with equal resolution they part-
ed with their native country and the many endear-
ments of home—followed their husbands into prison-
ships and distant lands where, though they had long
 been in  the habit of giving, they  were reduced to
the necessity of receiving charity.   They renounced
the present gratifications  of wealth, and the future
prospects of fortunes for their growing offspring—
adopted every scheme of economy,  and, though born
in affluence;  and, habituated to attendance, betook
themselves to  labor.
    Whilst the conquerors were  indefatigable in their
 endeavors to  strengthen the party  for royal govern-
ment by the addition of new subjects, the  americans 
 .548  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  17/0--1783.
 were not inattentive to their interests.  During the
 siege of Charlestown, general  Lincoln in the most
 pressing manner, requested governor Rutledge, with
 his council, to go out of town;  on the idea that the
 civil authority of the state would be exerted to much
 greater advantage in the country than in the  besieg-
 ed metropolis.  On the 12th of April 1780 he left
 Charlestown.  Every exertion  was made by him to
 embody the country militia, and to bring them  for-
 ward for the relief of the besie-ged capital.  Failing
 in this,  he attempted to make a stand to  the  north
 ot the Santee.   The reduction of the town, with the
 army enclosed,  occasioned  such a  general  panic
 among  the militia that they could not be  persuaded
 to second  his  views.   Governor Rutledge in a lit-
 tle time  retired to the northward, where he was more
 successful in his negotiations with  North-Carolina,
 Virginia, and congress.   Soon after he returned to
 South-Carolina, and gave vigor,  union, and force to
 the inhabitants in their exertions against  british go-
 vernment.
   During the siege  expresses were sent by general
 Lincoln  to congress, the states of  North-Carolina
 and  Virginia, representing the unpromising appear-
 ance  of affairs in  South-Carolina.  In consequence
 of these several requisitions, congress determined
 that a considerable detachment from their main army
 should  be  immediately  marched to  the southward.
 The state of  North-Carolina, also, ordered a large
 body of their militia to  take  the field, and to be re-
lieved every three months.   These stamina of a se-
cond  southern army were  originally  designed to 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
349
 compel the british to raise the siege of CharlestOAvn;
 but being too late for that, they became a respectable
 check to the extension of their conquests.
   As the british advanced to the upper country of
 South-Carolina,  a  considerable number of the  de-
 tcrmincd friends of independence retreated before
 them  and took refuge in North-Carolina.   In thi:-
 class  was colonel Sumpter;  a gentleman  who had
 formerly  commanded one of the  continental regi-
 ments, and who was known to possess a great  share
 of bravery and  other military  talents.  In a very
 little time after he had forsaken his home, a detach-
 ment-of the  british turned his  Avife and family  out
 of doors, burned the house and every thing that was
 in it.  A party of these exiles from South-Carolina,
 AvhoJiad convened in North-Carolina,  made choice
 of Colonel Sumpter to be their leader.   At the head
 of this little band of  freemen  he  soon returned to
 his own state,  and  took the field  against the victori-
 ous british.  He made this gallant  effort at a time
 when the inhabitants had generally abandoned  the
 idea  of supporting their own  independence,  and
 when  he had  every  difficulty  to encounter.  The
 state was no longer in a condition to  pay, clothe,
 or feed the troops who had enrolled themselves un-
 der his command.  His followers were, in a  great
 measure, unfurnished  with arms and ammunition;
 and they had no  magazines from which they might
 draw a supply.   The  iron tools, on the neighboring
 farms, were  worked up for  their  use by  common
 blacksmiths into rude weapons of Avar.  They sup-
plied themselves, in  part, with bullets by melting the 
350   RLVOLUTION AllV  lllSTORA,  17 70--1/85.
pewter Avith Avhich they  Avere furnished by private
housekeepers.  They sometimes came to battle when
they had not three rounds a man ; and some  were
obliged to keep  at  a distance,  till, by the fall  of
others,  they were supplied with arms.   When they
proved victorious they were obliged to rifle the dead
and  wounded of their arms and ammunition to equty
them for their next engagement.   At the head of
these volunteers  colonel Sumpter penetrated into
South-Carolina,  and recommenced a  military op-
position to the british after it had been  suspended
for about six weeks.  This unlooked-for impediment
to the extension of british conquests roused all  the
passions which disappointed  ambition can inspire.
The  late conquerors having in  their official  dis-
patches asserted, "  that the inhabitants from  every
 quarter had repaired to the detachments of the royal
 army, and to the garrison of Charlestow n, to declare
 their allegiance to the king and to offer their servi-
 ces  in arms in support of his government—that in
 many instances they had brought in as prisoners their
 former oppressors or leaders—and that there were
 few men in South-Carolina that were not either their
 prisoners or in arms with them;" and now, finding
 armed  parties suddenly appearing in favor of inde-
 pendence, were filled with indignation.   Their suc-
 cesses had flattered them wit;h hopes of distinguished
 rank among the conquerors  of America;  but these
 unexpected hostilities  made them fear,  that their
 names would be  enrolled  among those who, by
 pompous details of british victories, and exaggerated
 pictures of  american  sufferings,  had deceived the 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.           351
people of England into a  continued support of an
expensive and ruinous war.   Forgetting their expe-
rience in the northern states, they had believed the
submission of the inhabitants to be sincere ;  making
no allowance  for that propensity in human nature
which leads mankind, when in  the power of others,
to frame  their intelligence  with more  attention to
what is agreeable than to what is true; the british for
some time conceived that they had little to fear on
the south, side of Virginia.   When experience con-
vinced them of the fallacy of their hopes, they Avere
transported with rage against the inhabitants. With-
out taking any share of the blame to themselves for
their policy in constraining men to  an involuntary
submission, they charged them  Avith studied dupli-
city and  treachery.    Lenient  measures  Avere  laid
aside for those which Avere dictated by  the spirit of
revenge.  Nor Avere  opportunities long  wanting for
the  indulgence  of this malignant passion.   Lord
RaAvdon,  whose temper was soured by disappoint-
ment  and whose  breast Avas   agitated with  rage
against the new subjects for their unmeaning submis-
sions, on the first rumor of an  advancing american
army, called on the  inhabitants  in and near Camden
to take up arms against their approaching country-
men ; and confined  in the common gaol those Avho
refused.   In the midst of summer, upwards of one
hundred and sixty persons were shut up in  one pri-
son ; and twenty or thirty of them, though citizens of
the  most respectable characters, were  loaded  with
irons.  Mr. James Bradley, Mr. Strother, colonel
Few, Mr. Kershaw,  captain Boy kin,  colonel Alex- 
352  REVOLUTIONARY HISIORY,  1775--178.').
ander, Mr. Irvin, colonel Winn, colonel Hunter, and
captain John Chesnut, were in  the number of those
who Avere subjected to these indignities.
   The friends of independence having once more
taken the field  in  South-Carolina, a fiarty  of the
corps commanded by colonel Sumpter, consisting of
133 men, on the 12th of July 1780 engaged at Wil-
liams' plantation,  in the upper parts of South-Caroli-
na, with a detachment of the british troops and a large
body of tories commanded by captain Muck.  They
were posted in a lane, both ends  of which were en-
tered at  the same time by the  americans.  In  this
unfavorable position they were speedily routed and
dispersed.   Colonel Ferguson of the british militia,
captain Huck, and several others Avere killed.  This
was the first advantage gained over the royal forces
since their landing in the beginning of the year.   At
the very moment this unexpected attack was made,
a number of women were on their knees vainly so-
liciting captain Huck for his mercy in behalf of the ir
families and property.   During his  command  he
had distressed the inhabitants by every species of in-
sult and  injury.  He  had also  shocked them with
his profanity.   In a very particular manner he dis-
played his enmity to the presbyterians,  by burning
the library,  and dwelling-house,  of their clergyman
the rev.  Mr. Simpson; and  all bibles which con-
tained the scots translation of the psalms.   These
proceedings, no less impolitic than impious, inspired
the numerous devout people of that district with an
unusual animation.   A warm love for independence
bleneled itself with a religious fervor—and these two 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
en - en
 passions reciprocally added strength  to each other.
 The inhabitants of that part of the state generally ar-
 ranged  themselves under the command of colonel
 Sumpter, and opposed the british w ith the enthusi-
 asm of men called upon to defend not only their ci-
 vil liberties but their holy religion.   The effects  of
 this ardor were very sensibly felt.   Colonel Sumpter
 was  soon reinforced to the number of six hundred
 men.   At the head of this party, on the 30th  of July
 1780, he made a spirited but unsuccessful attack
 on the british post at  Rocky-Mount.   Without de-
 lay he marched in quest of other british detachments,
 and in eight days after successfully attacked one of
 their  posts at the Hanging Rock,  in Avhich  was a
 considerable  force of  regulars and  tories.    The
 prince of Wales's regiment which defended this place
 was nearly annihilated ; and a large body of tories
 which had advanced from North-Carolina under co-
 lonel Brian, Avas completely routed and dispersed.
   It had been for some time known that an ameri-
 can  army Avas marching from the northward  for the
 relief  of their southern brethren.  The panic occa-
 sioned by the fall of CharlestOAvn was daily abating.
 The Avhig militia,  on the extremities  of the state
 formed themselves into small parties under leaders
 of their own choice ; and sometimes attacked detach-
 ments of the british army, but much more frequent-
 ly those of their own countrymen Avho  Avere turning
out as  a royal militia.  These american  parties sever- •
ally  acted from the impulse  of their   own minds.
They  set themselves  in opposition to the british
  vol. r.  .            2 Z 
354   REVOLurrjvary  history, 1775—1783.
Avithout the knowledge of each others motions, and
Avithout any preconcerted general plan.   Colonel
Williams, of the district of Ninety-Six, in particular,
was indefatigable  in collecting and animating the
friends of congress in that  settlement.   With  the^e
he (frequently  harassed the  conquerors.   On the
eighteenth of August 1780 he  attacked a consider-
able party of british, and torie3, at Musgrove's mills,
on the Enoree river.  Colonel  Innis, of the South-
Carolina royalists, was  wounded; and the Avhole of
his party obliged to retire.
   During the siege of Charlestown fourteen hundred
continental troops, consisting of the Delaware and
Maryland  line, commanded by major-general Baron
De-Kalb,  Avere by congress ordered to the  south-
ward.  They marched  from head-quarters at Mor-
ristOAvn, in New-Jersey, on the  sixteenth of April
 1780, embarked at  the head of Elk in  May, and
landed soon after at Petersburg in Virginia; and
from thence proceeded by land towards South-Caro-
lina.   The country was thinly  inhabited and poorly
cultivated.   The last year's crop was nearly expen-
ded,  and the present one was  not sufficiently ripe.
The troops subsisted principally on lean  cattle col-
lected in the Avoods.   The officers were so  distressed
for the Avant of flour that they made use of hair-pow-
der to thicken their  soup, but soon  found a more
savory substitute  in  green  corn.   Peaches Avere
also  used, and became a seasonable supply.   The
whole army Avas  sometimes supplied  tor  twenty-
four  hours  in this  Avay without  eitUer  meat  or
flour. 
              CAMPAIGN OF  1780.            355

  A considerable number of the militia of North-
Carolina had taken the field, and had agreed to ren-
dezvous  at  Anson court-house on the twentieth of
July, that they might be in readiness  to co-operate
with the continental  army.    On the  approach of
the americans major M'Arthur, Avho commanded on
the Peedee, called in his detachments and marched
directly to join the main body of the royal army at
Camden.   On the day that  the british relinquished
this part of the country the inhabitants, distressed
by their depredations and disgusted with their con-
duct, generally took arms.   Lord Nairne,  and one
hundred and six british invalids, going jdown the
Peedee, were made  prisoners by a party of the ame-
ricans commanded by major Thomas, who had late-
ly  been received as loyal  subjects.   A large boat
coming up from George-Town, Avell  stored with
supplies for major M'Arthur's  party, Avas  seized for
the use of the american army.   All  the neAv made
british militia-officers,  excepting colonel Mills, were
made prisoners by their own men.   For some time
past the people were daily  growing more  and more
dissatisfied with the british.  Tired of war, they had
submitted  to  their  government  with the  flattering
expectation of bettering  their condition;  but they
soon found their mistake.   The protection they re-
ceived, as the recompense of their submissions,  was
wholly inadequate to the purpose of securing their
property.  When the british first took possession of
the country,  they considered themselves as having a
right to seize  on the property of rebels. Their com-
missaries,  and quartermasters, took provisions and 
356  revolutionary himory, 1775__1783.
all other things wanted by the army, where ever the,
were to be found.  Though articles taken this  v.ay
were all  charged  to  the british government,  yet
very feAv of the persons from whom they were taken
ever received any satisfaction.   After  the state hud
generally submitted, the same practice was continu-
ed.   The  rapacity of the common men, the  indi-
gence and avarice of many of the officers, and the
gains of  the commissaries and quartermasters, all
 concurred to  forbid  any  check  to  this lucrative
 mode of  procuring supplies.   They found  it much
 more profitable  to loo^k on  the  inhabitants in the
 light of rebels, whose property was  forfeited, than
 as  reclaimed  subjects ay ho were reinstated  in the
 protection of government.   When they applied  in
 the latter character to claim their rights, and  to re-
 monstrate  against british depredations,  they much
 oftener received  insults than redress.  People Avho
 had received this kind of treatment, and  Avho be-
 lieved that  allegiance and  protection were recipro-
 cal, conceived  themselves  released from their late
 engagements  and at full liberty to rejoin the ame-
 ricans.
    Though the inhabitants of Charlestown had not
 the same opportunity of shoAving their resentment
 a-ainst their conquerors, yet many of the new-made
 subjects and the prisoners were very  soon disgusted
 with  their  conduct.   Every  ungenerous construc-
  tion was  put on  an  ambiguous capitulation, to  the
  disadvantage of the citizens; and their rights founded
  thereon were, in several instances, most injuriously
  violated.   Continental officers were stripped ot their 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
35/
property, on the  pretence that  they were  soldiers.
and  had no right to claim under the character of
citizens.   Ihe conquerors  deprived the  inhabitants
of their canoes by an illiberal construction  of  the
article which gave them the shipping in  the harbor.
Many slaves,  anel a great deal  of  property,  though
secured by the capitulation, were carried off by sir
Flenry Clinton's army in June  1780.  Immediately
after the  surrender,  five hundred negroes Avere or-
dered to be put on board  the ships lor pioneers to
the royal forces in New-York.   These  were taken
a\ here ever they could be found, and no satisfaction
was made to  their owners.   The common soldiers,
from their sufferings and services  during the siege,
conceived themselves entitled to a licensed plunder
of the tOAvn.  That their murmurings might be sooth-
ed, the officers connived at their reimbursing them-
selves for their fatigues and dangers at  the  expense
of the citizens.  Almost every private house had one
or more of the officers, or privates, of the royal army
quartered  upon  them.   In providing  for their ac-
commodation very  little attention  was paid to the
convenience of families.   The insolence and disor-
derly conduct of persons thus forced upon  the  citi-
zens, were in  many instances intolerable to freemen
heretofore accustomed  to  be  masters  in their  own
houses.   To  induce a people who had tasted of the
sweets of independence to  return to the condition
of subjects,  their minds and  affections, as well as
their armies,  ought to have been conquered.  This
more delicate and difficult task Avas rarely attempt-
ed.   The officers, privates, and followers of  the roy- 
358   REVOLUTIONARY history, 1775—1785.
al army, Avere generally  more intent  on amassing
fortunes  by plunder and rapine than on promoting
a re-union of the dissevered members of the empire.
The general complexion of the officers serving in  the
royal army against America, Avas very different from
what  had  been usual in better  times.  In former
Avars dignity,  honor, and  generosity were invariably-
annexed to the military character.  Though the  old
officers of the british regiments in America were for
the most part gentlemen, and eminently possessed
these  virtues, yet several  vacancies both at the com-
mencement and in the progress of the american war
had been filled  up by a new set greatly inferior in
education and good breeding.   Several new corps
had been raised in America, in  which commissions
had been promissed by public advertisement to  any
person who would recruit a given number of men.
They who possessed  most  of  that  low  cunning,
which is necessary to wheedle  the vulgar, were of
course most  successful in  procuring these commis-
sions.   From an army abounding with such unwor-
thy characters,  and stationed among a  people whom
they hated as rebels, and  from the plunder of whom
they hoped to make fortunes, it  was not reasonable
to expect that winning behavior which was necessa-
ry to conciliate the affections of the revolted states.
The royal officers, instead of soothing the inhabitants
into  good humor, often  aggravated intolerable  in-
juries by more  intolerable  insults: they did more
to re-establish the independence of the state than
could have been effected by the  armies of congress,
had the conquerors guided  themselves  by  maxim'- 
CAMPAIGN OF  1780.          359
of sound policy.   The high spirited citizens of Caro-
lina could not brook these  oppressions and insults,
but most ardently wished to  rid the country of the
insulting oppressors.   From motives of this kind,
and a  prevailing attachment  to the  cause of their
country, many broke through all ties to join the ad-
vancing  american army and more most  cordially
Avisheel them success.
   Major-general Baron  De-Kalb commanded  the
continentals sent from the northward till the 27th of
July, when  major-general Gates  arrived with the
orders of congress to take the command.   Great
were the expectations  of the public from this illus-
trious  officer.  The cloud  that had for some time
overshadowed american affairs began to disperse.
Nothing short of the speedy expulsion of the british
from the state came up to the wishes and hopes of
 the  friends of independence.   While the american
 army advanced towards  Camden,  colonel Sumpter
 was to the westward of the Wateree, and daily aug-
 menting his corps from the revolting inhabitants who
 enrolled themselves under his standard. On receiving
 intelligence that an escort of clothing,  ammunition
 and other stores for the garrison at Camden, was on
 the road from Charlestown, and that the whole must
 pass the W'ateree ferry under  cover of a small re-
 doubt which the british occupied on the south side
 of the river, he formed a successful  plan for reduc-
 ing the redoubt and capturing the convoy.  On the
 15th of August general Stevens,  with  a brigade of
 Virginia militia, joined general Gates.   The Avhole
 of the american army now amounted  to three  thou- 
 360  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY, 1775—1783.
 sand six hundred and sixty three; of which about
 nine hundred were continental infantry, and seventy
 cavalry.
   The arrival of this force being quite unexpected,
 lord Cornwallis was distant from the scene of action.
 No sooner was he informed of the approach of gene-
 ral  Gates,  than he  prepared  to  join his army at
 Camden.  He arrived, and  superseded lord Raw-
 don in command on  the  ]4th.   His  inferior force,
 consisting of about 1700 infantry anel 500 cavalry,
 would have justified a retreat; but,  considering that
 no probable event of an action could be more inju-
 rious to the royal  interest than that  measure,  he
 chose to stake his fortune in a contest  with the con-
 queror of Burgoyne.  On the night of the fifteenth
 he marched out with his  whole force to attack the
 americans ; and at the same hour general Gates put
 his army in motion, with a determination  to take an
 eligible position between Sanders' creek and Green
 Swamp about eight miles from Camden.  The  ad-
 vanced parties of both met  about  midnight, and a
 firing commenced.   In this skirmish colonel Por-
 terneld, a very gallant officer of the state of Virginia,
 received a mortal  wound.   After  some time both
 parties retreated to their main bodies, and the whole
 lay on their  arms.  In the morning  a severe and
 general engagement took place.  The american ar-
 my was  formed in the  following manner: the se-
 cond Maryland brigade, commanded  by brigadier-
 general Gist, on the right of the line, flanked by a
morass;  the North-Carolina militia, commanded by
major-general Caswell, in the centre;  and the Vir- 
CAMPAIGN OF  1780.
36*
ginia  militia,  commanded by brigadier-general Ste-
vens,  on the  left, flanked by the North-Carolina
militia light  infantry and  a morass.   The artillery
Avas posted in the interstices of brigades, and on the
most  advantageous grounds.   Major-general baron
De-Kalb commanded on the right of the line, and
brigadier-general Srnallwood  commanded  the first
Maryland brigade, which was posted as a corps-de-
reserve two or three hundred yards in the rear.  In
this position the troops  remained  till dawn  of  day.
As soon as the british appeared about two  hundred
yards in front of the North-Carolina troops, the ar-
tillery was ordered to fire, and brigadier general Ste-
vens  to attack the column which was displayed  to
the right.   That gallant  officer advanced  with his
brigade of militia in excellent order within fifty pa-
ces of the enemy,  who were  also advancing, and
then called out to his men, "  my brave fellows, you
have  bayonets as well as they, we'll charge  them."
At that moment the british infantry charged  with a
cheer, and the virginians, throwing down their arms,
retreated with the  utmost precipitation.  The mili-
tia of North-Carolina followed the unworthy exam-
ple, except a few of general Gregory's brigade, Avho
paused a very little longer.  A part of colonel Dix-
on's  regiment fired two or three rounds,  but  the
greater part of the whole militia fled Avithout firing
a single shot.   The whole left wing and centre be-
ing gone, the continentals who formed the right
wing, and the corps of  reserve, engaged about the
same  time, and gave the british an unexpected check.
The  second  brigade, consisting  of Maryland and
   vol. 1.              3 A 
362   revolutionary history, 1775—1783.
DelaAvare troops, gained ground, and  had taken no
less  than fifty  prisoners.   The  first  brigade being
considerably out-flanked, Avere obliged to retire ; but
they rallied again, and Avith great spirit renewed the
fight.  This  expedient  was repeated two or three
times.  The british directed their whole force against
these two devoted  corps, and a tremendous  fire  of
musketry  Avas  continued  on both sides  with great
steadiness.  At  length  lord  Cornwallis observing
that there was  no cavalry opposed to him, poured
in his dragoons and eneled the contest.   Never did
men  behave better than the continentals in the w hole
of this  action ; but all attempts to rally the militia
were ineffectual.   Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's  le-
gion  charged them as they broke, and pursued them
as they Avere   fleeing.  Without having it  in  their
power to defend themselves, they fell in great num-
 bers under the legionary sabres.
   Major-general baron De-Kalb, an illustrious ger-
 man in  the service of  France, Avho had  generously
 engaged in the support  of  the  american indepen-
 dence,  and who exerted himself with great  bravery
 to prevent the defeat of  the day,  received eleven
 wounds, of which,  though he received the most par-
 ticular  assistance  from  the  british, he in a short
 time expired.   Lieutenant-colonel Du-Buysson, aid-
 de-camp to  baron De-Kalb, embraced  his  wound-
 ed  general,  announced his rank  and nation to  the
 surrounding, foe, and begged that they would spare
 his  life.   While he  generously  exposed himself to
 save his friend,  he received  sundry- dangerous
 Avounds,  and  was taken  prisoner.   Brigadier-gene-
 ral Rutherford, a valuable officer  of the  most ex- 
CAMPAIGN  OF 1780.
363
tensive influence  over the North-Carolina militia,
surrendered to a party of the british legion, one of
whom, after his submission, cut him  in several pla-
ces.   Of the  South-Carolina line, that brave and
distinguished  officer  major Thomas  Pinckney,  ac-
ting as aid-de-camp to major-general Gates, had his
leg shattered by a musket-ball, and fell into the hands
of the conquerors.
   The americans  lost  eight field-pieces,  the whole
of their artillery, upwards of 200 waggons, and the
greatest part of their  baggage.  The loss of the bri-
tish,  in  killed and wounded, was about 300.   The
royal army fought with great bravery ;  but their
success was in a  great measure owing to the  preci-
pitate flight of the militia, and  the  superiority  of
their cavalry.
   The militia  composed so great a part of the ame-
rican army that general Gates,  when he saAv them
leave the field, lost all hopes of victory, and retired
in order to rally a sufficient number to  cover  the
retreat of the  continentals, but the further the mili-
tia fled the more they were dispersed.   Finding no-
thing could be done, he  continued his retreat into
N orth-Carolina.   On his way  he Avas soon overta-
ken by an officer from colonel Sumpter, who report-
ed that the colonel had fully succeeded in his  enter-
prise against the  british post at the ferry, had cap-
tured the garrison,  and intercepted the escort with
the stores ; but no advantage could be taken of this
event, as the  successful  party  of americans was on
the opposite side of the river.   A few of the  Virginia
militia were halted at Hillsborough ;  but in a little
time their tour of service was out, and they were dis- 
364   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775—1785.

