A SHORT
ACCOUNT
OF THE
MALIGNANT FEVER,
LATELY PREVALENT IN
PHILADELPHIA:
WITH A STATEMENT OF THE
PROCEEDINGS
THAT TOOK PLACE ON THE SUBJECT IN DIFFERENT
PARTS OF THE
UNITED STATES.
BY MATHEW CAREY.
SECOND EDITION.
PHILADELPHIA: 
PRINTED BY THE AUTHOR, 
November 23, 1793. 



To the American Philosophical Society.
GENTLEMEN,
WITH due deference, I pre-
sume to dedicate to you
the following pages, in which I
have endeavoured, to give as faith-
ful an account as possible, of the
dreadful calamity we have just ex-
perienced.
I am, gentlemen,
With esteem,
Your obedt. humble servant,
MATHEW CAREY.

NUMBER XLVII.
District of Pennsylvania, to wit—-
(L. S.) BE it remembered that on the four-
teenth day of November; in the eigh-
teenth year of the independence of the united states
of America, Mathew Carey, of the said district,
hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the
right whereof he claim as author, in the words fol-
lowing, to wit:
" A short account of the malignant fever lately
" prevalent in Philadelphia, with a statement of the
" proceedings that took place on the subject in dif-
" ferent parts of the united states. By Mathew
" Carey."  In conformity to the act of the congress of
the united states, intituled, " An act for the encou-
" ragement of learning; by securing the copies of
" maps, charts, and books, to the authors and pro-
" prietors of such copies, during the times therein
" mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of
the district of Pennsylvania.

PREFACE.
Philadelphia, Nov. 14, 1793.
THE favourable reception given to the imper-
fect account of the fever which I lately pub-
lished, and the particular desire of some of my
friends, have induced me to undertake a more
satisfactory history of it, in order to collect
together, while facts are recent, as many of the
most interesting occurrences as I could, for the
information of the public.
I have not attempted any embellishment or
ornament of stile; but have alone aimed at tel-
ling plain truths in plain language. I have taken
every precaution to arrive at the truth; and
hope the errors in the account, will not be found
numerous.
For the desultory plan of some part of the

(vi)
pamphlet, I have to offer the following apolo-
gy; many of the circumstances and reflexions
towards the conclusion, which would have come
with more propriety in the beginning, did not
occur, until some of the first half meets were
not only written, but printed. I had no choice,
therefore, but either to omit them, or place
them somewhat out of order. I preferred the
latter.
Most of the facts mentioned have fallen un-
der my own observation. Those of a different
description I have been assiduous to collect from
every person of credibility, possessed of infor-
mation.
Desirous of having this account correct and
complete, I have printed off but a small num-
ber of copies of the present edition: and shall
esteem myself most particularly obliged to any
person who will be so kind to point out errors,
to be corrected in, or suggest facts, to be added
to, a new edition, which I propose to put to press
very soon, and which will, I hope, be found
still more ample than the present one.

(vii)
November 23, 1793.
When I published the first edition of this pam-
phlet, it was my intention to have greatly en-
larged it for a second one, and to have new
modelled it so as to preserve a connexion be-
tween its several parts, in which it is extremely
deficient. But its speedy sale, and the demand
for more copies, renders it impossible for me to
do more, at present, than make such corrections
as the kindness of a few friends has led them to
point out. 
In giving an account of the proceedings that
took place on the subject throughout the union,
I have suppressed many a harsh, unkind com-
ment, which was forcing itself on me; from
the reflexion, that in similar circumstances we
might perhaps have been equally severe. And
to perpetuate animosities is performing a very
unfriendly office. They are easily generated;
but their extinction is a work of time and diffi-
culty. Let us, therefore, (especially when we
"hold the mirror up to nature" at home,) not
only forgive, but even forget, if possible, all the
unpleasant treatment our citizens have experi-
enced.