charged.  The North-Carolina militia  went diffe-
rent ways, as their hopes  led or their fears  drove
them.   Almost all the american officers were sepa-
rated from their commands.   Every corps Avas bro-
ken  in action, and dispersed  through  the  woods.
Major Anderson,  of the third  Maryland regiment,
Avas the only  infantry-officer who kept together any
number of men.   The retreat of the heavy baggage
Avas delayed  till the morning of the action, and the
greatest part of it  fell into  the  hands of the british,
or was plundered  in the retreat.   The  pursuit was
rapid for more than twenty miles ; even at the dis-
tance of forty miles, teams Avere cut out of the wag-
gons, and numbers promoted their flight  on  horse-
back.   The  road by which they  fled Avas strewed
with arms and baggage,  which in their hurry and
 trepidation they  had abandoned,   and covered with
 the sick,  the Avounded and the  dead.
   On the 17th and 18th of August brigadiers Small-
 wood and Gist, and several other officers, arrived at
 Charlotte. At this place also had rendezvoused up-
 wards of 100 regular infantry of different corps be-
 sides colonel Armand's cavalry and a small partizan
 corps of horse, which took the field on this occasion
 under  the command of major Davie.   Some pro-
 visions having been  collected  there,  proved  a most
 seasonable  refreshment.   The drooping spirits of
 the officers  began to revive, and  hopes were enter-
 tained that  a respectable  force might soon again be
. assembled from  the country  militia, and from the
 addition of colonel Sumpter's victorious detachment.
 All these prospects  were soon obscured, by intelli-
 gence that arrived on the 19th of  the complete dis- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
36^
persion of that corps.   On hearing of general Gates'
defeat,  colonel  Sumpter began to retreat  up the
south side of  the Wateree,  with  his prisoners and
captured  stores.   Lord Cornwallis dispatched lieu-
tenant-colonel Tarleton, with his legion and a detach-
ment ot infantry,  to  pursue hiin.  This* Avas  done
with  so much celerity  and address, that he  was
overtaken on the  18th at lisliing Creek.   Ihe  bri-
tish horse rode into their camp  before they w ere pre-
pared tor defence.   The americans having been tor
four days without sleep or  provisions,  were more
obedient to  the calls ot nature than attentive to her
first law—self-preservation.  Colonel Sumpter had
taken every  prudent precaution to prevent a surprise,
but his videttes were  so fatigued, that they neglect-
ed their duty.  With great difficulty  he got a feAv of
them to make a short stand,  but the greater part of
his corps  fled  to  the river or the woods.   The  bri-
tish prisoners, about 300, were all  retaken and con-
ducted  to Camden.   Colonel  Sumpter lost all his
artillery, and his  whole detachment was either killed,
captured, or dispersed.
   Every hope of making a stand at Charlotte being
extinguished,  a  resolution  Avas soon  taken  for re-
treating to  Salisbury.  A  circumstantial  detail of
this  would  complete the picture of  distress.  The
officers suffered much for want of horses to carry off
their  Avounded companions.   The  citizens  of that
part of the north  state were reduced to great difficul-
ties in removing  their families  and effects.   It was
expected that  every day would bring intelligence of
lord Cornwallis pursuing his  fugitive enemies.  The
inhabitants generally  meant to flee before  the  ap- 
366   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775--1/83.

proaching  conquerors.   The confusion  that took
place among all orders is more easily conceived than
expressed.
   The loss of CharlestOAvn, and the capture of an
army within its lines, had  reduced american  affairs
in South-Carolina low; but the complete rout of a
second army,  procured with  great difficulty for the
recovery of the  state, sunk them  much  lower, and
filled the  friends of independence with fearful anx-
iety for the future fate of their country.
   The british were unusually elated, and again flat-
tered themselves, that all  opposition in South-Caro-
lina was effectually subdued.   Though their victory
was complete, and there was no  army  to oppose
them, yet the extreme heat of the weather, and sick-
liness of the season, restrained  them for some time
from pursuing  their conquests.   Much  was to be
donC in the interior police of the country.  To crush
that spirit  of opposition to british government, which
discovered itself on the  approach  of an american
army, engaged the attention of lord Cornwallis.
   By the complete dispersion of the continental for-
ces the country was in the power of the conquerors.
The expectation of aid from the northward was now
less probable than immediately after the reduction of
Charlestown.    Several of the revolted subjects had
fallen as prisoners into the hands of the british, and^
the property of others lay at their mercy.  This  si-'
tuation of public affairs pointed out the present mo-
ment of triumph, as a most favorable conjuncture
for breaking the spirits of those who were attached to
the cause of independence.  To prevent their future 
              CAMPAIGN OF 1780.            3$7

co-operation with  the forces of congress, a severer
policy was henceforward adopted.
  Unfortunately for the inhabitants this was taken
up on grounds which involved thousands in distress,
and not a few in the loss of life.   The british  con-
ceived themselves  in  possession  of  the  rights  of
sovereignty over  a  conquered country,  and  that
therefore  the efforts of the citizens  to assert their
independence were chargeable with the complicated
guilt of ingratitude, treason, and rebellion.   Influen-
ced by these opinions, and transported with indigna-
tion  against the  inhabitants,  they violated rights
Avhich are held sacred between  independent hostile
nations.  In almost every district their progress was
marked with blood, and with deeds  scr atrocious as
reflected  disgrace on their  arms.   Nor were  these
barbarities perpetrated in a sudden sally  of rage, or
by officers of Ioav rank.   Major  Wemys, of the sixty-
third regiment of his britannic majesty's army, de-
liberately hung  Mr. Adam Cusack in Cheraw dis-
trict, who had neither taken parole as a prisoner, nor
protection as a british subject, though  charged Avith
no other  crime than refusing to transport some bri-
tish officers over a ferry, and shooting at them across
a- river.     The  immediate authors  of  executions
pleaded no less authority than that  of earl Cornwal-
lis, for deliberately shedding the blood of their fel-
low-men.   In a few days after the  defeat  of general
Gates, his lordship stained  his  military fame by the
following letter, addressed to the commandant of the
british garrison at Ninety-Six:
   " I have given  orders that all the  inhabitants of
this province, who have subscribed and have  taken 
368   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.

part in  this  revolt,  should de  punished  with  the
greatest rigor; and also those who will not turn out,
that they may be imprisoned, and their  whole pro-
perty taken from them or destroyed.   I have like-
wise ordered, that compensation should be  made out
of their estates to the persons who have been injured
or oppressed by  them.   I have ordered in the most
positive manner,  that  every  militiaman,  who  has
borne arms with us and afterwards joined the ene-
my, shall be immediately hanged.  I desire you will
take the most vigorous measures to punish the  rebels
in the district in  which  you command,  and that you
obey in the strictest  manner  the directions I have
given in this letter  relative to the inhabitants of this
country.
         (Signed)               Cornavallis."

   Similar orders were addressed  to the commanders
of different posts, and executed with the same spirit
with Avhich they were dictated.  At or  near Camden,
Samuel Andrews, Richard Tucker, John Miles, Jo-
siah Gayle, Eleazer Smith, with some others  whose
names are unknown, were taken out of gaol and hung
Avithout any ceremony.  Some were  indulged with
a hearing before a court-martial, but  the evidences
against them were not  examined on oath, and slaves
were both permitted  and encouraged to accuse their
masters.  Not only at  Camden, but in other parts of
South-Carolina,  and at Augusta in Georgia, the same
bloody  tragedies were acted,  and several of the
inhabitants fell sacrifices  to this new  mode of Avar-
fare. 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
369
  The Avarm zeal of earl  Cornwallis to annex the
states of America to the british  empire, prompted
iiim to measures not only derogatory to  his charac-
ter but inconsistent  with the claims of humanity.
The prisoners  on parole  had an undoubted right to
take arms ;  for, by  proclamation, after the 20th of
the preceding June, as has been stated, they were
released from every engagement to their conquerors.
Of those it may be affirmed, that they were murder-
ed in cold blood.  The case of those who had taken
british protection is  somewhat  different.  His lord-
ship  could allege,  in vindication of  his severity to
them, an ap^c^. ~ru:e of right; but it was of that too
rigid kind which hardens into  wrong.   These men
were under  the tie of an oath to support american
independence;  but  had  been  overcome  by the
temptation  of saving,their  property to make  an  in-
voluntary submission to  the royal conquerors.   By
a combination of circumstances they were in  such  a
situation that they could not do  otherwise, Avithout
risking the  support of their families.  Experience
soon  taught them the inefficacy of these protections.
These men  naturally reasoned  thus : " that  as the
contract was first violated on the  part of  the con-
querors,  it could not be  so highly criminal for them
to recede from it."  They  had also submitted on the
idea  that they  should not be  called  on to fight
against the americans ; but finding themselves com-
pelled to take  up arms,  and under  the necessity of
violating their engagements either to their country-
men or their, conquerors, they chose to adhere to the
   vol. r.               3B 
370   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1783.
former.   To treat men thus circumstanced with the
sanguinary severity of deserters and traitors might
he politic, but the impartial world  must regret that
the unavoidable horrors of war should be aggravated
by such deliberate effusions of human blood?
  Notwithstanding the decisive superiority  of the
british arms in the summer of 1780, several  of the
citizens, respectable for their numbers  but more so
for their weight and influence, continued firm to the
cause of independence.  It was no less  mortifying
to lord Cornwallis than  unfriendly to  his  future
schemes, that these remained within the british lines
in the character of prisoners.  Though they  were
restrained by their paroles from doing any thing in-
jurious to the interest of his britannic majesty ; yet
the silent example of men, who Avere revered by their
fellow-citizens, had a  powerful influence in restrain-
ing many from exchanging their paroles as prisoners
for the protection and privileges of british subjects.
To remove every bias of this sort,  and to enforce  a
general submission to royal  government, lord Corn-
wallis, soon after his victory at Camden, gave orders
to send out of the province a number of the princi-
pal  citizens prisoners on  parole  in  Charlestown.
On the 27th of August Christopher Gadsden, lieu-
tenant-governor of the  state, Edward Blake, John
Budd, Robert Cochran, John Edwards, Thomas Fer-
guson, George Flagg, William Hasel Gibbs, William
flail, Thomas Hall, Thomas Heyward, junior, Isaac
Holmes,  Richard  Hutson,   William  Johnson, rev.
John  Lewis, William Livingston,  John  Loveday,
Richard Lushington, William Massey, Edward M4- 
OAMPAIGN OF  1780.          371
Cready, Alexander Moultrie,  John Mouatt,  John
Neutville, Edward North, Joseph Parker, John Er-
nest Poyas, David Ramsay, Jacob Read, Hugh Rut-
ledge, Edward Rutledge, John Sansum, Thomas Sa-
vage, Thomas Singleton, Josiah Smith, James Ham-
den  Thompson,  Peter  Timothy, John Todd, and
Anthony Toomer,  were taken up early in  the morn-
ing out  of their houses and beds by armed parties
and brought to the Exchange; from whence,  when
collected together, they  were removed on  board the
Sandwich gua rd-ship, and in a few  days transported
to St. Augustine.   The manner in  which this order
was executed was not less painful to the feelings  of
gentlemen, than the order itself was injurious to the
rights of prisoners entitled to the benefits of a capitu-
lation.  Guards were left at their respective houses.
The private papers of some of them were examined.
Reports were immediately circulated to their disad-
vantage, and  every circumstance managed so as  to
induce  a general  belief  that  they   Avere  all  appre-
hended for violating their paroles,  and for concert-
ing a scheme for burning the town and  massacre-
ing the loyal subjects.   On  the very first  day  of
their confinement they  remonstrated to lieutenant-
colonel  Balfour,  the commandant  of CharlestOAvn,
asserting their innocence, and challenging their ac-
cusers to appear  face  to  face  with  their charges
against them.
   To this no answer  was directly  obtained;  but a
message from the commandant,  delivered officially
by major Benson,  acknowledged that this  extraordi-
nary step had been taken " from motives of policy.''' 
372   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775--17*3.
  The british endeavored to justify this removal  by
alleging  the right of the victors to remove prisoners
whithersoever  they please,  Avithout regarding  their
convenience.   Few such  instances can be produced
in the modern history of any civilized nation Avith
Avhom it is an established  rule to construe capitu-
lations,  Avhere ambiguous, in favor of the vanquish-
ed.   The  conquerors, in their great zeal to  make
subjects, forgot the rights of prisoners.   To express
his indignation at this ungenerous  treatment, lieute-
nant governor Gadsden refused to accept an offered
parole in St. Augustine; and with the greatest  forti-
tude bore a close confinement in the castle of that
place for forty-two weeks, rather than give a second
one to a power  which had plainly violated the  en-
 gagement contained in the first.   The other gentle-
men, avIio reneAved their  paroles  in St.  Augustine,
 had  the liberty of the tOAvn ; but were treated with
 indignities unsuitable to their former rank and con-
 dition.  Cut off from all communication  with their
 countrymen,  they could receive no  intelligence of
 public affairs but through british channels. In  this
 forlorn situation, they were informed of several de-
 cisive battles,  which  were represented  as haying
 completely annihilated every prospect of  american
 independence; and they  were  taught  to expect the
 fate of  vanquished rebels.   They also heard from
 high authority, that the blood of the brave but  un-
 fortunate Andre would be required at their hands.
 They were told that lieutenant-colonel Glazier, com
 mandant  of the garrison in St. Augustine, had  an-
 nounced  his fixed  resolution  instantly to hang up 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.   '        373
six of them, if the exasperated americans should exe-
cute their threats of putting to death colonel Brown,
of the East-Florida  rangers.  To all these indigni-
ties and dangers they submitted, without an  appli-
cation from a single  individual of  their number for
british protection.
   From  the  time that the citizens  before mentioned
Avere sent off from Charlestow n, St.  Augustine was
made use of to frighten prisoners to petition  for the
privileges of subjects.  They who delayed their sub-
mission were repeatedly threatened Avith banishment
from  their families and estates.    To convince the
inhabitants that  the  conquerors were seriously re-
solved to banish all who refused to  become subjects
an additional number, Avho still remained prisoners
on parole, was shipped off on the 15th of November
following.  Their names were as  follows : Joseph
Bee, Richard Beresford, John Berwick, Daniel Bor-
deaux,  Benjamin Cudworth, Henry Crouch, John
Splatt Cripps, Edward Darrell, Daniel Dessaussure,
George A. Hall, Thomas  Grimball, Noble Wimber-
ley Jones, William  Lee, William Logan, Arthur
Middleton,  Christopher  Peters,  Benjamin Postell,
Samuel Prioleau, Philip Smith, Benjamin  Waller,
James Wakefield, Edward  Weyman,  Morton  Wil-
kinson.   In addition to these citizens of South-Ca-
rolina, most of whom Avere entitled  to the  benefits of
the capitulation of Charlestown, general Rutherford
and colonel Isaacs of the state of North-Carolina,
who had been taken  near  Camden  in August  1780,
were at the same time shipped off for St. Augustine.
The only  charge exhibited against  them as the rea- 
374   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
son of their exile Avas that " they discovered no dis-
position to return to their allegiance and would,  if
they could, overturn the british government."  Lord
Cornwallis did not stop here; but being determined
to use every  method to compel the re-establi»hment
of  british government,  as  well by rewarding its
friends as punishing its opposers, his lordship  pro-
ceeded  to the sequestration of all estates  belonging
to the decided friends of America.   In the execution
of this business John Cruden was appointed to take
possession of the estates  of particular persons desig-
nated in  warrants issued  by earl  Cornwallis and
lieutenant-colonel Balfour.
   In the year  1778, when the  then recent capture
of  general Burgoyne's  army, and the alliance  with
France inspired all ranks of men in Carolina with
confidence in the final establishment of their inde-
pendence, the legislature  of that  state gave to all the
friends of royal government their free choice; of
either joining them, or going where they pleased with
their families and property.   In  the  year  1780,
when the british arms had the  ascendant, the con-
querors gave no alternative, but either to join them,
and to  fight  against their countrymen and conscien-
ces, or to be banished under every restriction  of
prisoners of war.  Instead of being allowed to car-
ry their  estates  with  them they,  whose property
 made it worth while, were stripped of every thing;
 and  all, Avhether their  estates were sequestered or
 not,  were deprived of the privileges of recovering
 their debts, and of selling or removing their property
 without the  permission of the conquerors.  An ad- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.           375
herent to independence was now considered as one
who courted exile, poverty, and ruin.  The tempta-
tion was too great to be resisted by those who were
attached to their interest and ease.   Numbers Avho
formerly professed  great  zeal  in  the  support  of
their country, and who continued their adherence to
the cause of America after the surrender of Charles-
town, yielded to these temptations and became bri-
tish subjects.   To  discourage the other states from
any further attempts in behalf  of Carolina an  ad-
dress to lord Cornwallis was drawn up, in Avhich the
subscrib rs " congratulated him for his glorious vic-
tory at Camden ; and expressed their indignation at
congress for disturbing the citizens of Carolina, who
were represented as having broken off from the  un-
ion, and re-united themselves to the british empire.''
Though every method was used to obtain signers to
this address, yet no more than  164 could be procur-
ed.    NotAvithstanding these  discouragements,  the
g< ni :s of America rose  superior to them all.  At no
time did her sons appear to greater advantage, than
Avhen they were depressed by successive misfortunes.
They seemed to gain strength from their losses : and,
instead of giving way to the  pressure  of calamities,
to oppose them with more determined resolution.
   Hitherto the british  arms to the  southward have
been attended with  almost  uninterrupted success.
The royal standards we have seen overspreading all
the country, penetrating into every quarter, and tri-
umphing over  all opposition.   Their defeats at the
Hanging-Rock and at Williams's, in the  upper parts
of South-Carolina, made but little impression on an 
   376  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
   army grown familiar with victories.  Checks indeed
   they  Avere,  but nothing more;  and the only checks
   they  had sustained since  their  landing in the state.
   The british ministry,  by this flattering posture of af-
   fairs,  Avere once more intoxicated with the  delusive
   hopes of subjugating  America.   NeAv  plans  were.
   formed, and great expectations indulged of  speedily
   re uniting the dissevered members  of the  empire.
   The rashness of general Burgoyne, and the languor of
   sir William Howe, Avere assigned as the only causes
   of that shame and disappointment which had already
v   disgraced five successive  campaigns.   It was  now-
   asserted with  a  confidence bordering on presump-
   tion that such troops as fought at Camden,  put un-
   der such a commander as lord Cornwallis, would
   soon  extirpate rebellion so effectually as to leave  no
   vestige of it in America.   The british ministry and
   army, by an impious confidence in their own wisdom
   and prowess,  Avere duly  prepared to give, in their
   approaching downfal, an useful  lesson to the world.
     The disaster of the army under  general Gates
   overspread  at  first the face of american affairs with
   a dismal gloom.   But the day  of prosperity to the
   United States began, as will  appear in the seque^,
   from  that moment to dawn.   Their prospects bright-
   ened  up while those of their enemies were obscured
   by disgrace, broken by defeat, and  at last  covered
   Avith ruin.   Elated with their victory the conquerors
   <rrew more  insolent and  rapacious, while the real
   friends of independence, thoroughly alarmed at their
   danger, became resolute and determined.  We have
   seen  Sumpter  penetrating into  South-Carolina, and 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.            377
 recommencing a military opposition to british go-
 vernment.   Soon after that event he was  promoted
 by governor Rutledge to the rank of brigadier-gene-
 ral.   About the same time Marion was promoted to
 the same rank ;  and in the north-eastern extremities
 of the state successfully  prosecuted the  same  plan.
 Unfurnished with the means of defence,  he Avas ob-
 liged to take possession of the saws of the sawmills,
 and to convert  them into horsemens' swords.  So
 much was  he distressed  for ammunition, that he has
 engaged Avhen he had not three rounds to each man
 of his party.  At other times he has brought his
 men into view, though Avithout ammunition, that he
 might make a  show of numbers to the enemy.   For
 several weeks he had under his command only seven-
 ty men, all volunteers from the militia.   At one time
 hardships and dangers reduced that number to twen-
 ty-five ; yet with this inconsiderable force,  he secur-
 ed himself in the midst of surrounding foes.  Various
methods were  attempted  to draw  off his followers.
 Major Wemys burned scores of houses belonging to
the inhabitants living on  Peedee, Lynch's creek, and
 Black river, Avho  Avere  supposed to do duty  Avith
him  or to be subservient to  his views.   This  mea-
sure had an effect  contrary  to Avhat Avas expected.
Revenge and despair co-operated with patrotism to
make these ruined men keep the field.  The devour-
ing flames sent on  defenceless  habitations  by  blind
rage and brutal policy, increased not only the  zeal
but  the  number of his  followers.   For  several
months he and his party were obliged to sleep in the
   vol.  t.             3 C 
3/8   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY', 1775—1783.
open air, and to shelter themselves  in the thick re-
cesses of deep SAvamps.   From these n treats he sal-
lied out Avhenever an opportunity of harassing t he
enemy or of serving his country presented itself. This
Avorthy citizen, on every occasion,  paid the greatest
regard to private property and restrained his men
from every species of plunder.  On the  whole, he
exhibited a rare instance of disinterested  patriotism
in doing  and suffering  every  thing subservient to
the independence of  his country.
   Opposition to british government was not vvholly
confined to the parties commanded  by Sumpter and
Marion.   It  was at no time altogether extinct in the
extremities of the state.   The  inhabitants of that
part of South-Carolina which is now called  York
district, never were  paroled  as prisoners; nor did
they take  protection  as subjects.    From  among
these people Sumpter had recruited a considerable
part of his  men.  After his defeat, on the  18th  of
August  1780, several of them repaired  to that set-
tlement and kept in  small parties for their own de-
fence.   Some of them also joined  major  Davie, an
enterprising young gentleman who  commanded fifty
or sixty volunteers, who had equipped themselves as
dragoons.  This was the only american corps which
at that time had not been beaten or dispersed.  1 he
disposition to revolt  which had been excited on the
approach of general Gates's army, was not extin-
guished  by its defeat.  By that check the spirit of
the  people was  over-awed,  but not subdued.  The
severity  with which revolters who  were taken had 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.            379
 been treated, induced many others to persevere and
 to seek safety in swramps.
   From the time of the general  submission of the
 inhabitants in the summer of 1780,  pains  were  ta-
 ken  to increase the royal force by the co-operation
 of the yeomanry of the country.  Commissions  in
 the militia were given by the british  commanders  to
 such of the  inhabitants as they  supposed had  influ-
 ence,  and were most firmly attached to their inter-
 est.   They  persuaded the people to embody by re-
 presenting to  the uninformed that american affairs
 were entirely ruined,  and that  further opposition
 would only be a prolongation of their distresses.
 They endeavored to reconcile those who had families,,
 and were advanced in life to the bearing of arms, by
 considerations drawn from the necessity  of defend-
 ing their property and of keeping their domestics in
 proper subordination.  From young men  without
 families more was expected.  Whilst lord Cornwal-
 lis was restrained from active operations by the ex-
 cessive heats  and unhealthy  season  which  folloAved
 his victory  at Camden  colonel  Ferguson, of the
 seventy-first hritish  regiment, had undertaken per-
 sonally to visit the settlements of the disaffected  to
 the  american cause and  to  train their young men
for service  in the field.   With  these, at a proper
 season, he was to join the main army and to co-op-
erate with it in the reduction of North-Carolina,
This corps had been chiefly collected  from the re-
mote parts of the state, and was induced to continue
for some time near to the western mountains with
the expectation of intercepting colonel Clark on his 
380  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—1783.
retreat from Georgia.  Among those who joined co-
lonel Ferguson  were several disorderly, licentious,
persons who  took the opportunity of the prevailing
confusion to  carry on their usual depredations.   As
they marched through the country on the  pretence
of promoting the service of  his  britannic  majesty,
they plundered the whig citizens.   Violences of this
kind, frequently repeated, induced  many persons to
consult their own safety by fleeing over the moun-
tains.   By such lively representations of their suf-
ferings  as the distressed are  always  ready  to give,
they communicated an alarm to that hardy  race of
republicans  who live to the  Avestward of the Alle-
ghany.  Hitherto these mountaineers had only heard
of Avar at a  distance,  and had been in peaceable
possession of  that  independence  for  which  their
countrymen  on  the  sea  coast were  contending
Alarmed for  their oavii safety by the  near approach
of colonel Ferguson,  and  roused by the violences
and depredations of his followers, they embodied to
check  the neighboring foe.  This Avas done of their
own motion, Avithout  any requisition from the go-
vernments of America or the officers of the con-
continental army.   Being all mounted and unincum-
bered with baggage, their motions were rapid. Each
man set out w ith his blanket, knapsack, and gun, in
quest of colonel Ferguson in the same manner he
was  used to  pursue the  wild  beasts of the  forest.
At  night  the earth afforded  them a bed,  and the
heavens a covering: the  running stream cmenched
their thirst while the few cattle, driven in their rear,
together with the  supplies acquired by their guns, 
CAMPAIGN OF  1780.
381
procured them provision.  They soon found the en-
campment  of colonel Ferguson.  This was  on an
eminence of a circular base, knoAvn by the name of
King's  Mountain,  situated near  the  confines  of
North and  South-Carolina.   Though colonel Camp-
bell had a  nominal command over the  whole, their
enterprise  was conducted without  regular military
subordination, under the direction of colonels Cleve-
land,  Shelby, Sevier,  and Williams;  each of whom
respectively led on his own  men.  It being  appre-
hended  that  colonel  Furguson  was hastening  his
march down the country to join  lord Cornwallis,
the americans selected nine hundred and ten of their
best men and mounted them on their fleetest horses.
With  this force they came up Avith colonel Ferguson
on the 7th  of October 1780.  As  they approached
the royal encampment, it Avas agreed to divide their
force.   Some  ascended the mountain,  while others
went  round its  base in opposite directions.  Colonel
Cleveland,  who led one of  the detachments round
the mountain, in his progress discovered  an  advan-
ced piquet  of the royal army.   On this occasion he
addressed his party in the following plain unvarnish-
ed language :   '*' My  brave fellows, we  have beat
the tories  and  Ave can  beat them.  They are all
cowards.   If they had the spirit of men, they would
join with their  felloAv citizens in supporting the in-
dependence of  their country.   When  engaged you
are not  to Avait  for the word of command from me.
I will shbw you by my example Iioav  to fight.   I
can undertake no more.  Every man must consider
himself as an officer, and act from his own judgment. 
382  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY, 1775--17 S3.
Fire as quick as you can, and  stand your ground as
long as you can.  When you can do no better, get
behind trees or retreat;  but I beg of you not to run
quite off.   If we are repulsed,  let us make a point
to  return and renew the fight.  Perhaps  we may
have better luck in the second attempt than the first.
If any of you  are  afraid, such have leave to retire;
and they are  requested  immediately to take them-
selves  off."   A firing commenced.   Some  of the
americans were on horseback, others on foot.   Some
behind trees, and others  exposed.   None  were  un-
der the restraints of military discipline,  but all were
animated with the enthusiasm of liberty.  The pi-
quet soon gave w-ay,  and were pursued as they re-
tired up the mountain to the main  body.   Colonel
Ferguson with the greatest bravery ordered his men
to charge.   The americans commanded by  colonel
Cleveland  followed  his advice,  and having fired as
long as they could with safety they retired from the
approaching  bayonet.   They  had scarcely  given
way when the other detachment, commanded  by
Colonel Shelby, having completed the circuit  of the
mountain,  opportunely arrived, and from  an unex-
pected quarter poured in a well-directed fire.  Co-
lonel Ferguson desisted  from  the pursuit, and  en-
gaged with  his new adversaries.   The british bayo-
net was again  successful, and caused  them  also to
fall back.   By this time the party  commanded by
colonel Campbell  had ascended the mountain, and
renewed the attack from that  emiinence.  Colonel
Ferguson, whose conduct was equal to  his courage,
presented  a new  front and was again successlul; 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
383
but all his exertions were unavailing.  At this mo-
ment the men who began che attack, no less obedient
to the second request of their commander in return-
ing to their posts than they Avere to the first in secur-
ing themselves  by  a timely  retreat, had rallied and
renewed their fire.   As often as one of the american
parties was driven back,  another  returned to their
station.   Resistance on the part of colonel Ferguson
was in vain; but  his  unconquerable spirit refused
to surrender.   After having repulsed a  succession
of adversaries,  pouring in their  fire from  new direc-
tions, this distinguished officer received a mortal
wound.   No chance of escape being  left,  and  all
prospect of successful resistance being at an  end, the
second in command sued for quarters.   The killed,
wounded, and  taken, exceeded eleven  hundred; of
which nearly one hundred were regulars.   The as-
sailants had the honor of reducing a number superi-
or to their own.   The americans lost comparatively
few, but in that number was that distinguished mili-
tia-officer, colonel  Williams.  Ten of these men who
had surrendered were hanged  by  their  conquerors.
They were provoked to this measure by the  severity
of the" british, who had lately hanged a greater num-
ber of americans  at  Camden,  Ninety-Six, and Au-
gusta.   They also alleged, that the men  who suffer-
ed were  guilty of crimes for which their lives Avere
forfeited by the laws of the land.
   This  unexpected advantage gave neAv spirits to
the desponding americans; and, in a great degree,
frustrated  a well-concerted scheme for strengthen-
ing the  british army by the co-operation of the inha- 
 334   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY',  1775--1783.
 bitants who were  diaffccted to the cause of Ame-
 rica.
   It was  scarcely possible for  any event  to have
 happened, in the present juncture of affairs, more
 unfavorable  to  the views of lord  Cornwallis  than
 this reverse of fortune.   The fall of colonel Fer«u-
 son, Avho  possessed superior talents  as  a  partizan,
 was no small loss to  the royal cause.    In addition
 to the accomplishments  of an excellent officer, he
 Avas a most exact marksman ; and had  brought  the
 art of rifle-shooting to an uncommon degree of per-
 fection.   The total rout of  the royalists, who  had
joined colonel Ferguson, operated  as a check on
 their future exertions.   The same timid  caution
 which made them averse from joining their country-
 men, in opposing the claims  of Great-Britain, re-
 strained them from risking  any more in support of
 the royal  cause.  From this time forward many of
 them waited events and reserved  themselves till  the
 british army, by their own unassisted efforts, should
 gain a decided superiority.
   In a few weeks after the general action near Cam-
 den, on the 16th of August 1780,  lord  Cornwallis
 left a small force in that village  and marched  with
 the  main  army  to  Charlotte.  Whilst they  lay
 there general Sumner and general  Davidson, with
 a considerable body of North-Carolina militia, took
 post in the vicinity  and annoyed their detachments.
 Major Davie, whose corps Avas greatly increased by
 stanch volunteers from the lower country,  wras par-
 ticularly successful in intercepting  their foraging-
 parties and convoys.   Riflemen frequently penetra- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.
385
 ted  near the british  camp, and  from behind trees
 took care to make  sure of their object;  so that the
 late conquerors found_ their situation  very  uneasy,
 being  exposed to unseen danger if  they attempted
 to make an excursion of only a few hundred  yards
 from their  encampment.   The defeat  of  colonel
 Ferguson, added to these circumstances,  gave a se-
 rious alarm  to lord Cornwallis;  and made him, while
 at Charlotte, apprehensive for his safety."   He there-
 fore retreated, and fixed his next  position at Winns-
 borough.  As  he retired,  the  militia took  several
 waggons loaded with stores and single  men  often
 rode up  within  gun-shot  of his army,  discharged
 their pieces, and made their escape.
   The panic occasioned by the reduction  of Charles-
 town,  and the defeat of general  Gates, began  to
 wear off.  The defeat of colonel  Ferguson, and  the
 consequent  retreat  of lord Conwallis from Charlotte
 to Winnsborough, encouraged  the american  militia
 to repair to the camps of their respective comman-
 ders.  The  necessity of the times induced them to
 submit to the stricter  discipline  of regular soldiers.
   Early in  October Gates detached general  Mor-
 gan  from Hillsborough, with  300  Maryland and
 Delaware troops and  80 dragoons, to aid the exer-
 tions of the Avhig  citizens of  Mecklenburgh  and
 Rowan  counties.   In an excursion  from this de-
tached  position  lieutenant-colonel Washington pe-
netrated with a small  force to the vicinity of Cam-
den,  and on the 4th  of  December  1780 appeared
before  colonel  Rugely's.   This gentleman,  having
taken a commission in the british militia,  had made
  vol.  i.              3D 
:>86"   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  177.*)—1785.

a stockade-fort round his house  in  which  he  had
collected 112 of the men under his command.   The
appearance of the force,  commanded by Washing-
ton,  produced an immediate surrender of this whole
party.  A pine  log enforced  the  propriety and ne-
cessity of their speedy unresisting submission.   This
harmless timber, elevated a few feet from the surface
of the earth by its branches  which  stuck in  the
ground, was moulded by the  imagination of the gar-
rison into  artillery, completely equipped with all tin;
apparatus of death.
   Sumpter, soon after the dispersion of his force on
the  18th of August  1780, collected a corps of vo-
lunteers.   About thirty of his party re-joined  him
immediately after that event.  In three days   more
one hundred of  the whig-citizens in the vicinity, on
his  requisition,  rendezvoused at Sugar creek and
put themselves  under  his command.  With  these
and  other  occasional  reinforcements, though  for
three months there was  no  continental army  in the
state, he  constantly kept the field in support  of
american independence.    He varied his position
 from time to  time  about Enoree, Broad and Tyger
 rivers,  and had frequent skirmishes with his adver-
 saries.   Having mounted his followers, he infested
 the british with frequent incursions, beat up their
 quarters, intercepted their convoys,  and  so haras-
 sed them with  successive alarms,  that their move-
 ments could not be made but with  caution and dif-
 ficulty.   On the 12th  of November  1780 he was
 attacked at Broad river by major Wcyms, command-
 ing a corps of  infantry and dragoons.   In this ac-
 tion the  british Avere defeated, and their command- 
              CAMPAIGN OF 17S0.           387

mg officer taken prisoner.   Though major Weyms
had personally superintended the execution of Mr.
Adam Cusack, after ordering him to be hung; and
though in his pocket was found a memorandum of
several houses burned by his command, yet he re-
ceived every indulgence from  his conquerors.  On
the  twentieth of the same month general Sumpter
was attacked at Black Stocks,  near Tyger river,  by
lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton at the  head of a consi-
derable  party.  The action Avas severe and obsti-
nate.  The  killed and  Avounded of the british Avas
considerable.   Among the former  were major Mo-
ney, lieutenants Gibson and Cope.   The americans
lost very few, but general Sumpter received a wound
which,  for  several months, interrupted his gallant
enterprises  in behalf of the  state.   His zeal and ac-
 tivity in animating the american militia when  they
 were discouraged  by repeated defeats, and the bra-
 very and good conduct he displayed in  sundry at-
 tacks on the british detachments, procured  him the
 applause of his countrymen and the thanks of Con-
 gress.
   The continental army which had  been collected at
 Hillsborough, after their dispersion on the 16th of
 August, moved doAvn to Charlotte  in  the latter end
 of the year  1780.    Congress authorised general
 Washington  to appoint an officer  to  take the com-
 mand in the southern district.   He nominated major
 general Greene to this important trust. This illustri-
 ous officer  was universally acknowledged to possess
 great military talents, particularly a penetrating judg-
 ment, and a decisive enterprising spirit.  Great were
 the difficulties he had to encounter.   The  principal 
388  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY', 1775__1783.

part of his standing-force consisted of the few con-
tinentals who had escaped from the defeat near Cam-
den on the  16th of August 1780.  Six days after
Greene  took  the  command,  the  returns  of the
southern army were nine hundred and seventy con-
tinentals, and  one thousand  and  thirteen  militia.
The continentals Avere Avithout pay, and almost with-
out clothing.   All sources of supply from Charles-
town were shut up, and no imported article  could
be obtained but from a distance of near two hun-
dred miles.   Though the american force was small,
yet the  procuring of provisions for its support Avas
a matter of the greatest difficulty.  The paper cur-
rency Avas so depreciated,  that it Avas wholly unequal
to the purchase of necessaries  for the suffering sol-
diers.  Real money could not be procured. Though
Greene Avas authorised to  dispose  of a few  bills,
drawn by Congress on their  minister at the  court
of France, on  a credit given him by that court, yet,
such Avas the  situation of  the  country, that very
little  relief  could be obtained  from this quarter;
and the greatest part of the bills were returned un-
sold.   The only resource left for supplying the ame-
rican army, was by impressment.  The country had
been so completely ravaged, that all  which could be
obtained even  in that Avay,  in the vicinity of the ar-
my, was far short of a sufficiency.   To  supply the
army, and please the inhabitants, was equally neces-
sary.   To seize upon their property and preserve
their kind affections Avas a most delicate  point, and
yet of the utmost moment, as it furnished the army
with provisions without impairing the disposition of
the inhabitants  to  co-operate  with  the  continental 
CAMPAIGN OF 1780.           389
     troops  in recovering the country.  This  grand ob-
     ject called for the unjted efforts of both.   That the
     business of impressment might be conducted in the
     least offensive manner,  it  Avas transferred from the
     military to the civil officers of the state.  This Avas
     not only more effectual, but  it also  prevented two
     other evils of dangerous consequence—the corrup-
'    tion of the discipline of the army—and the misap-
     plication of property impressed for the public ser-
     vice.
       With an inconsiderable army, miserably provided,
     general Greene took the field against a superior bri-
     tish regular force, which  had marched in  triumph
     two hundred miles  from  the sea-coast;  and was
     flushed  with successive victories  through  a whole
     campaign.   To face an host of difficulties the ame-
     rican general had the justice of his  cause, his oavo
     valor and good conduct, a \rery respectable cavalry,
     and the Maryland and  DelaAvare  continentals Avho
     had served upAvards of four years; and who, for their
     numbers, were equal to any troops in the Avorld.
       Many of the inhabitants w ho, from necessity, had
     submitted to  the british government most cordially
     AATshed him good speed;  but the unsuccessful at-
     tempt of Gates to recover t}ie country  made the
     cautious and timid, for  some time, very slow in re-
     pairing to the standard of liberty.
       Soon after  Greene took the command, he divided
     his  force and sent a detachment, under  general
     Morgan, to  the Avestern extremities of South-Caro-
     lina; and marched  on the twentieth of December
     with the main  body to  Hicks' creek,  on  the north
     side of the Peedee,  opposite to Cheraw hill.   This 
390  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  17 75—1783.

division of the little american army into two parts,
so remote from each other that they could  not co-
operate, was risking much ;  but the necessity of the
case gave no alternative.   The continental army was
too inconsiderable to  make  successful opposition to
the superior numbers of lord  Cornwallis,  without
the most  powerful co-operation of the  militia of
the country.   To give them an  opportunity of cm-
bodying it was necessary  to cover both extremities
of the state.
                SECTION VIII.

                Campaign of 1781.

After the general submission of the militia, in the
year 1780, a revolution took place highly favorable
to the interests of America.   The residence of the
british army,  instead of increasing the  real friends
to royal government,  diminished  their number and
added new vigor to the opposite party.   In the dis-
trict of Ninety-Six moderate measures were at first
adopted by the british commanders, but the effects
of this Avere  frustrated by the royalists.   A great
part of those who called themselA-es the king's friends
had been at all times a banditti, to Avhom rapine and
violence were familiar.   On the restoration of royal
government these men preferred  their claim to its
particular notice.  The conquerors Avere so far im-
posed on by them, that they promoted some of them
who were of the most  infamous characters.   Men of
such base minds and  meicenary principles, regard- 
CAMPAIGN  OF 1781.
391
less of the  capitulation, gratified their  private re-
sentments and  their rage for  plunder to the great
distress  of the  new made subjects, and  the greater
injury of the royal interest.   Violences of this kind
made some men break their engagements to the bri-
tish, and join the americans.   Their revolt occasion-
ed suspicions to the prejudice of others who had no
intention  of following their example.   Fears, jea-
lousies and distrust, haunted the minds of the con-
querors.    All confidence Avas  at  an  end.    Severe
measures were next tried, but with a Avorse  effect.
Lieutenant-colonel Balfour, an haughty  and imperi-
ous officer who commanded  in  that district,  was
more calculated, by his insolence and  overbearing
conduct to alienate the  inhabitants from a govern-
 ment already beloved, than to reconcile  them to one
 which Avas generally disliked.  By an unw arrantable
 stretch of  his authority he  issued a proclamation
 by which it Avas  declared, " that every  man who
 was not in  his  house  by a certain  day should be
 subject to a military execution."   The british had a
 post in Ninety-Six for thirteen months, during which
 time the country was filled with rapine, violence, and
 murder.   Applications  were made daily for redress;
 yet in that whole period there Avas not a single in-
 stance Avherein  punishment Avas  inflicted  either on
 the soldiery or tories.   The people soon found that
 there  Avas no  security for  their lives,  liberties, or
 property,  under the  military  government  of british
 officers, which  subjected them to the depredations
 of a malicious mercenary  banditti;  falsely  calling
 themselves  the  friends  of  royal  government.  The
 peaceable citizens were reduced to  that uncommon 
 392   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775 — 1783.

 distress, in which they had more to tear from  op-
 pression than resistance ;  they  therefore most  ar-
 dently  AA-ished for the appearance of an  american
 force.  Under these favorable circumstances Greene
 detached Morgan to take a position m  the  western
 extremity of the state.   On his arrival the latter  dis-
 patched lieutenant-colonel Washington, Avith his own
 regiment  and two  hundred militia-horse, to attack
 a body of tories Avho Avere plundering the whig in-
 habitants.   Washington came up  with them near
 Hammond's store-house, and charged them; on which
 they all fled without making any resistance.  Many
 were  killed or Avounded, and about forty taken pri-
 soners.
   On the next  day Washington  detached  cornet
 James Simons, with a command of eleven regulars
 and twenty-five  militia, to pursue the fugitives and
 to surprise a fort a few miles distant, in which gene-
 ral Cunningham commanded about one hundred and
 fifty british militia.  This fort was strongly picquet-
 ted in every direction; and, besides plunder taken
 from the whig inhabitants, was  Avell-stored with fo-
 rage,  grain, and provisions for the use of the british
 army.   As soon  as the americans  were discovered,
 general Cunningham and all his men abandoned  the
 fort.   Cornet Simons stationed his detachment, and,
 advancing  with a flag,  demanded  their surrender.
 Cunningham requested  time  to consult his officers,
 and five minutes were  given  hirn for that  purpose.
 In that short space the whole party of tories ran off",
 and  dispersed  themselves  through  the woods.   Si-
mons, after destroying  the  fort  and all  the  provi- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
393
sions in it which  he could not carry away, rejoined
Washington without any molestation.
  These successes, the  appearance of an american
army, a sincere attachment to the cause of indepen-
dence, and the impolitic conduct of the british, in-
duced several persons to resume their  arms and  to
act in concert with the detachment of continentals.
Lord Cornwallis  wished to  drive Morgan from this
station, and  to deter the inhabitants  from joining
him.   Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, at the head of a
thousand regulars, was ordered to execute this busi-
ness.   The british had two field-pieces, and the su-
periority of numbers in the proportion of five to four,
and particularly of cavalry in the proportion of three
to one.   Besides  this inequality of force, two thirds
of the troops under  Morgan  were militia.   With
these fair prospects of success Tarleton, on the 17th
of January  1781, engaged  Morgan Avith the ex-
pectation of driving him out of the country. The lat-
ter drew up his men in two lines.   The whole of the
southern militia,  Avith one hundred  and ninety from
North-Carolina,  Avere  put under the  command  of
colonel Pickens.   These  formed the first line, and
Avere  advanced a few hundred yards before the se-
cond, with orders to form on the right of the second
when forced to retire.   The second line consisted of
the light-infantry, under lieutenant colonel Howard,
and a small corps of Virginia militia riflemen.  Lieu-
tenant-colonel Washington  with his  cavalry,  and
forty-five militia-men  mounted and equipped Avith
swords, were drawn up at some distance in the rear of
the whole.  The americans were formed before the
  vol.  i.               3 E 
    394  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775--1783.
    british appeared in sight. Tarleton halted, and form-
    ed his men, when at the distance of about two hun-
    dred and fifty yards from the front line of Morgan's
    detachment.   As soon as the british had formed they
    began to advance Avith a shout, and poured in an in-
    cessant fire of musketry.   Colonel Pickens directed
    the militia under his command not  to fire till the bri
    tish Avere within  forty or fifty yards.    This order,
    though executed  with great firmness and  success,
    was not sufficient to repel  the advancing foe.   The
    american militia w^re obliged to retire, but \v6re soon
    rallied by their officers.   The british advanced ra-
    pidly and  engaged the second line  Avhich, after a
    most  obstinate conflict, was compelled to retreat to
    the cavalry.   In  this  crisis of the battle Washington
    made a successful  charge  upon Tarleton who was
    cutting down  the militia.   Lieutenant-colonel How-
    ard, almost at the same moment,  rallied the conti-
    nental  troops and  charged  with fixed bayonets.
    The example  Avas instantly followed  by the militia.
    Nothing could exceed the  astonishment  and confu-
    sion of the british, occasioned by these  unexpected
    charges.  Their  advance fell  back upon their  rear,
    and communicated a panic to the Avhole.   In this-
    moment of confusion  Howard called to them  " to
    lay down  their  arms,"  and  promised  them  good
    quarters.  Upwards  of  five hundred accepted the
    offer, and surrendered.  The  first battalion of the
/   seventy-first regiment, and two british light-infantry
    companies laid down  their  arms to the american mi-
    litia.   Previous to this general surrender three  hun-
    dred of the corps commanded by Tarleton had  been
    killed, wounded or taken.   Eight hundred  stand of 
              CAMPAIGN  OF 1781.           39ji

arms, two field-pieces, and thirty-five baggage-wagr
gons  also  fell into  the  hands of  the  americans.
Washington pursued the british cavalry for several
miles, but a great part of them escaped.   The ame-
ricans had  only twelve men killed, and sixty wound-
ed.  General Morgan, whose grea t abilities Avere dis-
covered by the judicious disposition of his force and
Avhose activity was conspicuous through every part
of the action,  obtained the universal applause of his
countrymen.   And there  never was a commander
better supported than he Avas by the officers and men
of his detachment.   The glory and  importance  of
this  action resounded from one end of the continent
to the other.   It re-animated the desponding friends
of America, and seemed  to  be like a resurrection
from the dead to the southern states-
   Morgan's good  conduct, on this memorable day,
Avas honored by congress with a gold medal.  That
illustrious  assembly, on this occasion, presented also
a medal of silver to lieutenant-colonel Washington ;
another  to lieutenant colonel Howard, a  sword to
colonel Pickens,  a  brevet majority to Edward Giles
the  general's aid-de-camp, and a captaincy, to baron
Glasback  who had lately joined the light-infantry as
a volunteer.  The british legion, hitherto triumphant
in a variety of skirmishes, on this  occasion lost their
laurels; though  they were supported by the se-
venth regiment,  one battalion of the seventy first,
and two companies of light-infantry.   Lieutenant-
colonel Tarleton had hitherto acquired distinguish-
ed reputation, but he was greatly indebted  for his
military fame to good fortune and accident.   In all 
396   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775— 1785.

his previous engagements he either had  the advan-
tage of surprising an incautious enemy—of attacking
them when panic-struck after recent defeats__or of
being opposed to undisciplined militia,   lie had ga-
thered no laurels by hard  fighting against an equal
force.   His repulse on this occasion did more essen-
tial injury to the british interest than  was compen-
sated by all his  victories.
   Tarleton's  defeat was the  first link  in a grand
chain of causes  which finally drew down ruin, both
in North and South-Carolina, on  the royal interest.
The  series of victories which  had followed the  bri-
tish  arms in the first nine months of the year 1780,
had  been considered  by the  sanguine  royalists as
decisive  w ith respect to the most  southern colonies.
and  had led to the  formation of extensive plans for
the  year 1781.   These were defensive  with respect
to South-Carolina  and  Georgia, which were consi-
dered as conquered countries, but offensive against
North-Carolina  and  Virginia.   To  favor the  sub?
jugation of these  two latter states the  british com-
manders stationed troops in both.   The tories under
the  protection of the royal  army, were encouraged
to rise simultaneously.  With their aid, and  that of
his army, lord Cornwallis  expected to  destroy  the
american forces commanded by general Greene; or
at least to drive them out of  the country.   As his
lordship advanced from  south to  north, it was ex-
pected the tories with a portion of regulars would
keep all quiet in  his  rear.    North  Carolina   was
scarcely  considered in  any other  light than as the
road to Virginia.   A junction with the  royal force? 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
397
stationed in the last named state,  in  the  front of
lord Cornwallis, was expected at so early a day as to
give time lor prosecuting  further operations against
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania.   The expectations of
some  went so far as to  count upon a junction with
the royal army in New-York, and  the subjugation
ot every state to the southward of Hudson's river,
before the close of the  campaign.   The year  1781
commenced  with  the  prospect of accomplishing
most, if not all of  these  objects.   These sanguine
hopes were founded on  the  reduction of Savannah
and CharlestOAvn—the  subjugation of Georgia and
South-Carolina—the rout of general Gates's army—
the failure of  the american  paper currency—the
general distress of the country—and the inability of
congress to carry on the war from the want of  the
means necessary for that purpose.   In this distress-
ed state of american affairs,  success  little short of
a termination of the war in favor of Great-Britain,
was expected from a vigorous  campaign conducted
with  energy and advancing from  south  to  north.
The defeat of Ferguson at King's mountain in  Oc-
tober 1780, and of Tarleton at the Cow Pens in Jan-
uary  1781, precipitated the projected system of ope-
rations.   To recover the prisoners taken at the Cow
Pens, the  royal army  was instantly put in motion.
A military race commenced between the pursuing
british and fleeing americans.   North-Carolina was
therefore prematurely invaded before the tories Avere
prepared for joining the royalists.   Rising Avithout
order  or system,  they were  separately  subdued.
General Greene by rapid movements saved his pri-
soners,  but was compelled to retreat into Virginia. 
 398 REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775__1785.

 By avoiding engagements he  preserved  his army
 till he was joined by so  many of his countrymen as
 enabled him to recross into North-Carolina, and to
 risk a general  action at Guilford.   This, though
 called a victory by the british, operated against them
 like a  defeat.   Lord Cornwallis  was reduced to the
 alternative of retracing his footsteps to South-Caroli-
 na, or advancing to Virginia,  while  the country be-
 hind  him was  left open  to the enterprising general
 Greene at the  head of  a respectable force.   The
 two armies, one of which for some weeks had been
 chasing the other,  now turned  back to back.  Lord
 Cornwallis advanced northwardly and  seated him-
 self in  York-Town Virginia;  where, in October fol-
 lowing, he was  reduced to the necessity of surrender-
 ing  his  whole  army prisoners  of   war;  Greene
 southwardly to Carolina,  and in the course of the
 campaign,  recovered the country  from its late con-
 querors.   This was  facilitated  by the previous en-
 terprises  or* generals Sumpter and Marion.  These
 distinguished   partizans,  though  surrounded with
 enemies,  kept  the field  and animated the whig in-
 habitants of South-Carolina to deeds of valor; while
 the two  main  armies were  in North-Carolina  and
Virginia.  Though the continental army was driven
 over Dan river, Marion and Sumpter did not des-
 pair of the commonwealth.   Having mounted their
 followers, their  motions w ere rapid and their attacks
 unexpected.  With their light troops they  intercept-
 ed the  british convoys of provisions—infested their
 out-posts—beat up their quarters, and harassed their
 detachments  with such  frequent alarms that they 
Marion's  brigade,            399
were  obliged to be always on their guard.   In the
Avestern extremity of the state, Sumpter was power-
fully supported by colonels Niel, Lacey, Hill, Winn,
Bratton, Brandon, and others; each  of whom held
militia commissions and had many friends.   In the
north-eastern  extremity Marion  received,  in like
manner, great assistance from the active exertions of
colonels Peter Horry and  Hugh Horry, lieutenant-
colonel John  Baxter, colonel James  Postell, major
John  Postell, and major John James.
  The inhabitants, either as affection or vicinity in-
duced them,  arranged  themselves  under some of
these  militia  officers,  and  performed many gallant
enterprises*.
                 SECTION. IX.

                 Marion's  brigade.


 M aRION and his brigade were so distinguished, and
 at the same  time so detached in their operations, as
 to merit and require particular notice,

  * The author would gladly have recorded these events mi-
 nutely if the particulars were either known by him, or had been
 communicated to him.  The information received of the corps
 commanded by Sumpter is very general and of course deficient,
 though exertions were made to procure it in detail.  He has
 been more successful in his applications to the  friends of the
deceased general Marion, and with gratitude acknowledges the
 obligations he is under to captain John Palmer, and to the hon-
orable  William James, esq. for interesting information  respect-
ing that distinguished officer and his brigade. 
400   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1785.
  General Francis Marion was bom at Winvaw  in
1755.   His grandfather was a native of  Languedoc,
and  one of the  many protestants who tied  from
France  to Carolina to avoid persecution on the ac-
count of religion.   He left thirteen children, the el-
dest of Avhoin was the father of the general.  Fran-
cis  Marion, when only sixteen years of age, m ide
choice of a sea-fariug life.  On his first  voyage to
the  West-Indies he was  shipwrecked.   The  crew,
consisting of six persons, took to the open boat with-
out  water or provisions, except a dog who jumped
into the boat from the sinking vessel.   They  were
six  days in the  boat before they made land, having
nothing to eat in that  time but the dog whom  tl ey
devoured  raw.   Two  of  the crew perished.   Fran-
cis  Marion with three others  reached  land.  This
disaster, and the  entreaties  of his mother induced
hiin to  quit the sea.   In  Littleton's expedition
against  the indians in  1759, he went  as a volunteer
in his brother's militia troop of horse.   In Grant's
expedition to the indian  country  in 1761, he served
as a lieutenant under captain William  Moultrie.
On the formation of a regular army in  1775, to de-
fend his native  province against Great-Britain,  he
was  appointed a captain in the second South-Caro-
lina regiment and had gradually risen  to  the rank
of  colonel before Charlestown fell.    Fortunately
for his country  he had fractured  his leg and retired
from the garrison, which  prevented his being made
a prisoner of war.  After the surrender, he retreat-
ed to North-Carolina.  On the approach of general
Gates he advanced with a small party through the 
marion's brigade.           401
 country towards  the  Santee.   On his arrival  there
 he found a number of his countrymen ready and
 willing to put  themselves under  his command,  to
 which he had  been  appointed by  general Gates.
 This corps afterwards acquired the name of  Ma-
 rion's  brigade.   Its origin was as singular as its ex-
 ploits were honorable.
   In the month of June  1780 a british captain,
 named Ardesoif,  arrived at Georgetown  and  pub-
 lished  a proclamation, inviting the people to  come
 in, swear allegiance to  king George, and take pro-
 tection.  Many of  the inhabitants of Georgetown
 submitted.    But there remained  a  portion of that
 district,  stretching  from the Santee  to the Peedee,
 containing  the  whole of the present Williamsburg
 and  part of Marion district, to which the british arms
 had  not penetrated.   The inhabitants of it were ge-
 nerally of irish extraction, and very little disposed to
 submission.   At  this crisis there was a meeting  of
 this  people to deliberate on their situation.  Major
 John James, who had heretofore commanded  them
 in the field, and represented them in  the state legis-
 lature, was  selected as the person who should go
 down to  captain Ardesoif and  know from him  upon
 what terms they  would be allowed to submit.   Ac-
 cordingly he proceeded to Georgetow n in  the  plain
 garb of a country planter, and was introduced to the
 captain at his lodgings.
   After narrating  the nature of his mission the
 captain, surprised that such an embassy should be
sent  to him, answered " that their submission must
   vol.  i.            3 F 
402   revolutionary history,  1775—1783.
be unconditional." - To an inquiry «whether they
would be allow ed to stay at home upon their planta-
tions in peace and quiet," he replied, «though you
have rebelled against his majesty he offers you*a free
pardon, of which you  were undeserving,  for you
ought all to have been hanged.   As he offers you a
free pardon you must take up arms in support of his
cause."  To  major James suggesting  J' that  the
people he came  to  represent would not submit on
such terms," the captain, irritated at his republican
language, particularly at  the word * represent,' re-
plied,  " you damned  rebel! if  you speak in such
language, I  will  immediately order you to  be hang-
ed up to the yard arm."   Major James perceiving
what turn matters were likely to take, and not brook-
ing this harsh language, suddenly seized the chair on
which he vvas seated, brandished it in the face of the
captain, made his way good through the back door
of the house, mounted his horse, and made his es-
cape into the  country.   This  circumstance which
appears now so trivial, gave rise to Marion's brigade.
When the w hole adventure was related at a meeting
of the inhabitants of Williamsburg, it  was unani-
mously determined that they would again take up
arms in defence  of their country and not against it.
Major James was  desired to  command  them  as
heretofore, and they arranged themselves under their
revolutionary captains, William  M'Cottry,  Henry
Movvzon, and John James, junior.
  The small band thus resolved on further resistance
was  about two hundred men.   Shortly after  colonel
Hugh Giles joined them with two companies, Thorn- 
Marion's brigade.
403
ly's and Witherspoon's.  On this accession of force
a consultation was held; and it was agreed to dis-
patch a messenger to general Gates, who about this
time had arrived on the confines of the state, request-
ing him to send  them a commander.   Shortly after
these events colonel Tarleton crossed the Santee at
Lenud's ferry, and hearing of the  late  proceedings
in Williamsburg, approached at the head of some ca-
valry to surprise the party of major James ; but cap-
tain M'Cottry, as soon as he received  notice  of his
movements,  marched  his  company of  fifty men to
give  him  battle.  Tarleton was  posted  at  King's
Tree  bridge, on Black river;  and M'Cottry  ap-
proached  him at midnight;  but  by means of the
wife of the only loyalist in that part of the country,
Tarleton  gained  intelligence  of M'Cottry's  move-
ments, and marched away a few hours before the lat-
ter arrived.   M'Cottry pursued him, but without ef-
fect.
   In this rout Tarleton burnt the house of captain
Mowzon and took Mr. James Bradley* prisoner.

   * This gentleman was taken prisoner by stratagem.  Colonel
 Tarleton came to  his house and passed himself for colonel
 Washington of the american army.  Bradley made much of his
 guest, and without suspicion freely communicated to him the
 plans and views of himself and other Carolinians for co-operat-
 ing with their countrymen against the british.   When the in*
 terview and its hospitalities were ended, Tarleton requested
 Bradley to accompany him as a guide to a neighboring place.
 This service  was  cheerfully performed.  On their arrival,
 Tarleton's party appeared in full vieAv, and took charge of Brad-
 ley as a prisoner.  The  host thus taken by  order of his late
 guest was sent to Camden gaol, and there confined in irons 
404  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.

   In the mean time lieutenant-colonel Hugh  I lorry-
arrived  from GeorgetOAvn Avith a small  partv,  and
took command of the force already raised by major
James, and on all occasions very much animated  the
men by  his  gallantry  and  persevering  patriotism.
The messenger  however had been  dispatched  to
Gates,  and on the first or second of August general
Francis Marion arrived to the  great  joy of all  the
friends of America. He was accompanied by colonel
Peter Horry, major John Vanderhorst, captains Lew-
is Ogier, and James  Thems,  and captain John Mil-
ton of Georgia.   In a few  days alter taking the com-
mand, general Marion led his men across the Peedee
at Post's ferry,  to disperse a large party of tories
commanded  by  major Gainey  collect  d  between
great and little Peedee.  He  surprised them in their
camp;  killed one of their captains and  several  pri-
vates.   Two of his own party were wounded.  Ma-

He Avas frequently carted to the gallows to witness the execu-
tion of his countrymen as rebels, and Avas told to prepare for a
similar fate as  his time Avas next.   On such occasions, and
Avhen interrogated at co.urts-martial, he made no other reply
than that " I am ready and Avilling to die in the cause of my
country ; but remember,  if 1 am hanged, I have many friends
in general Marion's brigade, and my death will occasion a se-
vere retaliation."  Either  aAved by his virtues or apprehensive
of the consequences, his captors did not execute their threats.
His life Avas spared, but he was kept in irons as long as the bri-
tish had possession of the upper country.  He bore the marks
of these rugged instruments of confinement till the day of his
death, and Avould occasionally show them to his young friends,
Avith a request " that if the good of their country required the
sacrifice,  they  would suffer imprisonment  and death in its
eii\ise." 
Marion's brigade.           405
jor James was detached at the head of a volunteer
troop ot horse to attack their horse.   He came up
with them, charged and drove them into little Peedee
swamp.  Marion returned to Post's ferry and threw
up a redoubt on the east bank of  Peedee to awe the
tories,  still numerous  in that neighborhood.   While
thus employed he heard of the defeat of Gates, at
Camden,  August  loth  1780.  Without communi-
cating  the intelligence, he immediately marched for
Kelson's ferry  on the Santee, in  the hope of inter-
cepting some of the prisoners on their way to Charles-
town.   Near Nelson's he was informed of a party on
their way down,  and  found by his scouts  that the
british had stopped at the house on the main  road
on the east side of Santee.   The  general waited till
near day light next morning, and then divided his men
into two divisions.   A  small  party under colonel
Hugh  Horry* was directed to gain possession of the
road at the  entrance  of  the  swamp, and the main
body led by himself was by a circuitous rout to at-
tack the british in the  rear.   Colonel Horry in ta-
king his position, had  advanced in the dark too  near
to a sentinel who fired upon him.   In a moment he
with his little  party rushed  up to the  house, found
the british arms piled before the door and seized up-
on them.  Thus by a party  of  sixteen american mi-
litia w as a british guard ot thirty-two men taken, and
one hundred and  fifty prisoners released.   Colonel
Horry  had one man wounded.  However, the news

  * Tins gallant officer Avas the bosom  friend of general Ma-
rion.  Wherever the latter was personally engaged in action,
the former was to be seen at his side. 
406  revolutionary history,  1775—17RS.
of the defeat of Gates, Avhich  now became public,
damped ail joy for the complete  success of this
well conducted attack.   On the same day general
Marion marched  back for  his old position on the
Peedee.   On the way many of his militia, and, with
the exception of two, the Avhole of the regulars re-
leased from the enemy, deserted.   But by the exer-
tions of the general and his officers, the spirits of the
drooping began to revive.  About the  14th of  Sep-
tember 1780, Avhen  Marion  had  under  his com-
mand only 150 men,  he  heard ot  the approach of
major Weyms from the King's Free at the head of a
british regiment and  Harrison's regiment ot tories.
Major James was instantly dispatched at the head of
a party of volunteers to reconnoitre, and with orders
to count the enemy.   On  his return a  council of
war was called.    The british force was reported to
be double that of Marion's.  Gainey's party of tories
in the rear had always been estimated at 500  men.
Under these discouraging circumstances  the line of
march Avas directed  back  towards Lynch's creek.
This w as a most trying occasion.   Men Avere called
upon to  leave their property and  their  families at
the discretion of an irritated relentless enemy. About
half of Marion's party left him; colonels Peter and
Hugh Horry, colonels John Envin and John Baxter,
major John Vanderhorst, major John James, major
Benson,.and about sixty others continued with their
general.   Captain  James, Avith ten  chosen men, was
left  to succor the distressed and to convey intelli- 
Marion's brigade.
407
gence*.   The next morning Marion arrived at his
redoubt; and at sunset the same evening turned to-
wards North-Carolina, and soon reached the eastern
bank of Drowning creek in that state.  Major James
obtained leave to return at the  head of a few volun-
teers ; and general Marion continued on to the White
marsh, near the source of the Waccamaw.  In a lit-
tle time the major returned with intelligence of the
depredations  and  house  burnings committed by
Weyms.  Many  of Marion's  party were reduced
from easy circumstances to poverty.
  After a few days more of repose, the general re-
turned  by  forced  marches towards South-Carolina.
When near to Lynch's creek he was informed that a
party of tories, much more numerous than  his own,
lay at  Black Mingo,  fifteen miles below.   Every
voice was for the general to lead on his men to an at-
tack ; and they were gratified.
  The  tories lay at Shepherd's ferry on the  south
side of  that creek.   To approach them  Marion was
obliged to cross the creek at a bridge one mile above
the ferry.  As soon as the front files of his advance
had struck the  bridge, with their  horses'  feet, an
alarm gun was fired  by the  enemy and they were
advantageously  posted to receive him.   A sharp
conflict  ensued.   In an interval of platoons Marion
was heard to call out, " advance cavalry and charge
pn the left."   Instantly the tories broke and ran for

  * He continued in the vicinity of the british encampments
and to '1 •<; upon stragglers from it as long as his powder and
ball lasted. 
 408   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY,  1775--1783.
 Black Mingo Swamp.   The parties had  been enga-
 ged for a considerable time so near to each other that
 the wads of their guns struck em each side, and both
 fired balls and buckshot.   Neither hail bayonets,
 or they would have been  used.   Captain  Logan, and
 one private of Marion's party were killed ;  but of
 those engaged nearly one half were wounded.  Tavo
 gallant officers, captain  Mowzon and his lieutenant
 Joseph Scott, Avere rendered unfit tor further service.
   The tories had  five  killed,  and a considerable
 number wounded.   Several of these had lately been
 companions in arms with Marion's party, but from
 mistaken  views had  changed sides.   The general
 without  delay  marched  into Williamsburg.  In a
 short time  his party was  four hundred strong.
   Thus reinforced  the general proceeded up Lynch's
 creek, to chastise the tories who had assisted Weyms.
 On  his march he obtained information  that colonel
 Tynes Avas  collecting a large body of tories in the
 fork ot Black river,  distant about thirty miles.  The
 general instantly proceeded towards them ; crossing
 the north branch of  Black river, he  came up with
 Tvnes—surprised   and   completely  defeated him
 without the loss of a man.  When Marion approach-
 ed, the first party of tories was playing  cards; and
 captain Gaskens one ot  the plundering companions
 of Weyms, was killed with a card in his hand.   Seve-
 ral  other tories were killed and wounded.   In  all
these marches Marion and  his men  lay in the open
air w ith little covering,   and  w ith  little  other food
than sweet  potatoes and meat mostly  Avithout salt.
Though it Avas  in the unhealthy season of autumn, 
Marion's brigade.           40$
 yet sickness seldom  occurred.  The general fared
 worse than his men ; for his baggage having caught
 fire by accident he had literally but half a blanket
 to  cover him from the dews of the night, and  but
 half a hat to  shelter him from the rays of the sun.
 Soon after the defeat of Tynes, general  Marion took
 a position on Snow's island.   This is situated at the
 eonflux  of the  Peedee  and  Lynch's creek,  is of a
 triangular  form, and  is bounded  by Peedee  on the
 north-east—by Lynch's creek on the north—and by
 Clark's creek, a branch of the latter, on the west and
 south.  Here, by having the command of the rivers,
 he could be abundantly supplied with provisions, and
 his post  was inaccessible except  by water.   Major
 John Postell was stationed to guard the lower part
 of the river Peedee.  While  there captain James De
 Peyster of the royal army, av ith c29 grenadiers, hav-
 ing taken post in the house of the major's facher,  the
 major posted his small command of 28 militia-men in
 such positions as commanded  its doors and demand-
 ed  their surrender.   This being refused, he set  fire
 to an out-house and was proceeding to burn  that in
 which they were posted ; and  nothing but the imme-
 diate  submission of tht Avhole party restrained him
 from  sacrificing his  father's  valuable  property  to
 gain an advantage for  his country.
  From  Snow's island during the winter next after
 the fall of  CharlestOAvn,  general  Marion sent out
 his  scouts  in  all directions.   In January 1/81  he
sent two small detachments of militia dragoons,  un- <
 der the command of major Postell and captain Pos-
  vol.  r.              3 Q 
410 revolutionary  history,  1775—'1783.
tell, to cross the Santee.  The former destroyed a
great quantity of valuable stores at Manigault's ter-
ry ;  the latter did the same at another place in the
vicinity.    Thence he marched  to Keithfield  near
Monk's Corner, where  he destroyed fourteen  Ava<*-
gons loaded with soldiers' clothing  and baggage;
besides several other  valuable stores, and took forty
prisoners  chiefly british regulars, and effected  the
whole  Avithout any loss.   In the course of these de-
sultory operations,  Marion killed and captured  a
number of the  british and  their tory friends  more
than double of his own force.
   In the course of the contest, a new race of young
warriors had sprung up.  The general was desirous
of employing them, and to give some repose to those
who bad served from the beginning.   Among these
the brothers, the Postells, were all active and enter-
prising.    Major Benson commanded  the cavalry;
under  him was John Thompson  Green ; under them
Avere Daniel Conyers  and James M'Cauley; who on
every occasion signalized themselves.  Captain M'-
Cottry commanded a  company of riflemen*.  Where
ever his name was repeated it struck terror into the
hearts  of the enemy.  The warfare was various and
bloody. Lieutenant Roger Gordon, of Marion's par-
ty being on a scout upon Lynch's  creek, stopped at
a house  for refreshments.   \Vrhile there,  the house
Avas beset and fired by a captain Butler and a party
of tories greatly  superior in number.    Gordon's

  * No man Avas more beloved by his men than M'Cottry ;  his
active services brought upon him a complication of disorders
which shortened his life. 
Marion's brigade.
411
         party  surrendered upon a promise of quarters, but
         alter laying down their arms, Butler fell upon them
         and butchered them in cold blood.
           In consequence of this massacre " no quarters for
         tories," was the cry  with Marion's men when going
         into action.   Still however the regular british for-
         ces  were treated with  lenity,  and agreeably to the
         generally received rules of war, when they laid down
         their arms.  The pruning hook was converted into
         a spear;  and the saw, under the hands of a common
         blacksmith, became a terrible sabre.   Powder and
         ball were  much wanted.   On  account of the small
         stock of both, the orders often  were to give the bri-
         tish one or two fires and  to  retreat.   Those fires
         were always well directed and did great execution.
           Marion so effectually thwarted the schemes of the
         british against South-Carolina, that to  drive him out
         of the country was with them a favorite object.  The
         house  burnings and devastations perpetrated  by
         Weyms and the tories  under his  direction, had not
         produced that intimidation and disposition to submit
         which had been vainly expected from  men who dis-
         regarded property  vvhen put in competition  with li-
         berty.    A new and well concerted attempt to de-
         stroy, or  disperse,  the brigade which had given so
         much trouble to the late conquerors Avas made early
         in 1781.
           Colonel Watson moved down from Camden along
         the  Santee, and  colonel  Doyle  crossing  Lynch's
s         creek marched down on the east side of it.  The
5         point  of their intended junction Avas supposed to be
         at Snow's island.   General Marion heard  first of
         the  approach of Watson, and marched from Snow's 
412   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—'1785.

island  with almost the whole  of his force  to  meet
him.   At  TaAvcaw swamp, nearly  opposite to the
mouth of the present Santee canal on  the east side
of the river, he laid the first ambuscade for  Watson.
 General Marion had then but very little ammunition,
 not  more  than  twenty rounds  to  each  man.   His
 orders were to give two fires and  retreat;  and they
 were executed  by colonel  Peter Horry with great
 effect.    Watson  made  good  the  passage  ot  the
 swamp,  and sent  major  Harrison with  a corps  of
 tory cavalry and some british in  pursuit of Horry.
 This had been foreseen by the cautious Marion; and
 captain  Daniel Conyers,  at  the head of a party of
 cavalry, was placed in a second ambuscade.  As soon
 as the  tories and  british came up  Conyers, in a
 spirited and well-directed charge, killed with his own
 hands  the officer  who led on the opposite charge.
 Conyers  men followed his gallant example.  Many
 of Harrison's  party  were killed, and the remainder
 made their escape to the main body of the british.
 Such work required little powder  and ball.   Gene-
 ral Marion continued   to harass  Watson on  his
 march,  by pulling up bridges  and opposing  him in
 like manner  at every difficult pass until  they had
 reached near the low er bridge on Black river, seven
 miles below King's tree.  Here  Watson made a feint
 ot marching down the road to Georgetown.  Marion
 being too weak to detach a party  to the bridge, had
 taken  an advantageous  post on  that road ; when
 Watson wheeling suddenly about gained possession
 of the bridge on the west side.  This was an  impor-
  tant pass  on  the road leading into the heart of Wil-
 liamsburg and to Snow's island.   The river  on  thc> 
marion's brigade.           413
west runs under a high bluff; the grounds on the op-
posite side are low and the river, though generally
forelable, was then raised by a swell nearly up to the
summit ot the opposite shore.   Watson still hesita-
ted about passing.
  General Marion, informed of Watson's movement,
without delay approached the river, plunged into it
on  horseback and called to his men to follow.  They
did so.  The Avhole party reached the opposite shore
in safety, and marclied forward to occupy the east
end of the bridge.   Marion detached  major James
with  forty musqueteers, and thirty riflemen  under
M'Cottry to burn the  bridge.   The riflemen were
posted to advantage on the river bank; but as soon
as their friends had gained possession of the east end
of the bridge and had applied fascines  to it,  Watson
opened the fire of his artillery upon them ;  but it w as
unavailing.   The west bank of  the  river was  so
much elevated above the east that  before his field-
" pieces could be  brought to bear upon the americans,
his artillerists were exposed to the fire of the riflemen
who  deliberately picked them off as they advanced
to the summit of the hill.  In the mean time  major
James's party had  fired the bridge.   Thus were
Marion's friends saved  from similar plunderings and
conflagrations Avith those  they  had suffered  under
Weyms.  The practice of Watson was to burn all
the houses of Marion's  men  that were in the line of
his march.
   Watson was  so much intimidated by this  affair,
that  he  immediately quitted the  lower bridge and
proceeded by forced marches for Georgetown. Gen-
eral Marion repassed black river and hung alternate- 
414  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
ly on the rear, the flanks, or the front of the enemy,
until they had reached Sainpit brietge nine miles Horn
Georgetown.  There M'Cottry gave them a parting
fire from his riflemen.   During  these transactions
Watson commanded five hundred men, and Marion
not half that number.   The loss of the british  is un-
known; that of Marion but one man.
   The three officers and all the  men employed  by
the general at  the lower briuge were  inhabitants,
whose plantations and  families would have been ex-
posed to the enemy had they  made good their pas-
sage.  From Sampit bridge Marion marched directly
for Snow's island.  There he heard ot the approach of
Doyle, who had driven colonel Lrwin from the isl-
and,  and taken  possession of the pass of Lynch's
creek at Witherspoon's ferry.  When M'Cottry, ad-
vancing in  front,  arrived  at  Witherspoon's on the
south bank of the  creek, the british on the north
were  scuttling the ferry boat.  He approached soft-
ly to  the edge of the water and gave them an unex-
pected fire.  A short conflict took place between ill-
directed musquetry whose balls hit the tops  ot the
trees  on the opposite side, and riflemen whose well-
directed aim seldom  failed of doing execution at
every fire.   Doyle fell back to Camden.
   In addition to these  skirmishes Marion made two
descents on Georgetown.   In the first he came un-
expectedly  on a body of tories whom he charged and
dispersed after their captain and several of their men
were  killed.  In this affair captain Marion, brother
of the present member of congress from Charlestown
district, Avas killed, and it was believed after he had
been  taken  prisoner. 
              campaign of  1781.           415'

  Marion's  second descent Avas more successful-
With a party of militia he inarched to  Georgetown
and began regular approaches against the british post
in that place.   On the first night after  his men had
broken ground, their  adversaries evacuated their
works and retreated to Charlestown.   Shortly after
one Manson, an inhabitant of South-Carolina, who
had joined the british, appeared in an  armed vessel
and  demanded permission to land his men in  the
town.  This being refused, he sent a few of them
ashore and set  fire to  it.   Upwards of forty houses
were speedily reduced to ashes.
  After the  return of general Greene to Carolina in
1781, Marion acted under his orders;  and the ex-
ploits of his  brigade, no longer acting by itself, make
a part of the  general history ot the revolutionary
war.
                  SECTION X.

          Campaign  of 1781 continued.

 It was no sooner known in South-Carolina that lord
 Cornwallis had left the state in  pursuit of the ame-
 rican army, than general Sumpter, Avho had just re-
 covered from his wound, collected a force to  pene-
 trate into the heart of the country ;  as Avell with the
 design of distracting the views of the british, as of en-
 couraging the friends of independence.   Early in Fe-
 bruary 1781  he  crossed the Congaree, and appeared
 in force before fort Granby and  destroyed its maga-
zines.  Lord Rawdon advanced from Camden for 
416  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1785.

the relief of the post, on which general Sumpter re-
treated ;  but immediately  appeared before another
british post near colonel Thompson's.    On the se-
cond day after this  excursion, he attacked  nd de-
feated an escort convoying  some waggons and stores
from CharlestOAvn to Camden.  Thirteen of the bri-
tish  detachment were killed,  and sixty-six were ta-
ken  prisoners.   The captured stores  were sent in
boats down the Congaree ;  but on their passage they
were retaken. - Sumpter,  with three  hundred  and
fifty horsemen,  swam across the Santee and proceed-
ed  to fort  Watson  at  Wright's Bluff;  but on lord
Rawdon's  marching  from  Camden tor its relief, he-
retired to Black-river.   On his return he was attack-
ed near Camden by major 1 razer, at the head  ot a
considerable force of british regulars  and militia.
The major lost twenty ot  his men, and was obliged
to retreat.    Sumpter having, by this excursion, sa-
tisfied the friends of  independence in  the centre of
the state that their cause was not desperate, retired
in safety to the  borders of North-Carolina.   Hither-
to all his enterprises had  been  effected by volun-
teers from  the  militia ; but the long continued  ser-
vices in the field which Avere required, pointed out
the propriety of a  more permanent corps. He there-
fore, in March  1781, enlisted three small regiments
of regular state troops to be employed in constant
service for  the  space of ten  months.    With these,
and the returning continental  army, the war re-com-
menced in  South-Carolina  with new vigor and was
carried on  with more regularity.
  General  Greene, having determined to return to
South-Carolina,  sent  orders  to general  Pickens to 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
417
collect the militia of his brigade and to prevent sup-
plies from going to the british garrisons at Ninety-
Six and Augusta.  Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his
legion and  part of the second Maryland brigade,
was ordered to advance before the continental troops
to co-operate with general Marion.
   About the time that these preparations were ma-
king to renew the war in South-Carolina, seventy-six
exiles, who had been compelled to seek refuge with
general Marion on the north side of  Santee, re-cros-
sed that river with the bold design of revisiting their
own settlements.   Some of them were from the mi-
litia on the sea-coast of Carolina, to the southward of
Charlestown, and others  from Georgia.  The  first
commanded by colonel Harden, the latter by colo-
nel Baker.   On their way they fell  in with about
 twenty-five of the royal militia, at Four Holes, and
 captured the  whole  of them.   The  privates were
 paroled, and  their officers carried  off.   As  they
 marched through the country,  parties  were sent to
 the houses of  the officers of the royal militia, some
 of whom were taken, and others fled to Charlestown.
 Colonel Harden  had two  or three successful  skir-
 mishes with detachments of the british; but his ca-
 pital manoeuvre was the surprise of fort Balfour, at
 Pokataligo.   By his address and good management
 in this  enterprise three  british colonels of militia,
 Fenwick, Lechmere, and Kelsal, with thirty-two re-
 gular dragoons  and  fifty-six  privates of the royal
 militia,  surrendered on  the 12th of April 1781 to
 this handful of returning exiles, without any loss Qn
                         3 11
VOL. I. 
418   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775 — 17bS.
their part.   Colonel Harden had his party consider
ably increased by daily accessions of the  people in
habiting the southern sea-coast of  Carolina.   With
their aid he prosecuted, in that part of the state, the
same  successful plan  of opposition  to  the british
which  Avas begun much earlier in the  north-western
and north-eastern extremities under the auspicies of
his gallant co-aeljutors  Sumpter and Marion.
   General Greene  marched  Avith the main  army
from Deep River, in North-Carolina, towards Cam-
den.  The british were no less alarmed  than sur-
prised  when they heard that  lieutenant-colonel Lee-
had  penetrated  through the  country,  and  in  eight
days effected a junction  Avith general Marion near
the Santee, and that the main body of the americans
encamped on the 19th of April before Camden.  To
secure the  provisions that grow on the fertile banks
of the Santee and Congaree rivers, the  british had
erected a  chain of posts in their vicinity.  One of
the most important of these  was  on  an eminence,
known by  the name of Wright's Bluff,  and called
fort Watson.  This Avas closely invested, on the 15th
of April 1781, by about eighty militia-men  under
general Marion, and by the continentals  command-
ed by lieutenant-colonel  Lee.  Neither  party  had
any other means of  annoyance or defence but mus-
ketry.  Though the ground on which  the fort stood
was an indian mount,  thirty or forty feet high, yet
the besiegers under the direction of colonel Maham
erected in a few days,  on an  unusual  plan, a  Avork
much  higher.   From  this eminence the american
riflemen fired  into the  fort with such  execution that 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.           419
 Ihe besieged durst  not show  themselves.  On the
 twenty-third the garrison, consisting of one hundred
 and fourteen men, surrendered by capitulation.  .
   Camden,  before  which the main army was en-
 camped,  is a village situated on a plain covered on
 the south and east sides by the Wateree and a creek
 Avhich empties itself into that river.  On the western
 and northern by six strong redoubts.   It was de-
 fended by lord  Rawdon with about nine  hundred
 men.  The american army, consisting of about se-
 ven hundred continentals, was unequal to the task of
 carrying this post by storm or of completely invest-
 ing it.  The general therefore  took a good  position
 at Hobkirk's hill, about a mile distant, in expecta-
 tion of favorable events and with a view of alluring
 the garrison out of their lines.  Lord Rawdon arm-
 ed his musicians, drummers,  and every thing that  «
 could carry a firelock, and with great spirit.sallied on
 the twenty-fifth.   An engagement ensued.   Victory
 for some time very evidently inclined to the side of
 the americans; but in the  progress of the action
 the fortune of the day was changed, and the british
 kept the field.   Lieutenant-colonel Washington was
ordered to turn the right flank of  the british, and to
charge in their rear.  Wrhile he executed this order
he Avas so confident of the success of the main  arm}-,
that he divided his men  into small parties, and  made
them  take such positions as he thought most eligible
for intercepting the fugitives on their retreat to  Cam-
den.  At one time he had in his possession upwards
of two  hundred; but he relinquished  the greatest
part of them  on  seeing the american army  retreat. 
420  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775—-1783.
On  this unexpected reverse of fortune  he paroled
the officers on the field of battle—collected his men
—Avheeled round—and made his retreat good, with
the loss of three men,  and at the same time brought
off near fifty prisoners.  The killed, Avounded, and
missing of the americans  was about two hundred.
The british had one officer killed, and eleven taken
prisoners.  General Greene retreated in good order,
With his artillery and baggage, to Gun Swamp, about
five miles from the place of action.   In the even-
ing after  this action lieutenant-colonel  Washington
marched with fifty men of the cavalry within a mile
of the british army, and after sending forward a small
party, concealed his  principal  force in the woods.
As soon as the advanced small party was discover-
ed major Coffin,  at the head of  about forty of the
irish volunteers, pursued them  a considerable dis-
tance.  After the british party had passed the ame-
rican cavalry, which was concealed, the latter rush-
ed from the woods and  charged them so briskly in
the rear, that they lost upAvards of twenty of their
number.
   Very soon after the  action, on the 25th of April,
general Greene, knowing  that  the british garrison
could not subsist  long in  Camden Avithout fresh
supplies from Charlestown or the country, detached
a reinforcement to general Marion on  the  road to
Nelson's ferry;  and on  the third of May  crossed
the Wateree, and took  occasionally such positions as
would most effectually prevent succors from going
into the town from  that quarter.   On the seventh of
May lord Rawdon  received a considerable reinforce- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
421
ment by the arrival of the detachment under lieute-
nant colonel Watson.  With this  increase of force
he attempted, on the day folloAving, to compel gene-
ral Greene to another action; but soon found that this
was  impracticable.   Failing in his design, he return-
ed to Camden;  and on the tenth burned the gaol,
mills, many private houses and a  great deal of his
own baggage—evacuated the post—and retired with
his whole  army to the south of the Santee ; leaving
about thirty of his  own sick and wounded, and as
many of the americans, who, on the tAventy-fifth of
April, had fallen into his hands.  Lord Rawdon dis-
covered as great prudence in this evacuation of Cam-
den  as he had shown bravery  in its defence.  The
fall of fort Watson broke the chain of communica-
tion with  Charlestown, and the positions of the ame-
rican army intercepted  all supplies from  the coun-
try.   The return of general Greene to the southward
being unexpected, the stores of the garrison Avere not
provided for a siege.  Lord Rawdon had the honor
of saving  his men though he lost the post,  the coun-
try,  and the confidence of the tories.   He offered
every assistance in his poAver to the friends of british
government who Avould accompany him ;  but it  was
a hard alternative to the new-made subjects to be
obliged to abandon their property,  or to be left at
the mercy of their exasperated countrymen.  Seve-
ral families nevertheless accompanied his lordship.
These were  cruelly neglected  after their arrival in
Charlestown.   They built themselves huts Avithout
the works.  Their  settlement  Avas  called Rawdon
ToAvn ;  wdiich, from its poverty and Avretchedness,
became a term  of reproach.   Many  Avomen  and 
422  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1/75—-1783.
children, who lived comfortably on their farms near
Camden, soon died of want in these their neAv habi-
tations.
  This evacuation animated the friends of congress,
and gave a very general alarm to the british.  The
former had been called  upon for their personal ser-
vices, to assist in regaining the country,  but were
disheartened by the repulse of general Greene from
before Camden;   but,  from  the  moment that lord
Rawdon evacuated  that  post their numbers daily
increased, and  the british posts fell in quick succes-
sion.   On  the  day after the evacuation of Camden
the garrison of Orangeburgh,  consisting of seventy
british militia  and twelve regulars, surrendered to
general Sumpter.   The next day fort Motte capitu-
lated.  After the surrender of fort Watson, general
Marion and lieutenant-colonel Lee crossed the San-
tee and moved up to this post, Avhich lies above the
Fork on the south side of the Congaree, where they
arrived on the eighth of  May.    The approaches
were carried on so rapidly, that a house in  the cen-
tre of the  fort was set  on fire the fourth day after
they began the entrenchments;  and  the  garrison,
Avhich  consisted of 165 men, commanded  by lieu-
tenant M'Pherson, Avas compelled, after  a brave
defence, to surrender at discretion.  On  this occa-
sion Mrs.  Motte  displayed an eminent example of
disinterested patriotism.   The british had built their
Avorks  round her dwelling-house,  on which she re-
moved to a  neighbouring  hut.   When she was in-
formed that firing the house  was the  easiest mode
of  reducing the garrison,   she presented the besie-
aers with a quiver of african  arrows to be  employ 
                CAMPAIGN of 1781.           433
 ed for that purpose.  Skewers armed with combus-
 tible materials were also used, and with more effect.
 Success soon crowned  these experiments, and her
 joy was inexpressible that the reduction of the post
 was  expedited, though  at the expense  of her  pro-
 perty.   Two days  after this surrender, the  british
 evacuated  their post at  Nelson's  ferry—blew up
 their  fortifications—and  destroyed a great part  of
 their stores.   The day following fort Granby, near
 Friday's ferry about thirty miles to the westward  of
 fort Motte, surrendered by capitulation.   Very ad-
 vantageous terms  Avere  given by the assailants  in
 consequence  of information that lord Rawdon was
 marching to  its relief.   This was  a  post of more
 consequence  than the others,  and might have been
 better  defended;  but the offer of security  to the
 baggage of the garrison, in  which was included an
 immense quantity  of plunder, hastened  the  surren-
 der.   For some time before it had  been greatly ha-
 rassed by colonel Taylor's regiment of  militia, and
 had also been  invested  by  general Sumpter.  On
 the night of the fourteenth  of May lieutenant-co-
 lonel Lee erected a battery within six hundred yards
 of its out-Avorks, on which he mounted a six-pound-
 er.   After the third discharge from this field-piece,
 major  Maxwell  capitulated.    His  force  consisted
 of three hundred  and fifty-two men,  a  great  part
 of whom were royal militia.
  While these operations were carrying on against
 the small posts, general Greene proceeded with  the
main army to Ninety-Six.   This place being of great
consequence was defended by a considerable force.
Lieutenant-colonel  Cruger conducted the defence 
424  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—1785.
with great bravery and judgment.   Major  Green,
in particular, acquired distinguished reputation  by
his spirited and judicious conduct in defending the
redoubt against Avhich the americans made their prin-
cipal efforts.
   On the left of the besiegers was a work erected in
the form of a star; on the right was a strong stock-
ade-fort, Avith two block-houses in  it.   The town,
flanked  by these two works, was also piquetted with
strong piquets, and surrounded with a ditch, and a
bank near the height of a common parapet.   There
were  also  several flushes  in different parts of the
town, and  all the Avorks communicated with each
other  by covered ways.    On the  twenty-third of
May 1781, the main body of the american army en-
camped in a  wood within half a mile of Ninety-Six;
and on  that night, threw up two  flushes within one
hundred and fifty yards of the  star fort.   The next
morning the enemy made a sally, and being support-
ed  by the  artillery and musketry  from the  parapet
of the star redoubt, drove the besiegers from them.
The next  night  two strong block batteries were
erected  at the distance of three hundred and fifty
yards, which were opened in the morning.  Another
battery twenty feet high, erected within two hundred
and twenty  yards, was finished in a few days;  and
soon afterwards  another  of the  same  height  Avas
erected  within one hundred  yards of the main fort.
Approaches  were gradually carried on against the
redoubt on the left.    Colonel Koziusco, a young
gentleman of distinction from Poland, superintend-
ed the  operations of the besiegers, and by his as-
siduity, though the ground was hard and the situa- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781,             425
 tion unfavorable, a third parallel within thirty yards
 of the  ditch was  completed on  May  14th;  and a
 rifle-battery, upwards of thirty feet high, erected at
 the same distance.   On the seventeenth the abbatis
 was turned, and two trenches and  a mine were ex-
 tended so as to be within six feet of the ditch. Few
 sieges afford greater instances of perseverance  and
 intrepidity, than were exhibited on  this occasion by
 the besiegers and besieged.   Riflemen were employ-
 ed on both  sides, Avho immediately levelled at every
 person  who appeared in sight and very seldom mis-
 sed their object.   Various success attended the con-
 flicts  between the several  covering parties of the
 workmen, and those who repeatedly  sallied from the
 garrison.
   On the third of June, twelve days after the com-
 mencement of this siege, a fleet arrived at Charles-
 town from Ireland having on board the third, nine-
 teenth,  and thirtieth  regiments of his britannic ma-
 jesty, a detachment  from the guards, and a  consi-
 derable body of recruits, the  Avhole Commanded by
 lieutenant-colonel  Gould.   Earl   CornAvallis had
 given permission to the commanders of the british
 forces in  South-Carolina, to detain  these reinforce-
 ments if they conceived that the service of his bri-
 tannic  majesty  required it; otherwise they were to
 be  sent forward to join his  lordship.   On the 7th
of June 1781 lord Rawdon marched from Charles-
 town, Avith these newly arrived troops,  for the re-
 lief of the garrison at Ninety-Six.   Great Avere the
 difficulties they had to encounter in rapidly march-
 ing under the  rage  of  a  burning sun  through  the
  Vol.  i.            3 1 
4£6   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.

whole extent of South-Carolina;  but  much  greater
was their astonishment at  being informed, that their
services in the field were necessary to oppose the vet
unsubdued rebels  in the province.  They had been
airtu-ed with hopes that nothing remained for  them
to do,  but to  sit  down as  settlers on the  forfeited
lands of a conquered country.
   The american army had advanced their approach-
es very near that critical  point,  after which further
resistance on  the part of the  garrison Avould  have
been temerity.  At this interesting moment intelli-
gence was received, that  lord Rawdon Avas near at
hand with a reinforcement  of about two thousand
men.  An american  lady,  Avho  had lately  married
an officer then in the british garrison of N inety-Six,
had been bribed by a large sum of money to convey
 a letter to  lieutenant-colonel Cruger with the wel-
 come news of their approach.   Attempts had been
 made to retard their inarch, but Avithout the desired
 effect.  Their vicinity  made it  necessary  either to
 raise the siege, or attempt the reduction of  the place
 by a coup-de-main.' The last was*agreed upon, and
 the necessary dispositions made on the 18th of June.
 Lieutenant-colonel Lee,  with  his legion  infantry,
 and captain Kirkwood's  light-infantry, made  the at-
 tack  on the  right.   Lieutenant-colonel  Campbell,
 with the  first Maryland and first Virginia regiments,
 were to have stormed  the  star redoubt,  the ditch of
 which Avas eight or  nine feet deep, the parapet
 eleven or twelve  feet  high, and  raised with sand
  bags near three feet more.   The forlorn hopes were
 led on by lieutenants Duval and Sheldon,  and were
  followed  by  a  party  with hooks and entrenching- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
42L7
 tools  to  pull down tjie sand-bags  and reduce the
 parapet.    Had this  been  effected,  the besieged
 could  not have  annoyed the assailants without ex-
 posing themselves to the american marksmen.  The
 artillery soon made sufficient breaches on the  forti-
 fied redoubt on the right, for the infantry under the
 command of lieutenant-colonel  Lee to  assault the
 garrison.    It  was  therefore abandoned, and they
 took possession  without loss.   On  the left  the ut-
 most exertions of resolution and fortitude were dis-
 played, but failed of  success.  The parties led  by
 Duval  and Sheldon entered the ditch,  and,  though
 galled  by an incessant fire, made every effort to get
 down  the sand-bags.   Both  these  gallant  officers
 were Avounded, and not more than one in six of their
 party escaped.  The near approach of lord Rawdon,
 and the uncertainty of final  success, induced gene-
 ral Greene to raise the siege and to retreat over the
 Saluda; after having lost about one hundred and fifty
 men.
   Truly distressing was the situation of the ameri-
 ean army:  when in the grasp of victory, to  be ob-
 liged to expose  themselves to the dangers of an ha
 zardous assault,  and afterwards to abandon the siege:
 when they Avere  nearly masters of the  whole coun-
try, to  be compelled to retreat to its  extremity :  af-
ter subduing the greatest part of the  force lately op
posed to them, to be under the necessity of encoun-
tering still greater reinforcements, when  their  remote
situation precluded them from the hope of receiving
a  single recruit.   In  this  gloomy  situation there
were not wanting  persons  who advised  general 
428   REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY, 1775--17 85.

Greene to leave the state, and  retire  with his re-
maining force to Virginia.   To arguments and  sug-
gestions of this kind he nobly replied, " I w ill reco-
ver the country, or die  in  the attempt."  This dis-
tinguished officer, whose genius was most vigorous
in those  perilous  extremities when feeble mind6
abandon  themselves  to  despair, adopted the only
resource now left him, of avoiding an engagement till
the british force should be divided.
   Lord  Rawdon, who  by  rapid marches was very
near Ninety-Six at the  time of the assault, pursued
general Greene as far as the Enoree; but finding it
impossible to overtake the  light  retreating american
army, and supposing that they had gone  to North-
Carolina or Virginia, his lordship consoled himself
with the  imaginary advantage of  having driven the
rebels out of the country.-   On this occasion general
Pickens exhibited an illustrious  instance of republi-
can  virtue.  When the retreat was  ordered, the
general's  family and private  property  was sent off
with the  baggage  of the army.   This  precaution,
though  wished for  by  all, and justified on  every
principle  of prudence, gave an alarm to many who
either had not the same  means of  transportation, or
who could not have attended to  it without deserting
the american army.  To encourage the men to stay
in the camp, and their  families  to remain on  their
plantations, general Pickens ordered his family and
property back again to his house  Avithin twenty miles,
of the british garrison.    His  example  saved the
country in the  vicinity from depopulation, and the
army under general Greene from sustaining a great 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
429
diminution of their numbers by the desertion of the
militia to take care of their families.
  The arrival of the british reinforcement,  and the
subsequent retreat from Ninety-Six, induced a gene-
ral apprehension, that the british would soon re-es-
tablish the  posts they had lost to the southward of
Santee.   The destination of the  main army under
lord Cornwallis having been for  some time known,
the british  commanders in South-Carolina had con-
tracted  their boundaries  to that  extent of country
which is in a great measure inclosed by the Santee,
the Congaree, and the Edisto.  Within these rivers
lord Rawdon intended  to confine his future opera-
tions, and to canton his forces in the  most eligible
positions.  His  lordship,  taking  it for granted that
the  americans  had  abandoned South-Carolina re-
solved,  upon his return  from  pursuing  general
Greene,  to divide his  army,  with the intention of
fixing a detachment at the Congaree; but he  soon
found that his adversaries were not disposed to give
up the prize  for which they hail so long contended.
Greene, on hearing that lord Rawdon had marched
with a part of his force to Congaree, faced about to
give him battle.   Lord Rawdon, no less surprised
than alarmed at this unexpected movement of his
lately retreating foe, abandoned  the  Congaree in
tw o days after his arrival there and retreated expe-
ditiously to Orangeburgh.  In this position he was
secured on one  side with a river, and on  the other
with  strong  buildings  little inferior  to  redoubts.
Greene pursued—encamped  within  five  miles of
this  post—and  offered him  battle.   His  lordship, 
430  REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775--1783.

secure  in his strong  hold,  Avould not venture out;
and general  Greene Avas too Aveak to attack him in
his  Avorks Avith any  prospect of success.   In the
course of these movements, on the second of July,
captain Eggleston, of Lee's legion, fell in with for-
ty-nine british horse,  near the Saluda,  and took for-
ty-eight of  them  prisoners.   W hilst the american
army  lay  near Orangeburgh advice  Avas  received
that lieutenant-colonel Cruger had evacuated Nine-
ty-Six,  and  was marching Avith the  troops of that
garrison through the  forks  of Edisto  to join  lord
Rawdon at  Orangeburgh.   As  the north fork of
Edisto is  not passable by  an army, Avithout boats,
for thirty  miles above or below the british encamp-
ments, general  Greene could not throw himself be-
tween with any prospect of preventing the junction;
he  therefore retired to the high hills of Santee, and
lord Rawdon and  lieutenant-colonel  Cruger the day
after made a junction.  The evacuation of Camden
having been  effected  by striking at the posts below
it, the same manoeuvre was now attempted to induce
the british to leave Orangeburgh.   With this view,
on the  day  that the main american  army retired
from before that post, generals Sumpter and Mari-
on, with their brigades and the legion cavalry, Avere
detached to Monk's Corner and Dorchester.  They
moved down by different roads, and in three days
commenced their  operations.    Lieutenant-colonel
Lee took  all the  Avaggons and waggon-horses be-
lomdnu' to  a convoy ot provisions.   Colonel W ade
Hampton  charged a party ot british dragoons witmn
five miles  of Charlestown.   He also took  hity pri- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.          431
soners at Strawberry ferry, and burned four vessels
loaded with valuable stores  for the british  army.
General  Sumpter  appeared before the  garrison at
Biggin's church, which consisted of five hundred in-
  Do           '                            _ .
fantry and upwards of one hundred cavalry.  Lieu-
tenant-colonel Coates, who commanded there, after
having  repulsed  the  advanced  party  of  general
Sumpter on the next evening  destroyed  his stores
and retreated towards Charlestown.  He was close-
ly pursued by lieutenant-colonel Lee with the legion,
and lieutenant colonel  Hampton with the state ca-
Yalry.   The  legion came up with them  near Shu-
brick's  plantation, took their  rear  guard  and all
their baggage.  Captain Armstrong,  of Lee's le-
gion, at the head only of five men, charged through
 a considerable part of their  lines  and escaped with
 the loss of two men.   Generals Sumpter and Mari-
 on, after some hours,  came up with the main  body;
 but by this time the british  had secured  themselves
 by taking an advantageous post in a range of houses.
 An attack  was however made, and continued with
 spirit till upwards of forty were killed or Avounded
 by the fire from the houses.  The british lost in these
 different engagements one hundred and forty prison-
 ers, besides several killed and  wounded, all the bag-
 gage of the nineteenth regiment, and above one hun-
 dred horses and several waggons.
    Thus was the Avar carried on.  While the british
 kept their forces compact, they could not cover  the
 country, and the american general had the precaution
 to avoid fighting.   When they divided their army,
 their detachments were separately and successfully 
432   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1783.
attacked.   While they Avere in force in the upper
country, light parties  of americans were  annoying
their  small posts in  the low country  near Charles-
town.   The people  soon found  that the late con-
querors were not able  to afford them their promised
protection.  The spirit of revolt became general and
the british interest daily declined.
   Soon after these  events lord Rawdon,  driven
from  almost the whole of his  posts—baffled in all
his schemes—and overwhelmed with vexation, sail-
ed for Europe.   In  the course of his command he
aggravated  the unavoidable calamities  of  war by
many acts of severity,  Avhich admit of no other apo-
logy  than that they were supposed  to be useful  to
the interest of his royal master.
   About the same time that generals Sumpter and
Marion Avere detached to the lower parts of the state,
the main american army retired to the high hills of
Santee and  the british returned to their  former sta-
tion near the junction  of the WTateree and the Con-
garee.  Greene, in a  little time,  began to concert
measures to force them a second time  from these
posts.  Though  the two  armies  were within fifteen
miles of each other  on a right line, yet, as two rivers
intervened and  boats  could not  be procured, the
american army was  obliged to take a circuit of se-
venty miles  with the view of more conveniently cros-
sing  the  Wateree and the Congaree.   Soon  after
their  crossing these rivers, the  continental army was
joined by the state troops and several corps of mi-
litia.    The  whole  american force, thus collected,
proceeded the next morning to attack the british ar- 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.          433
my commanded  by lieutenant-colonel Stewart.  On
the approach  of the  americans the british had re-
tired  from the congarees about forty miles nearer
Charlestown, and taken  post at the EutaAV Springs.
Greene drew up  his little force, consisting of about
two thousand  men, in two lines.  The front  con-
sisted of the militia from North and South-Carolina,
and was commanded by generals Marion and Pick-
ens, and by colonel De Malmedy.  The second con-
sisted of the continental troops from North-Caroli-
na, Virginia, and Maryland, and was led on by ge-
neral Sumner, lieutenant-colonel Campbell, and co-
lonel Williams.    Lieutenant-colonel Lee, Avith his
legion,  covered  the  right flank; lieutenant-colonel
 Henderson, with the state troops,  covered the left.
 Lieutenant-colonel Washington, with  his cavalry,
 and  captain  Kirkwood  with the Delaware  troops,
 formed  a corps of reserve.   As the americans ad-
 vanced to the attack, they fell in with two  advan-
 ced parties of the  british, three or four  miles ahead
 of their main army.  These,  being briskly charg-
 ed by the legion and state troops,   soon  retired.
 The  front line continued to fire  and advance on
 the british till  the action became  general, and till
 they, in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to give way.
 They Avere  Avell  supported  by general Sumner's
 North-Carolina  brigade of   continentals,  though
 they had  been under  discipline  only  for  a few
 weeks, and were chiefly composed of militia-men who
 had  been transferred to  the  continental service to
 make reparation for their precipitate flight in former
    vol. j.              3 K 
1-34   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 1775--1785.
actions.  In  the  hottest of the  engagement, when
great execution Avas doing on both sides,  colonel
Williams  and  lieutenant-colonel Campbell,  with
the Maryland and Virginia continentals,  were order-
ed by general Greene to charge with trailed arms.
Nothing could surpass  the intrepidity of both officers
and men on this occasion—they rushed  on,  in good
order,, through a heavy cannonade and  a shower  of
musketry, with such unshaken resolution that they
bore  down all  before  them.   The  state-troops  of
South-Carolina were deprived of their gallant leader,
lieutenant-colonel Henderson, who was wounded
very early in the  action; but they were  nevertheless
boldly led on by the second in command, lieutenant-
colonel Hampton, to a, very spirited and successful
charge ; in which they took  upwards of a hundred
prisoners.  Lieutenant-colonel Washington  brought
up the corps-de-reserve on the left, and charged so
briskly with his cavalry  and captain  Kirkwood's
light-infantry, as  gave them no time to rally or form.
The british were closely pursued,  and upAvards of
five hundred  prisoners  were taken.  On their retreat
they took their  posts in a strong brick house and in
impenetrable shrubs ana! a picquetted garden.  From
these advantageous positions they  renewed the ac-
tion—Lieutenant-colonel Washington  made  every
possible exertion to dislodge them from  the thickets,
but failed in  the attempt;  had his horse shot  under
him—was wounded and taken prisoner.  Four  six-
pounders were ordered  up  before the  house from
which the british Avere firing under  cover.   These
pieces finally fell into their hands, and the americans 
CAMPAIGN OF 1781.
435
 retired out of the reach of their fire.   They left a
 strong picquet on the field of battle, and  retreated
 to  the  nearest Avater in their rear.   In the evening
 of the next day lieutenant-colonel Stewart destroyed
 a great quantity of his stores, abandoned the EutaAv,
 and moved towards Charlestown, leaving upwards of
 seventy  of his Avounded,  and a thousand  stand of
 arms.   He Avas pursued for  several miles but Avith-
 out effect.  The loss of the british amounted to up-
 Avards of eleven hundred men.   That of the ameri-
 cans Avas about five  hundred, in which number were
 sixty officers.   Among  the killed of Greene's  army,
 the  brave lieutenant-colonel Campbell of  the Vir-
 ginia line was the theme of universal lamentation.
 While Avith great firmness he was leading on his bri-
 gade to that charge which determined the fate of the
 day, he received a mortal wound.   After his fall he
 inquired who gave way; and being informed the bri-
 tish were fleeing in all quarters, he added, ' I die con-
 tented,' and immediately expired.
  Congress honored general Greene, for his deci-
 sive conduct  in  this action,  with a british standard
 and a golden medal;  and they also voted their thanks
 to the different corps  and their commanders.
  After the action at the Eutaws the americans re-
 tired to  their former position on the high hills of
 Santee,  and the british took post in the  vicinity of
 Monk's Corner.   While they lay there a small  party
 of american cavalry, commanded by colonel Maham,
took upwards of eighty prisoners within sight of their
main army.   The british no  more acted with their
usual vigor.   On the slightest appearance of danger,- 
436   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775__1785.

they discovered a disposition to flee scarcely inferior
to what was exhibited the year before by the ameri-
can militia.
                 SECTION.  XL

                Campaign of  1782.

 1 hough the army under Greene was too weak to
 risk another general action, yet it became necessary,
 in the close of the year  1781,  to move into the Ioav-
 er country to cover the collection of provisions for
 subsistence through  the  winter.    In  about  two
 months after the action  at EutaAv, the main body of
 the american army Avas  put in  motion under colonel
 Williams.  Greene, with  two hundred  horse  and
 two hundred  infantry,  advanced by  private roads
 and appeared near Dorchester so unexpectedly  and
 with such  confidence as induced the  british to be-
 lieve that  the Avhole  army was close in  his rear.
This  manoeuvre  had the  intended  effect.   They
abandoned their  out-posts, and retired with their
whole force  to  the quarterhouse  on Charlestown
Neck.  By this means  all the rice between Edisto
and Ashley rivers Avas saved to the americans.
  The defence of the country  was given up and the
conquerors,Avho had lately carried their arms to the ex-
tremities of the state, seldom aimed at any thing more
than to  secure themselves in Charlestown Neck, and
to keep a  communication with the sea islands on
which they had collected  great numbers of cattle. 
              CAMPAIGN OF  1782.           437
Yet they made some excursions Avith cavalry.   One
of the most important was in February 1782.  W7hile
general Marion Avas attending his duty as a member
of the legislature, at Jacksonborough, his brigade
was surprised near the  Santee by a party of british
horse commanded by that spirited and judicious of-
ficer lieutenant-colonel Thomson (now  count  Rum-
ford.)  Major  Benson, an american  officer highly
esteemed by his countrymen, Mr. Thomas Brough-
ton,  a young  gentleman  of an ancient  family in
South-Carolina, and some others Avere killed.  The'
remainder of the brigade then in-camp Avas for some
time dispersed.  In a  few days the british retired
Avithin their lines, and the militia re-assembled.
   In the summer of  1782 the british announced
their intention of evacuating Charlestown.  They.
offered to pay for rice and  other provisions  that
should be delivered to them before their departure,
and at the same time threatened that if it Avas  with-
held it should be taken by force Avithout compensa-
tion.   The british offers to purchase being refused,
they  sent out  parties  to  seize provisions near the
different landings and to bring them by Avater to
Charlestown.   One of the most considerable parties
on this service was sent to Combakee ferry, where
they arrived on the 25th of August 1782.  Brigadier-
general Gist, with about three hundred cavalry and
infantry  of the  continental army, Avas detached to
oppose them.   He succeeded  so  far as to capture
one  of their schooners,  and in a  great  degree to
frustrate their designs.   Lieutenant-colonel  John
Laurens,  though he had  been confined  for several
days, on hearing of the expedition rose from his bed 
 438    REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY,  1775—-1783.
 and followed general Gist.  When the british and
 american detachments  approached  Avithin  a few
 miles of each other,  lieutenant-colonel Laurens, be-
 ing in advance  with a  small party of regulars and
 militia, engaged with a much superior force in ex-
 pectation of support  from the main body in his rear.
 In the midst of his gallant exertions, this all-accom-
 plished youth  received  a  mortal Avound.   Nature
 had  adorned him with a  profusion of her choicest
 gifts, to which  a well conducted education had add-
 ed  its most useful as well as its  most elegant im-
 provements. Though his fortune and family entitled
 him to pre-eminence, yet he was the warm friend of
 republican  equality.    Generous  and liberal, his
 heart expanded with genuine philanthropy.   Zealous
 for the rights of humanity he  contended that per-
 sonal liberty was the birth-right of every human be-
 ing, hoAvever diversified by country, color, or capa-
 city.   His insinuating  address  Avon the hearts  of
 all his  acquaintances:  his sincerity and  virtue se-
 cured  their  lasting esteem.   Acting  from the most
 honorable principles—uniting the  bravery and other
 talents of a great officer  with  the knowledge of a
 complete  scholar, and  the engaging  manners of a
 well bred gentleman, he  was the idol of his  country
 —the  glory of the army—and an ornament  of hu-
 man nature.  His abilities shone  in  the legislature
 and in the  cabinet,  as Avell as in the field, and were
 equal to the highest  stations.  His admiring coun-
 try, sensible  of his rising merit, stood  prepared to
 confer on him her most  distinguished  honors.  Cut
/ down in the midst of all these prospects, he has left
 mankind to deplore  the calamities  of war, which in 
CAMPAIGN OF 1782.           43$
the twenty-seventh year of his life deprived society
of so invaluable a citizen.
  Throughout  the  year 1782, the american  army
acted chiefly on the defensive.  A short time before
the evacuation an attempt was made against a british
detachment on James island.   In this unsuccessful
enterprise captain Wilmot, a brave and Avorthy offi-
cer of the Maryland line, lost his life.   This Avas the
last drop of blood shed in the american war.
  After general Greene movred from the high hills of
Santee into the low  country near Charlestown, a
scene of inactivity succeeded different from the busy
operations of the late campaign.   He Avas unable to
attempt any  thing against the british  within their
lines, and they declined risking any general action
without them.
   While the  american soldiers lay encamped in this
inactive situation, their tattered rags were so com-
pletely worn  out, that seven hundred of them were
as naked  as they were born excepting a  small slip
of cloth about their waists ; and they were nearly as
destitute of meat as  of clothing.   In this condition
they lay  for  three months within four hours march
of  the british  garrison in Charlestown, which con-
tained in  it more regular troops than there were con-
tinentals in the american  army.   Though they had
abundant reason  to  complain, yet, while they were
every day marching  and almost every Aveek fighting,
they were in  gOod health, good spirits, and good hu-
mor ; but when  their  enemy Avas  confined within
their fortifications, and they were inactive,  they be-
came sickly  and discontented, and a feAv began to
 be mutinous.  Their long arrears of pay,  the defi- 
440   REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY, 17 75—17 85.

ciency of their clothing, and their want of many com-
forts,  were forgotten whilst constant action employ-
ed their minds and bodies ; but Avhen an interruption
of hostilities gave them leisure to brood over their
calamities, these evils were presented to their ima-
ginations in aggravated  colors.   A plan Avas serious-
ly laid to deliver their gallant and victorious leader
into the hands of the british  ; but the whole design
was happily  discovered and prevented  from being
carried into execution.  To the honor of the conti-
nental army it may with justice  be added, that, not-
withstanding the pressure of their many sufferings,
the whole number concerned  in this plot  did not ex-
ceed twelve.
  In  the course of the  year  1782  John Mathews,
esquire, governor of South-Carolina, concerted mea-
sures Avith some of the  citizens in Charlestown, Avho
wished to make their peace with their countrymen,
for sending out of the  british lines necessary clothing
for the almost naked continentals.  When  their dis-
tresses  had  nearly arrived  to  that point beyond
which human nature can bear no more, Mr. Joshua
LockAvood, under the direction of governor Mathews,
brought out of Charlestown  a  large quantity  of the
articles  which were  most needed  in  the  american
camp.  This seasonable supply, though  much short
of their  due, quieted the minds of  the suffering sol-
diers.  Tranquillity and good order w ere restored in
the camp, and duty Avas cheerfully performed. It is
impossible to do justice to that  invincible fortitude
which was displayed by both officers and men in the
campaigns of  1780 and 1781.   They encountered 
  REVOLUTIONARY MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.  441
 fatigues Avhich, if particularly related, would appear
 almost  incredible.  They had scenes of suffering to
 bear up under,  of which  citizens in the peaceable
 walks of  private  life  can form  no adequate idea.
 Without  pay, almost  Avithout  clothing,  and often
 with but a scanty portion of the plainest provisions,
 they were exposed to the scorching heat of the day,
 and the baleful vapors of the  night.   When sinking
 under the fatigues of repeated successions of  forced
 marches,  they were destitute of every comfort suit-
 able to their situation.   But to all these accumula-
 ted hardships the greatest part of them submitted
 with patience and magnanimity, which reflected  ho-
 nor on human nature, and  which was never exceed-
 ed by any army in the world.


               SECTION XII.

        Revolutionary miscellaneous history.

 Ihe reduction of Charlestown  in May 1780, was
 followed by the establishment of a military govern-
 ment.   A commandant was  appointed  to  superin-
 tend the affairs of the province.   His powers were
 as undefined  as  those of the american committees
 which took place  in the early  stages of  the dispute
 between Great-Britain and America, while the royal
governments were suspended  and before the  popu-
lar  establishments were reduced to system.    To
soften the rigid and forbidding aspect  of this new
  vol.  i.              3 h 
44'2              REVOLUTIONARY
                                            •
mode of administration, and  as  far as possible to
temper it with the resemblance of civil authority, a
board  of police for the  summary determination of
disputes Avas instituted.    Under the direction of
James Simpson,  intendant of the board,  a table Avas
drawn up, ascertaining the depreciation of the paper
currency at different periods;  from which the friends
of royal government, Avho had  sustained losses by
paper payments, were induced to hope for reimburse-
ment.   This measure, though just in itself, was pro-
ductive of unexpected and serious consequences fatal
to the reviving fondness for the royal interest.  Among
the new-made british subjects, many Avere found who
had  been great gainers  by the depreciation of the
american bills of credit.   These, by the proposition
of a second payment of  their old debts, were filled
with astonishment.    From the circumstances of the
country a compliance with it was, to the most  opu-
lent, extremely inconvenient; and to multitudes ab-
solutely impracticable.   The paper currency, before
the reduction of Charlestown, had  supplanted the
use of gold  and silver and banished them from cir-
culation.  The  ravages of  war  had desolated the
country, and deprived the inhabitants of the means
of payment.  Creditors became  clamorous for their
long arrears of interest, and debtors had either lost
their property or could not exchange it for one half
of  its value.   Many suits  were commenced, and
great numbers  ruined.  The distresses  of the re-
claimed subjeccs,  within  the british  lines, were m
many instances  greater than thost of their unsubdu-
ed countrymen  who had  forsaken all  in the cause 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.        443
of liberty.   After the americans had recovered pos-
session of a  considerable part of the state, it  was
presumed that the proceedings of the board of police
Avould be reversed.   This  redoubled their difficul-
ties.   Creditors  became more pressing, and at the
same time the doubtfulness of british titles induced
a  depreciation  of real  property not far behind that
of the american paper currency.   Fear and interest
had brought many of their new subjects to the  bri-
tish standard;  but, inconsequence of the plans they
adopted, in  a little time both these powerful motives
of  human  actions drew  in an opposite  direction.
The americans pursued a different line ol conduct.
In  every period  of the contest they sacrificed  the
few creditors to the many debtors.  The true whigs
who suffered on this score, consoled themselves with
the idea that their country's good required  it,  and
that  this was the price of  their  independence.  A
disposition to suffer in  behalf of the royal  interest
was#not  so visible among the professed adherents to
british government.   That immediate  justice might
be  done  to  a few, great distress was brought on
many and the cause  of his britannic majesty injur-
ed  beyond reparation.
  Several commandants were successively appointed
to superintend the affairs of the town.  Among these
lieutenant-colonel N is bit Balfour  had the greatest
share  of administration.   This gentleman display-
ed in the exercise of this new  office all the frivolous
self-importance, and  all the  disgusting  insolence,
which are natural to little minds when puffed  up
by  sudden elevation.   By the subversion of every
trace of the popular government, without any pro- 
444
REVOIUTIONAR\
per civil establishment in its  place, he, with a few
coadjutors, assumed and exercised  legislative  judi-
cial, and executive powers over citizens in the same
manner as over the  common  soldiery  under their
command.   A  series of proclamations was issued
by his authority, which militated as well against the
principles  of the  british constitution,  as  those  of
justice, equity, and humanity.  For slight offences,
and on partial  and insufficient information, citizens
were confined by his orders ; and that often without
any trial.
  The place allotted for securing  them, being the
middle part of  the cellar, under the Exchange, was
called the Provost.  Ihe dampness of this unwhole-
some spot, together with the want of a fire-place,
caused among  the unhappy sufferers some deaths
and much  sickness.  In it the american  state-pri-
soner, and the  british telon shared  the same fate.
The former, though tor the most part charged with
nothing more than an  active  execution ot the laws
of the state, or having spoken words disrespectful
or injurious to the british officers or government, or
of corresponding with the americans, suffered  indig-
nities and distresses in common with those who were
accused of crimes tending to subvert the peace and
existence of society.
  It has already been observed, that on the arrival
of the british  in  South-Carolina,  the  inhabitants
were  encouraged  to stay on their  plantations with
the prospect ot neutrality; and that, in a little time,
these delusive hopes vanished.   Instead of drawing
off the people gradually from an attachment to their
late constitution, the  conquerors were  so far mista- 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.        445
ken as to suppose that men could instantly be trans-
formed from obstinate revolters to zealous royalists.
In a short time after their submission they were cal-
led upon to  promise that, by force  of arms, they
would oppose men  who  were  their  friends and
neighbors,   and  by  whose  sides they had lately
fought.   In effecting a revolution from the regal to
the republican government, a very  different policy-
was pursued.   The popular leadtrs proceeded gra-
dually.   The  common people were not shocked by
any propositions too repugnant to their ancient pre-
judices,  or  too remote  from established opinions.
Though the leading men in the councils of America
were far from  being adepts in the maxims of refined
policy yet they  were led, by a providential concur-
rence of circumstances, to carry  on their operations
in a manner which contributed more to their success
than  if every  step they took had been prescribed by
the most  consummate art.   When they first began
to oppose the claims of Great-Britain, they Avere far
from intending that separation which they afterwards
effected; and  would have trembled with horror at the
thoughts of  that which at last they gloried in accom-
plishing.  Strange and undesigned consequences fol-
lowed in the  gradual  succession of causes and ef-
fects.   In coniuting the extravagant opinion of tax-
ation without representation, the americans were in-
sensibly led  to  inquire  into the nature of civil li-
berty, and  ot their connexion  with Great-Britain.
From a denial of the  british  right of taxation, the
way was opened lor an investigation of the restric-
tions on their commerce  and ot the disadvantages
of  their subordinate station.   A direct renunciation 
 446              REVOLUTIONARY
 of the  mother country, in the first instance, would
 have drawn on  the americans  the Avhole  weight of
 her vengeance,  and would probably  have disunited
 the colonists ; but, as this was far from the thoughts
 of the  popular  leaders, they  continued  to profess,
 and w ith sincerity, great respect for their king and his
 government, till step .by step they came to erect the
 standard  of independence.   The  sentiments  of  a
 great majority of the people coincided Avith the re-
 solutions  of their  leaders.   Nothing was  recom-
 mended but  what was in  unison  with  the prevailing
 opinions.   A prudent respect was  paid  to ancient
 prejudices,  and nothing new was imposed till the
 public mind was gradually reconciled to its favor-
 able  reception.   The first popular  assemblies con-
 ducted  their  opposition on legal  grounds, and  in a
 manner compatible  with their allegiance.   It  was
 the acknowledged  right of the subjects to meet to-
 gether, and petition lor a redress of their grievances.
 Their committees and congresses, their resolutions
 of  non-importation  and non-exportation  contained
 nothing unconstitutional.   The  association which
 Avas the first band of popular union in South-Caro-
 lina, was sanctioned by no other  penalty but that of
 withholding all intercourse with those who  should re-
 fuse to concur with the same  measures.
   The  distinction  of whig and  tory took its rise
in the year  1775.    Both  parties  in the  interior
country were then embodied, and were obliged to
impress provisions for their respective support.  The
advocates for congress prevailing, they paid for arti-
 cles consumed in their camps ;  but as no funds were
 provided for discharging the expenses incurred oy 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.
447
the royalists, all that was consumed by them was
considered as a robbery.   This laid the foundation
of a piratical war between Avhigs and tories, which
was productive of great distress and deluged the coun-
try with blood.   In  the interval between the insur-
rection of  1775 and  the year 1780, the whigs were
occasionally plundered  by parties who had attempt-
ed insurrections in favor of royal government.  But
all that was done prior  to the surrender of Charles-
town was trifling when  compared to what followed.
After that event political hatred raged  with uncom-
mon fury, and the calamities of civil war desolated
the  state.   The ties  of nature  were in several in-
stances dissolved and that reciprocal good-will, and
confidence, which hold  mankind together in society,
was  in a great degree  extinguished.   Countrymen,
neighbors, friends, and  brothers took different  sides
and  ranged themselves under the opposing standards
of the contending factions.   In every little precinct,
more especially in the  interior parts  of the state,
king's-men and congress-men were names of distinc-
tion.  The passions on both sides were kept in per-
petual agitation, and wrought up to a degree of fury,
which rendered individuals  regardless  not only of
the laws of war but of the principles of humanity.
While the british  had  the ascendency, their parti-
zans gave full scope to their interested and malicious
passions.   People of the worst characters  emerged
from their hiding  places in  swamps,  called them-
selves king's-men,  and began to appropriate to their
own use whatsoever came in their way.  Every act
of cruelty and injustice  was sanctified,  provided the
actor called himself a friend to the king and the suf- 
44S
REVOLL ITOXARY
ferer Avas denominated a rebel.   Of those who Avere
well-disposed to the claims of America,  there w<rc
few^ to be found who had not their houses and plan-
tations repeatedly rifled.  Under the sanction ot sub-
duing rebellion, private revenge was gratified.   Ma-
ny houses were burned, and many people inhumanly
murdered.   Numbers for  a long time were obliged
either entirely to abandon their homes, or to sleep in
the Avoods and  swamps.  Rapine, outrage, and mur-
der became so  common as to interrupt the free in-
tercourse between  one place and another.  That se-
curity and  protection  which individuals expect  by
entering into  civil society, ceased  almost totally.
Matters remained  in this  situation for the greatest
part ot a year  after the surrender of Charlestown.
When general  Greene returned to South-Carolina,
in the spring of 1781, every thing was reversed.  In
a feAv weeks he dispossessed the  british of all  their
posts in the upper country,  and  the exasperated
whigs once  more had the superiority.  On their re-
turn to their homes, they  generally found starving
families and desolate plantations.    To  reimburse
their .losses, and to gratify revenge,  they, in their
turn, began to plunder and to murder.  The country
was  laid Avaste, and  private  dwellings  frequently
stained with the blood  of husbands and fathers inhu-
manly shed in the presence of  their wives and chil-
dren.   About this time governor Rutledge returned
to South-Carolina, and exerted his great abilities in
re-establishing  order and security.   To this  end he
issued a proclamation, strictly tor bidding all violence
and  rapine.   Magistrates were appointed in every
part of the state recovered Horn the british.   Civil 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.        449
 government was restored.   Property  was secured.
 Confusion and anarchy gave place to order and re-
 gular government.   The people were happy, and re-
 joiced in the revolution.
   In the close of the year  1781, when the successes
 of the american army had confined the late conquer-
 ors to the vicinity of Charlestown, a desperate band
 of tories adopted the infernal scheme of taking their
 last revenge by carrying fire and sword into  the set-
 tlements  of the  whig militia.  To this  end major
 William Cunningham, of the british militia,  collect-
 ed a party;  and having furnished them with every
 thing necessary for laying Avaste the country,  sallied
 from Charlestown.   He and his associates concealed
 themselves till  they arrived in the  back settlements
 far in the rear of the  american army, and there began
 to plunder, burn, and murder.  In the  unsuspecting
 hour of sleep, and domestic security, they entered the
 houses of the solitary farmers and sacrificed to their
 revenge the obnoxious head of the  family.   Their
 cruelties induced some small parties to associate and
 arm in self-defence.    Captain Turner and  twenty
 men had, on these principles, taken post in a house
 and defended themselves till their ammunition  was
 nearly  expended.  After which they surrendered on
receiving  assurances  that they should be treated as
prisoners  of Avar.   Notwithstanding  this  solemn
agreement, captain Turner  and his  party Avere put.
to instant death by Cunningham and  the men under
his command.   Soon after this massacre the same
party of  tories  attacked a number of the american
   vol.  i.               3 M 
150
REVOLUTIONARY
militia, in the district  of Ninety-Six, commanded
by colonel Hayes, and set fire to the house in which
they had taken shelter.  The only  alternative left
was either to be burned, or to surrender themselves
prisoners.  The last being preferred, colonel IFiyes
and captain  Daniel  Williams  were hung at once on
the pole of a fodder stack.  This breaking, they both
fell; on which major William Cunningham cut them
into pieces with his  own sword ; when turning upon
the others he continued on them  the operations of
his savage barbarity, till the powers of nature  being
exhausted, and his enfeebled limbs refusing to admi-
nister any longer to his insatiate fury, he called up-
on his comrades to complete the dreadful  work  by
killing whichsoever of the  prisoners they pleased.
They instantly put to death such of them as they per-
sonally disliked.  Only two fell in action, but four-
teen were deliberately cut to pieces after their sur-
render.  Their  names and  rank were  as  follows :
colonel  Joseph Hayes, captain  Daniel  Williams,
lieutenant Christopher Hardy, lieutenant John Neel,
Clement Hancock,  Joseph Williams, Joseph Irby,
senior,   Joseph  Irby,  junior, John  Milven,  James
Feris, John Cook, Greaf  Irby,  Benjamin  Good-
man, Yancy Saxon.
   About the  same time, and under  the same influ-
ence, emissaries from the british induced the chero-
 kee indians to commence hostilities.  Early in  the
year 1781 general  Greene  had  concluded a treaty
with them,  by which they had  engaged  to observe a
 neutrality.  This was  attended  with the  beneficial
effects  of saving the  frontier settlements,  both of 
            MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.        45 J

North and  South-Carolina,  from their incursions,
while the inhabitants were left at full liberty to con-
centrate their force against the army under the com-
mand of lord Cornwallis.  When the co-operation of
the indians could be of the least service to the british
forces, they  were induced to break through their en-
gagements of neutrality.  They, with  a number  of
disguised white men Avho called themselves the king's
friends, made an incursion into the district of Ninety-
Six,  massacred some  families and burned several
houses.  General Pickens collected  a party of the
american militia, and penetrated into the settlements
of the cherokees.  This he accomplished in fourteen
days, at the head of three hundred and ninety-four
horsemen.  In that short space he burned thirteen
towns and villages,  killed upAvards of forty indians,
and took  a  greater number  prisoners.  Not one,of
his party  Avas  killed, and only two were  Avounded.
N one of the expeditions carried on against the che-
rokees had been so rapid and decisive as the present
one.   General Pickens did not expend three pounds
of ammunition, and yet only three indians escaped
after having been once seen.   On  this occasion a
new and successful mode of fighting the savages w as
introduced.   Instead of firing, the american miiiiia
rushed forwards on horseback and  charged with
drawn swords.   This was the  second time during
the american war that the cherokee indians had been
chastised in their own settlements, in consequence of
suffering themselves to  be excited  by british emissa-
ries to commence hostilities against their white neigh-
bors.  They again  sued for peace  in the most sub-
missive terms, and obtained it after promising that 
452
revolutionary
instead of listening to the advice of the royalists in-
stigating them to Avar, they Avould deliver  those  of
them that visited their settlements on that errand to
the authority of the state.
   In consequence of  these civil wars  between the
whigs and  tories—the incursions  of the savages—-
and the other Calamities resulting from the opera-
tions of the british  and american armies, South-Ca-
rolina exhibited scenes of distress which were shock-
ing to humanity.   The single district of Ninety-Six
has been computed, by well-informed persons  resi-
ding  therein, to contain within  its  limits  fourteen
hundred widows and orphans;  made so by the Avar.
Nor is it wonderful that the country was involved in
such accumulated distress.   The american  govern-
ment Avas  suspended, and the british conquerors
were careless of the civil rights of the inhabitants.
They conducted as though interior order and police
were scarcely objects of attention.   The will of the
strongest was the law.  Such was the general com-
plexion of those who called themselves royalists,
that nothing could  be expected from them but out-
rages against the peace and order of society.  Though
among the tories in the lower parts of South-Caroli-
na there were gentlemen of honor, principle, and hu-
manity, yet in the  interior and  back  parts of the
state a great proportion of them was  an  ignorant
unprincipled banditti; to whom idleness, licentious-
ness, and deeds of violence, Avere familiar.   Horse-
thieves, and others Avhose  crimes had  exiled them
from  society, attached themselves to parties of the
british.   Encouraged by their example, and instigat-
ed by the love of plunder, they committed the  most 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.         453
extensive depredations.   Under the cloak of attach-
ment to the old government, they covered the basest
and most  selfish  purposes.   The necessity Avhich
their indiscriminate plundering imposed on all  good
men  of  defending themselves, did infinitely  more
damage to the royal cause than wras compensated by
all  the advantages resulting from their friendship.
  As soon  as the american army obtained  re-pos-
session of the country the inhabitants, after return-
ing  to their former allegiance, resolutely put all to
the risk in  support  of independence.  Though  the
british, in  the career of  their conquests, had incul-
cated the necessity and propriety of transferring al-
legiance  from the vanquished to the victor, yet, they
treated with the utmost severity those unfortunate
men, when in their power, who having once  accept-
ed  of british protection  acted  on these very princi-
ples in afterwards re-joining their  victorious coun-
trymen.
  Among  the sufferers  on this score, the illustrious
colonel  Hayne stands  conspicuous.    During the
siege of Charlestown that gentleman served his coun-
try  in a corps of militia-horse.  After the  capitula-
tion, there being no american army in the state and
the  prospect of one being both distant  and uncer-
tain, no  alternative  was left but either to  abandon
his  family and property or to surrender to the con-
querors.   This  hard  dilemma, together with well-
founded information that others in similar  circum-
stances had been paroled to their plantations, weigh-
ed with colonel Hayne so far as to induce a conclu-
sion,  that  instead  of waiting to  be  captured it 
454
REVO LIT IONARY
  would be  both more safe and  more honorable  to
  come within the british lines and surrender himself
  a voluntary prisoner.   Fie  therefore  repaired  to
  Charlestown and offered to bind himself, by the ho-
  nor of an american officer, to do nothing prejudicial
v  to the british interest till he should be exchanged.
  Reports  which were made of his superior abilities
  and  influence, uniformly exerted in the  american
  cause, operated w ith the conquerors to  refuse hiin a
  parole, though they Avere in the habit of daily grant-
  ing that indulgence to others  of  the inhabitants. To
  his great astonishment he Avas told,  " that he must
  " either  become a british subject or submit to close
  " confinement."  To be arrested and detained in
  the capital, was to himself not an intolerable evil -?
  but to abandon his family both to the ravages of the
  small-pox,  a disease then raging in their  neighbor-
  hood, and w hich in a short time after proved mortal
  to his Avife and two of his children, and to the  in-
  sults and  depredations of the royal army, was too
  much for a tender husband and a fond parent.  To
  acknowledge himself the subject of a king,  whose
  government he had  from principle renounced, was
  repugnant  to his feelings; but without this he was
  cut off from every  prospect of a return to his fami-
  ly.   In this embarrassing situation he w aited on the
  author of this history, with a declaration to the fol-
  low ing effect:  " If the british would  grant me the -
  " indulgence,  which  we in the day of our  power
  " g<ive to their  adherents,  of removing my  family
   " and  property,  I would  seek  an  asylum  in  the
  " remotest corner ot the United States rather than 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.
455
 u submit to their government;  but as they allow no
 " other alternative than submission or confinement
 " in  the  capital, at a  distance from  my wife and
 " family at a time when they are in the most pres-
 " sing need of my presence and support, I must for
 " the present yield to the demands of the conque-
 " rors.  I request you to bear in mind, that pre-
 " vious to my taking this step,  I  declare, that it is
 " contrary  to  my inclination and forced on  me by
 " hard necessity.   I  never will bear  arms  against
 " my country.   My new masters can  require no
 " service of me but what is enjoined by the old mi-
 " litia-law of the province, which substitutes a fine
 " in  lieu of personal service.   That I  will  pay as
 " the price of my protection.  If my conduct should
 " be  censured by my countrymen, I beg that yon
 " would remember this conversation and bear wit-
 " ness  for  me, that I  do not mean to desert  the
 '' cause of America."
   In  this state of duress colonel Hayne subscribed
 a declaration of his allegiance to the king of Great •
 Britain, but not without expressly objecting  to the
 clause Avhich required him " with  his arms to sup-
 port'  the royal government."   The commandant of
 the garrison brigadier-general Paterson, and James
 Simpson, esquire, intendant of the british police as-
sured him, that this would never  be required;- and
added further, " that when the  regular forces  could
 not defend the country, w ithout the aid of its inhabi-
tants,  it would be high  time for the royal army to
quit it." 
456
REVOLUTIONARY
    Having submitted to their government, he readily
 obtained permission to return to his family.   In vio-
 lation of the  special condition under which he sub-
 scribed  the declaration of his allegiance, he was re-
 peatedly called on to  take arms against  his country-
 men; and was finally threatened with close confine-
 ment in case of a further refusal.  This open breach
 of contract, together  with the inability of the late
 conquerors to give him that protection which was
 promised as a  compensation for  his allegiance, the
 americans having regained that part of  the state in
 which he resided, induced him to consider himself as
 released from  all engagements to the british com-
 manders.   The inhabitants  of his  neighborhood,
 who had also revolted, subscribed  a petition to gen-
 eral Pickens  praying  that colonel Flayne  might be
 appointed to the command of their regiment.   Ha-
 ving thus resumed his arms, and the tide of conquest
 being fairly turned in the short  space of thirteen
 months after the surrender of Charlestown, he sent
 out, in the month of July 1781, a  small  party to re-
 connoitre.   They penetrated  Avithin seven miles of
 the capital—took general Williamson prisoner, and
 retreated to the head quarters of the regiment.  Such
 was the anxiety of the british commandant to rescue
 general Williamson, that he  ordered out his whole
 cavalry on that business.   Colonel Hayne unfortu-
 nately fell into their hands.   Though he had con-
 ducted himself  peaceably while  under  the british
 government, and had injured no man, yet for having
resumed  his arms after accepting british  protection,
 he  was, when brought to Charlestown, confined in
 a loathsome provost.  At first he was promised a 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.
457
 trial, and had counsel prepared to justify his conduct
 by the laws of nations and usages of  war ; but this
 was  finally refused.   Had he been considered as a
 british subject, he had an undoubted right to a trial;
 if as an american officer,  to his parole;  but in  vio-
 lation of every principle of the constitution, he  was
 ordered for execution by   the arbitrary  mandate of
 lord Rawdon and lieutenant-colonel Balfour.
   The royal lieutenant-governor Bull and a great
 number of the inhabitants, both loyalists and ameri^
 cans, interceded for his life.  The ladies of Charles-
town generally signed  a  petition in  his behalf, in
which was introduced every delicate sentiment  that
was  likely to  operate on  the gallantry of officers or
the humanity  of  men.   His children, accompanied
by some near relations, were presented  on their bend-
ed knees, as  humble suitors for their father's  life.
 Such powerful intercessions were made in his favor
as touched many an unfeeling heart, and drew tears
from many an hard eye ;  but lord Rawdon and lieu-
 tenant-colonel Balfour remained inflexible.
  After his fate Avas fixed  he Avas repeatedly visited
by his  friends and  conversed  on  various  subjects
with  the  fortitude of a man,  a philosopher,  and a
christian.   He particularly lamented that, on prin-
ciples of reciprocal retaliation, his execution  would
probably be an introduction to the shedding of much
innocent blood.   His  children,  who had lost their
other parent, were brought to him in the place; of his
confinement and received from  his lips the dying
advice of an affectionate father.  On the last even-
  vol.  i.             3  N
* 
458
REVOLUTIONARY
ingof his life he told a friend "• that he was no more
alarmed at the thoughts of death, than at any othei
occurrence which  was necessary and unavoidable."
He requested those in Avhom the supreme power was
vested,  to accommodate  the mode of  his death to
his feelings as an officer;  but this Avas refused.
   On the morning of the fatal day, on receiving his
summons  to  proceed to the place of execution,  he
delivered some papers to his eldest son, a youth of
about thirteen years of age—" present," said he,
" these papers to Mrs. Edwards, with my  request that
she Avould forward them to her brother  in congress.
You will next repair to the place of  execution—re-
ceive my  body, and see it decently interred among
my forefathers."   They took a final leave.   The co-
lonel's arms  were  pinioned, and a guard placed
round his person.  The procession began from the
exchange,  in the forenoon of the fourth of August
1781.   The streets were crowded with thousands of
anxious spectators.   He walked  to the place of ex-
ecution  with  such decent firmness, composure, and
dignity,  as to awaken the  compassion of many and
to command respect from all.  There was a majesty
in his sufferings  which rendered him  superior to the
pangs of death.    When the city barrier Avas  past,
and the instrument of his  catastrophe appeared full
in view, a faithful friend by  his side observed to him
"that he hoped  he would exhibit an example of the
manner in which an american can die." He answered
with the utmost tranquillity, " I will endeavor to do
so."   He ascended the cart  with a firm step and se-
rene aspect.   He inquired of the executioner, who 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.
459
was making an attempt to get up to pull the cap over
his eyes, what he Avanted ?   Upon being informed of
his design, the colonel replied,  " I will save you that
trouble ;" and pulled it over himself.  He was after-
wards  asked Avhether he Avished to say any thing ; to
which  he ansAvered, " I  will only take leave of  my
friends,  and be ready."   He then affectionately
shook  hands with three gentlemen—recommended
his  children  to  their  care—and gave the signal for
the cart to  move.
  Thus fell, in the bloom of life, a brave officer,  a
worthy citizen, a just and upright man, furnishing an
example of heroism in death that extorted a confes-
sion from his enemies,  " that,  though he did not die
in a good cause, he must at least have acted from a
persuasion of its being so."
   Few men stood higher in the  estimation of their
countrymen than the  illustrious man Avhose exit  has
been just  described.   General  Greene  demanded
from the british commanders their  reasons for  this
execution.  To Avhich he received a written answer,
signed by N. Balfour, acknowledging, " that it took
place  by the joint order of lord Rawdon and him-
self; but in consequence of the most express  direc-
tions  from lord Cornwallis to put to death those
who should be found in  arms  after being at their
own requests received  as  subjects  since the capitu-
lation of Charlestown, and the clear conquest of the
province in the summer  of 1780."
   The regular  officers  of  the continental army  pre-
sented a petition to general Greene, requesting  that
he would retaliate for the execution of colonel Hayne.
By  this they voluntarily subjected themselves  to all 
460
REVOLUTIONARY
the consequences to w hich, in case of capture, they
would be exposed.   General Greene soon after is-
sued a proclamation, threatening to make british of-
ficers the objects of retaliation.  This encouraged the
revolted inhabitants to continue in arms, and effaced
every impression that was expected from the fate of
colonel Hayne.  The british interest gained no per-
manent advantage, while pity and revenge sharpened
the SAvords of the countrymen and friends of the much
beloved sufferer.
   After the british landed  in Carolina in 1780, they
confined  some  of  their  first  prisoners in the vaults
with the dead.  When their successes had multiplied
the number of prisoners,  they were crowded on
board prison-ships; where they suffered every incon-
venience that  could result from putrid air, and the
want of the comforts of  life.  This Avas  done not
only to those Avho surrendered at discretion, but also
to the private soldiers who Avere entitled to the bene-
fit of the capitulation of Charlestown.
   The condition of these unfortunate men was truly
deplorable.   They Avere crowded on board the pri-
son-ships in such numbers that several were obliged
to stand up for want of room to  lie down.  The
state of South-Carolina  could afford  them no supply.
Congress could not at that time command hard mo-
ney  for their relief.   Wine, and such like comforts,
particularly necessary for  the sick  in  southern  cli-
mates, could not be obtained from the british hospi-
tals.
   Upwards of eight hundred of these brave men,
nearly one third of the  whole, exhausted by a varie-
ty of sufferings, expired  in the short space of thir- 
           MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.         461
teen months captivity.   When a general  exchange
took place in  June 1781, out of nineteen hundred
taken at the surrender of Charlestown on the  12th
of may  1780,  and several hundreds more taken af-
terwards  at Camden  and at Fishing  Creek on the
16th  and  18th  of  August of the same year, there
were only seven hundred  and forty restored to  the
service of their country.  It was not by deaths alone
that the americans were deprived of their soldiers.
Lord Charles  Greville Montague,  who  before the
revolution  had  been governor  of the province of
South-Carolina, enlisted 5SO of  them in  the british
service.   The distressed  continental  soldiers  Avere
induced to accept the offers of lord Charles Greville
Montague in preference to the horrors of a prison-
ship,  by the specious promise that they  should be
employed in the West-Indies, and not against their
countrymen in  the United States.   His lordship,
after completing his regiment, offered the command
of it to brigadier-general Moultrie, the senior officer
of the prisoners of Avar belonging to the continental
army, w ho Avith becoming spirit declined it.
   The continental officers taken at the surrender of
Charlestown were confined to Haddrell's Point and
the vicinity.   Far from their friends, and  destitute
of money, they were reduced to the greatest straits.
Such were the difficulties and severe restrictions im-
posed on  this  band of patriots that many of  them,
though  born  in affluence and  liabituated to  atten-
dance, were compelled to do not only the most me-
nial offices for themselves  but could scarcely pro-
cure the plainest necessaries of life.   During a cap- 
462
REVOLUTION ARY
tivity  of thirteen months,  they received no more
from their  country than  nine  days  pay.   These
hardships were not alleviated by those civilities from
their conquerors Avhich among modern refined  na-
tions have abated the horrors of  Avar.   They Avere
debarred the liberty of fishing for  their support,
though their great leisure  and many Avants made it
an object not only as an amusement but as a mean
of supplying their necessities.   After bearing  all
these evils Avith great fortitude they Avere informed,
in the month of  March 1781, by lieutenant-colonel
Balfour, that by positive orders  from earl Cornwal-
lis, he Avas to send them to some  one of  the AYest-
India islands.   Preparations Avere made for the ex-
ecution of the mandate ; but a  general exchange of
prisoners, in the southern department, took place in
a few Aveeks which released the prisoners on both
sides from captivity.
  The citizens of the town,  who adhered to their
paroles,  were treated with  great severity.   Though
they Avere not alloAved rations, yet they Avere debar-
red from trade, and from exercising any profession;
and  the king's subjects were  strictly enjoined not to
employ them on any pretence.
  Though by  the  capitulation  of Charlestown,  in
May 1780,  the inhabitants  were entitled  to their
paroles and a residence on their estates with their
families ;  yet in May 1781 upAvards of one hundred
of them Avere confined  to  prison-ships.   The  con-
querors did not undertake to justify this step from any
supposed breach of  parole.   They affected to hold
the prisoners in  this state  of duress  as hostages  to 
MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.
463
   secure good treatment for those of the loyalists who
   had been captured by the  americans.   The gentle-
   men who were confined  on this occasion  submitted
   to  their fate with great magnanimity.   Instead  of
   repining at their situation, they only regretted, " if
   it should fall to the lot of any or  all of them  to be
   made victims, agreeably to the menaces of lieutenant-
   colonel Balfour,  that their  blood  could not be dis-
   posed  of more  to  the  advantage of the glorious
   cause in which they had engaged."
     As the war was carried  on not  to gain a contest-
   ed  point from an independent power, but to annihi-
   late the  assumed  independence of the  state and to
   reduce it to its former provincial subjection; the con-
   querors ridiculed the idea of observing the capitulation
   with citizens.   They considered that measure as the
   expedient  of a day, only proper at the surrender to
   prevent the effusion of blood, but no longer so when
   their arms were triumphant  in the remote extremi-
   ties of  the state.    Indulgences shoAvn to prisoners
   were viewed as favors derived from the humanity of
%  conquerors, and not as rights founded on a capitu-
   lation.   Persons who  remained in the character of
   prisoners, and claimed under that solemn agreement,
   were considered as obstinate rebels who meant to
  thwart the views of the royal  army.   While they
  wished to be regarded as members  of an independent
   state, they were looked upon as vanquished rebels who
  owed their lives to british clemency. In this confusion
  of sentiments, to reconcile contradictory claims requi-
  red uncommon address.   The  pride of conquerors,
  highly  estimating their  own moderation; and  the 
464
REVOLUTIONARY
 pride of prisoners, considering themselves  a* inde-
 pendent freemen entitled to respect for  their firm-
 ness and patiotism, made the former trample on  the
 latter and the latter despise the former.
   It has been already mentioned that in May 1781
 a general  exchange of  prisoners was agreed to, in
 which the militia on both sides were respectively ex-
 changed for  each other*   Notwithstanding every
 difficulty,  a considerable number of the  inhabitants
 had perseveringly refused to become british subjects.
 These being exchanged, were  delivered at  the ame-
 rican posts in Virginia and  Pennsylvania.  Great
 were the exultations of the suffering friends of in-
 dependence, at the prospect of their being released
 from confinement and restored to activity in their
 country's cause ; but  these pleasing prospects were
 obscured by the distresses brought on their  families by
 this othenvise desirable event,  for they  were all  or-
 dered to quit the town and province before  the first
 day of next August.
   The gentlemen, who had been from motives of po-
 licy removed  from Charlestown to St.  Augustine,
 as has been already related, obtained their release by
 this  general  exchange and  were delivered at the
 port of Philadelphia.   More than a thousand per-
 sons were  exiled from their homes, and thrown  on
 the charity of strangers  for their support.    In reta-
 liation for this conduct, governor Rutledge  ordered
 the brigadiers  of militia to drive within the british
 lines the families of those who  adhered to the royal
cause.   The wives and children of those inhabitants
 who, to avoid  the resentments  of their countrymen, 
              MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.        465
  had retreated with the retreating british,  were com-
  pelled  to take shelter within their posts.   In ex-
  change for their comfortable  farms in the country,
  many of them were  reduced in a little time  to the
  necessity of living in clay huts in the  vicinity of
  Charlestown.  In  this forlorn situation numbers of
  them,  destitute of the comforts of life,  and over-
  whelmed with diseases, speedily perished.   The ex-
  iled americans received generoustreatmentfrom some
  individuals, and also from the bounty of congress;
  but notwithstanding  this liberality, they  suffered
  many of the evils which result from a want of friends
  and a want of money.  Several of  the persons thus
 exchanged,  and sent to the northern  states,  were
 owners of landed property in Charlestown.  Though
 by the  capitulation they had an undoubted right to
 dispose of this for their own advantage, yet they were
 debarred  that liberty by  an  order issued  on the
 11th of July  1781.
   In consequence of  this  mandate, the  houses of
 those who  adhered to the cause of America were, in
 violation of public  faith, taken out of  their hands,
 and there  was scarce  an instance of compensation
 being allowed them for this seizure of their property.
   The partial re-establishment of  british  govern-
 ment in South-Carolina w as the source of accumu-
 lated evils to the steady friends of  independence;
 but they were not the only  sufferers.  The calami-
 ties of the years 1780 and 1781 operated extensively.
There was scarcely an inhabitant of the state, hoAv-
 ever obscure in  character  or remote  in  situation,
   vol.  i.              3  O 
466
REVOLUTIONARY
whether he remained  firm to one party or changed
with the times, who did  not partake of the general
distress.   The adherents to royal  government were
often treated by the british conquerors with neglect
and contempt—frequently suffered in their property,
and had many grievances unredressed.   Their most
essential  interests were in  every stage of the  war,
and  especially at the evacuation of  Charlestown,
and the general treaty of peace, sacrificed to politi-
cal necessity.  They  had the peculiar misfortune of
suffering from the repeated  violation of public faith
successively pledged for their security.
  The successes that had attended the american arms
in South-Carolina, in the summer of 1781, gave such
flittering  prospects to the friends of  independence,
that it was  judged to be  a favorable  opportunity to
detach from the  british interest in South-Carolina
those of the inhabitants of the state who had joined
them in  the  day of their  success.  On the 27th of
September  1781  governor Rutledge, therefore, is-
sued a proclamation, offering them pardon  on con-
dition  of their doing  six  months militia duty,  with
the  exception of those who had taken commissions
—signed  congratulatory addresses on british victo-
ries—or who had been otherwise active in support
of their government.   In a few weeks several  hun-
dreds  came  out of the british  lines,  and reinforced
the american militia.   Several were now as assidu-
ous  in framing excuses  for  their having arranged
themselves  under the british  standard, as they had
been the year before to apologise for their involuntary
support of rebellion.   " Their wives, their children, 
          MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.         46/

and  their property, made  it necessary to make a
show of submission to the conquerors—They thought
the country was subdued, and  that further resistance
was  vain—but  notwithstanding, at all  times  they
wished well to american independence."   Such was
the  alacrity with Avhich they  joined  their coun-
trymen, that several, though  excepted by  the  pro-
clamation, cast themselves  on the  public mercy.
They explained their taking british commissions  in-
to a benevolent design, of rescuing their neighbors
from more  severe  officers.   F'or their  signing ad-
dresses of congratulation on  british victories, many
apologies were offered.   Some alleged  in their  be-
half " the fear of losing their estates—of being re-
fused protection, or of being objects of suspicion."
Others had never read them ; but they all agreed,
 " that  the  sentiments contained in these ill-fated
addresses were at  no time the language  of  their
hearts."
   The tranquillity  that reigned through every part
of the state gave an opportunity of calling  an assem-
bly, the meetings of which had been interrupted ever
 since the reduction  of Charlestown.   Many of the
 inhabitants who had never submitted to the british,
 and who had been  lately delivered as exchanged in
 Virginia and  Philadelphia,  soon  found their way
 back to South-Carolina.  In their number were most
 of the late civil officers of the state, and members of
 the legislature.  These favorable circumstances, in
 conjunction with the position of the american army
 within thirty-six miles of Charlestown, pointed out
 the propriety  of  convening a legislature.  In the 
468
REVOLUTIONARY
close of the year  1781,  governor Rutledge,  by vir-
tue of the extraordinary power elelegated to  him be-
fore the surrender of Charlestown, issued writs for a
new election.   These w ere ordered to be held in the
usual places  where it was practicable, and in  other
cases as  near  as safety  and  other  circumstances
would permit.  By the same authority it was order-
ed, that at the election the votes of such only should
be received as had never taken british protection, or
who having taken it, had  notAvithstanding re-joined
their countrymen  on or before the 27th of September
1781.   Other  persons, though  residents, were not
considered as freemen of the state, or entitled  to the
full privilege of  citizenship.  A  general assembly
was chosen, and convened in January 1782  at Jack-
sonborough,  a small village situate on Edisto river,
about twenty-five miles from the sea and thirty-five
from Charlestown.
   By the rotation established, it became necessary to
choose a new governor.    The suffrages of a majori-
ty were in the first  instance in  favor  of Christopher
Gadsden, who declined the  office.
   The general assembly then elected John Mathews
governor,  filled up vacancies in the difterent depart-
ments, and re-established civil government in  all  its
branches. They also delegated to the governor or com-
mander in chief the same extensive poAvers, with simi-
lar limitation, which had been entrusted to his prede-
cessor—" of doing all matters and things which were
judged expedient and necessary to secure the liber-
ty, safety, and happiness of the state."  Hitherto
the legislature of the  state had given every  man the 
           MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.         469

free liberty of choosing his side and retaining his
property ; but the conduct of the british, while they
had the ascendency in the state, was so  contrary to
this humane mode of carrying on war, that on  this
occasion an opposite line  of policy Avas adopted.
   Laws were  passed for confiscating the estates, and
banishing the persons of the active  decided friends
of british government, and for  amercing the estates
of others, as a substitution for their personal services
of which the country had been deprived.   Two hun-
dred and thirty-seven persons or estates were includ-
ed  in  the  first class  and forty-eight in  the last.
Those  whose submission  appeared to be necessary
and unavoidable, and who did not voluntarily aid or
abet the government  of the conquerors,  were gene-
rally overlooked.   These laws, though contrary to
the constitution  and  every principle of republican
government, passed by large majorities.    The sub-
jects of them  were condemned without a hearing or
even the form of a trial.  Some of the members who
voted for them were  influenced by a spirit of re-
venge,   and others  by avarice ; but these  were far
short of a majority.  That was obtained by the ac-
cession of numbers of upright  and honorable  prin-
ciples,  Avho believed that constitution and laws in
cases of extremity must both yield to self-preserva-
tion.   Such considered the confiscation of tory pro-
perty in the nature of a forced loan for  purposes of
indispensable  necessity.  It  is certain that  without
it the state had no resources for raising  or support-
ing a military force for self-defence. These laws were
passed in T'ebruary  1782, while the assembly was
under  an impression that the Avar would be continued 
470
REVOLl HON ARY
 by Great-Britain.   To meet it Avas impossible \\ith-
 out making free with the  property ot british adhe-
 rents contrary to the usual lorms ot law.  '1 he ob-
 stinacy of the british in continuing a hopeless war,
 aggravated the distresses ot their friends.   Soon af-
 ter these laws were passed, reports were  circulated
 that  the  british intended  soon  to  withdraw from
 Charlestown.
   The apprehension of this gave  a serious alarm to
 those of the inhabitants who adhered to their interest.
 There was  no part  of South-Carolina  without  the
 british lines which  Avas not formally in the peace of
 the state, excepting a settlement on Little Peedee.
 Major Ganey, at the head of some loyalists residing
 near that river, had refused to do  militia duty under
 general Marion, the brigadier of the district.   They
 defended themselves in the  swamps, and from thence
 frequently sallied to the  distress of the whig inhabi-
 tants of the  aeljacent country.   On the 28th of April
 17 81,  a party of  them,  commanded  by captain
 Jones, surrounded  and set fire to  the house of colo-
 nel Kolb, a  respectable american militia officer.  He,
 after receiving assurances of being treated as a pri-
 soner of Avar, surrendered.   Nevertheless he was put
 to instant death in  the presence of his wife and chil-
 dren.    When the british had lost ground  in  1781,
 general  Marion made a treaty of neutrality with
 them.   In the summer of 1782 this Avas formally  re-
 newed.  Though the british interest was entirely ruin-
 ed, and their departure from Charlestown soon expect-
ed, such Avas the generosity of the government, that it
gave them a full pardon  for all treasons committed
against the state, the security of their property, and the. 
          MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.         471

protection of the laws, on the condition of their deli-
vering up their plunder, abjuring the king of Great-
Britain, and demeaning themselves as peaceable citi-
zens of the state.  An alternative was offered to those
who disapproved of these articles, to go  Avithin the
british lines, and to carry off or sell their property.
These lenient measures brought over the  disaffected
people of the settlement.   Several of them not long   >
after fought bravely under general Marion, and the
whole conducted themselves peaceably.  Regularity,
order and  government took place of reciprocal de-
predations and hostilities.
   On the proposed evacuation  of Charlestown, the
merchants  who  came with the british were in a dis-
agreeable predicament.  They had entered into ex-
tensive  commercial engagements in the short inter-
val of the british sway.  Those of their debtors who
were without the lines, were not subject to their juris-
diction  ; those w ho were within Avere unable to pay.
It was supposed that ail transfers of property,  by
the authority of  the board of police, would be null
and void on the departure of the british from the
state.   Environed  with difficulties,  and threatened
with bankruptcy, if they should leave the state along
with the garrison, they applied to general Leslie for
leave to negociate for themselves.   A deputation of
their body Avaited on  governor MatheAvs,  and obtain-
ed from him permission to reside in  South-Carolina
for  eighteen months  after the evacuation,  with the
full liberty  of disposing of their stock of goods on
hand, and  of collecting the  debts  already due  to
them.   This indulgence  Avas extended  to a longer
term by the legislature at their  next meeting, before 
472
REVOLUTIONARY
 any information arrived that the preliminary articles
 of peace  were signed.
    When the evacuation of  Charlestown drew nigh.
 it was apprehended by the inhabitants, that the  bri-
 tish army, on its departure, Avould carry off with them
 some  thousands of negroes  which were within their
 lines.   To prevent this, governor Mathews wrote a
 letter  to general Leslie, dated August 17th 1782, in
 which he informed him,  "  that  if the property of
 the citizens of South-Carolina was carried oft' from
 its owners by the british  army,  he should seize on
 the debts due to the  british  merchants—and to
 the confiscated estates—and the claims  on those
 estates by marriage settlements—which three articles
 were not  included in the confiscation act."  This
 conditional resolution operated as a check  on some,
 so  as  to restrain  their avidity for plunder,  and in-
 duced  general Leslie to  propose a negociation  for
 securing the property of  both parties.  After sun-
 dry conversations, the commissioners on  both sides, .
 on  the 10th of October 1782, ratified a compact on
 this subject, by which it was agreed  with a few  ex-
 ceptions,  that all the slaves of the citizens of South-
 Carolina then  in  the power of  the  british general
 Leslie, should be  restored to their former owners,
 and that the faith  of the state should be pledged that
no further confiscation or  sequestration of  property
belonging or pledged to royalists should take place,
that all such should be at  full liberty to sue for,  re-
cover and dispose  of their property in the same man-
ner as  citizens—that  the slaves  so returned should
not be  punished by the state; and that it should be
recommended to their  masters to forgive them—that 
MISCELLANEOUS  HISTORY.        473
 Edward Blake and  Roger Parker Saunders  should
 be permitted, on their parole of honor, to reside in
 Charlestown to assist in the execution of the article
 respecting the delivery of negroes to the citizens.
   In consequence of this agreement  governor  Ma-
 thews gave a commission and a flag to Thomas  Fer-
 guson, and Thomas Waring, to reside near the british
 lines, with  instructions to receive such negroes as
 should  be delivered from  the  garrison.   Edward
 Blake and Roger Parker Saunder3 had also a com-
 mission and a flag given them to reside in Charles-
tOAvn, and forward the delivery of the negroes to the
gentlemen Avho were Avaiting to receive them without
the garrison.   Governor  Mathews  requested the
citizens of the state to attend for the  purpose of re-
ceiving their negroes,  and earnestly  entreated  that
 they Avould forgive  them for  having  deserted  their
service and joined the british.- Great were the ex-
pectations of the suffering  inhabitants that  they
Avould soon obtain  re-possession of their property;
but these  delusive  hopes  Avere of short  duration.
 Notwithstanding the solemnity Avith which the com-
 pact had been ratified, it Avas so far evaded as to be
in a great measure ineffectual for the end proposed.
  Edward Blake and Roger Parker Saunders,  hav-
ing waited on general Leslie, were permitted to ex-
amine the fleet bound to St. Augustine ; but Avere not
 suffered  to examine any vessel that wore the king's
pendant.   Instead  of  an examination  the Avord of
the commanding officer to restore all the slaves that
 were on board, in violation of the compact, was of-
 fered as an equivalent.  In their search of the Augus-
   voh. t<             ?, P  . 
474
REVOLUTIONARY
tine fleet, they found and claimed one  hundred and
thirty-six negroes.   When they attended to receive
them on shore, they were surprised to  find no more
than seventy-three landed  for delivery.  They then
claimed this small residue, of the original  number, to
be forwarded to the other commissioners without
the lines ; but they were informed by general Leslie,
that no negroes Avould be delivered till three soldiers
were restored that had been taken by a party of ge-
neral Greene's army.
  This Avas the unsuccessful termination of a bene-
volent  scheme originally calculated for mitigating the
calamities  of war.  Motives of humanity, together
with the sacred obligation of the provisional articles
of peace,  restrained the state from  extending   its
confiscation laws.   Instead of adding to the list of
the unhappy  sufferers on  that score,  the successive
assemblies diminished their number.
  The prospects of gain from the sale of plunder-
ed negroes were too seducing to be resisted by  the
officers, privates, and followers of the british army.
On their  departure from  CharlestOAvn upAvards of
eight hundred slaves, who had been employed in the
engineer department, were  shipped off for the WTest-
Indies.  It Avas said,  and believed, that  these were
taken by the  direction and sold for  the benefit of
lieutenant-colonel Moncrieff.  The slaves carried off
by the chief  engineer were but  a  small  part  of the
whole taken aAvay at the evacuation, but their number
is very inconsiderable Avhen compared with the thou-
sands that were lost from the  first to the last of the
war.    l\ has  been computed  by good judges, that 
           MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.         475

between the years 1775 and 1783, the state of South-
Carolina lost twenty-five thousand negroes.
   The  evacuation,  though officially announced by
general Leslie on the 7th of August  as  a measure
soon to be adopted, did not take place till the 14th
of December  1782.   On that and the  succeeding
days the british Avent on board their  shipping, and
the tOAvn Avas entered by governor Mathews and the
american  army Avithout any confusion or disorder.
Those who remained in Charlestown felt themselves
happy in being delivered from the severities of a gar-
rison  life.  The exiled  citizens experienced sensa-
tions more easily conceived  than expressed, on re-
turning  to their houses and estates.  To crown their
other blessings provisional  articles of  peace  Avere
soon announced to  have been signed at Paris, on
the 13th of November  1782, by which the king of
Great-Britain  acknowledged  " the United States
of New-Hampshire,  Massachusetts,   Connecticut,
Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey,  Pennsylva-
nia, DelaAvare, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina,
South-Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign
and independent states; that he treated with them as
such; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, re-
linquished all  claims to  the government, proprietary
or territorial rights of the same."  The patriot exult-
ed in the acknoAvledged independence  of his country.
The soldier rejoiced that the toils of war  were ended,
and the objects of it fully obtained. The farmer re-
doubled his industry, from the pleasing conviction that
the produce of his  labor would  be secured to him
without any danger from british bayonets or ameri-
can impress-warrants.   Cheerfulness and good hu*- 
476
REVOLUTIONARY
mor took possession of  minds that, during 7 years,
had been  continually occupied  with  anxiety and
distress.  The army Avas soon after disbanded.  Such
at that time Avas the situation ot the finances of the
United States, that congress  Avas  scarcely able to
discharge to  that virtuous army, Avhich Avitii the price
of their  blood had  secured  their independence, as
much of the arrears of many years pay  as was suf-
ficient to defray their expenses in  returning to their
respective habitations.  The laurels they had dearly
earned,  the applause of their countrymen which they
had eminently obtained,  and the plaudits of their
consciences which they honestly possessed, were al-
most the only rewards they carried home at the ter-
mination of a war in which many had injured their
constitutions,  and all had  diminished their fortunes.
Sympathizing with the distresses of their countrymen
—sensible of their inability to pay them their stipu-
lated due—and  confiding in their justice to make
them future retribution, they cheerfully relinquished
the uniform of the military for the plain garb of the
citizen.   The private soldier exchanged his bayonet
and firelock  for the implements of husbandry,  and
betook himself to rural occupations.    Subalterns,
captains, field and general officers returned w ith plea-
sure to their  ancient civil  employments.
  The citizens,  instead of repining at their losses,
generally set themselves to repair  them by diligence
and  economy.  The continental  officers who  had
served in the state, and whose bravery and exertions
had  rendered them conspicuous, Avere so well receiv-
ed by the ladies,  that several of them had their gal-
lantry rewarded  by the  possession of  some of the 
            MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.        477

finest women and greatest fortunes in South-Caroli-
na.  The unfortunate adherents to royal government
were treated by those in power with moderation and
lenity.  The legislature permitted the greater part of
the exiles to return.   These were divided into three
classes.  Thirty-one were fully restored to their pro-
perty and citizenship,  thirty-three Avere disqualified
from holding any place of trust Avithin the state for
the space of seven years, and they, with sixty-two
others, were relieved from total confiscation on the
condition of their paying twelve per cent, on the equi-
table value of their property.  Though the state  la-
bored under an immense load of public debt, con-
tracted during the war, it generously restored confis-
cated property in  its actual possession to an amount
very little short of half a million of pounds sterling.
   Though the war was ended, some address was ne-
cessary to compose the minds of the people.  Some
of those  who  under every  discouragement had
steadily adhered to the cause of independence, took
to themselves  the appellation of the virtuous fevy,
and looked down with contempt on  such  of their
fellow-citizens as had conformed their allegiance to
existing circumstances.   A  disposition to proscribe
and banish persons  of the latter discription showed
itself under the  auspices of self-constituted commit-
tees; but the weight of government and the influence
of the best informed citizens, was successfully exer-
ted  to counteract it.  The hard duty of subduing
private feelings and of forgetting personal  injuries,
and  insults, for the public good, was yet to be per-
formed.  Edanus Burke,  an irish gentleman, who,
with the gallantry characteristic of his nation, came 
478 REVOLUTIONARY MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY.

from the  West Indies at the commencement of the
revolution as a volunteer to fight for american liber-
ty ;  generously  undertook to advocate the cause of
those who, in the  hour of danger, had by a change
of allegiance sought protection from the present con-
queror.   In a well Avritten pamphlet he demonstra-
ted from  history  that such changes were common,
and that by the laAvs of nature and reason, allegiance
and protection Avere reciprocal;  and that the former
ceased  where the latter  either was not or from cir-
cumstances could not be given.   He advocated the
policy of a general amnesty, and of forgetting all
that had taken place in the fervor of the revolutiona-
ry Avar.   These sentiments ably advocated by Mr.
Burke,  and promptly supported by the constituted
authorities and  the most enlightened patriots, gra-
dually prevailed.   Political distinctions ceased.  By
forbearance, moderation, and good sense, the appel-
lations of  congress-men and king's-men  were soon
forgotten, and both joined heartily in promoting the
interests of their common country.
END OF  VOLUME  I. 
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