(viii)
I have heard more than one person object
to the account of the mocking circumstances
that occurred in Philadelphia, as pourtraying
the manners of the people in an unfavourable
light. If that be the case, the fault is not mine.
I am conscious I have not exaggerated the mat-
ter. But I do not conceive it can have that effect;
for it would be as unjust and injudicious to draw
the character of Philadelphia from the conduct
of a period of horror and affright, when all the
" mild charities of social life" were suppressed by
regard for self-—as to stamp eternal infamy on a
nation for the atrocities perpetrated in times of
civil broils, when all the "angry passions" are
roused into dreadful and ferocious activity.

A SHORT ACCOUNT, &c.
BEFORE I enter on the consideration of this
disorder, it may not be improper to offer
a few introductory remarks on the situation of
Philadelphia previous to its commencement,
which will reflect light on some of the circum-
stances mentioned in the course of the narra-
tive.
The manufactures, trade, and commerce of
Philadelphia had, for a considerable time, been
improving and extending with great rapidity.
From the period of the adoption of the federal
government, at which time we were at the low-
est ebb of distress, our situation had progres-
sively become more and more prosperous. Con-
fidence, formerly banished, was universally re-
stored. Property of every kind, rose to, and in
B

(10)
some instances beyond, its real value: and a 
few revolving years exhibited the interesting
spectacle of a young country, with a new form
of government, emerging from a state approach-
ing very near to anarchy, and acquiring all the
liability and nerve of the best-toned and oldest
nations.
In this prosperity, which revived the hopes of
four millions of people, Philadelphia participa-
ted in an eminent degree. New houses, in al-
most every street, built in a very neat, elegant
stile, adorned, at the same time that they en-
larged the city. Its population was extending
fast. House rent had risen to a most extravagant
height; it was in many cases double, and in
some treble what it had been a year or two be-
fore; and, as is generally the case, when a city
is thriving, it went far beyond the real increase
of trade. The number of applicants for houses,
exceeding the number of houses to be let, one
bid over another; and affairs were in such a situa-
tion, that many people, though they had a tole-
rable run of business, could hardly do more than
clear their rents, and were literally, toiling for

(11)
their landlords alone*. Luxury, the usual, and
perhaps inevitable concomitant of prosperity,
was gaining ground in a manner very alarming
o those who considered how far the virtue, the
liberty, and the happiness of a nation depend on
their temperance and sober manners. Men had
been for some time in the habit of regulating
their expenses by prospects formed in sanguine
hours, when every probability was caught at as
a certainty, not by their actual profits, or in-
come. The number of coaches, coachees, chairs,
&c. lately set up by men in the middle rank of
life, is hardly credible. And although there had
been a very great increase of hackney chairs, yet
it was hardly ever possible to procure one on a
Sunday, unless it was engaged two or three
days before. Extravagance, in various shapes,
was gradually eradicating the plain and whole-
some habits of the city. And although it were
presumption to attempt to scan the decrees of
heaven, yet few, I believe, will pretend to deny,
NOTE.
* The distress arising from this source, was perhaps the
only exception to the general observation of the flourish-
ing situation of Philadelphia.

(12)
that something was wanting to humble the
pride of a city, which was running on in full ca-
reer, to the goal of prodigality and dissipation.
However, from November 1792, to the end
of last June, the difficulties of Philadelphia were
extreme. The establishment of the bank of
Pennsylvania, in embryo for the most part of that
time, had arrested in the two other banks such
a quantity of the circulating specie, as embaras-
sed almost every kind of business; to this was
added the distress arising from the very nume-
rous failures in England, which had extremely
harassed several of our capital merchants. Dur-
ing this period, many men experienced as great
difficulties as were ever known in this city§.
But the opening, in July, of the bank of Penn-
sylvania, conducted on the most liberal princi-
ples, placed business on its former favourable
NOTE.
§ It is with great pleasure, I embrace this opportunity
of declaring, that the very liberal conduct of the bank
of the united states, at this trying season, was the means
of saving many a deserving and industrious man from
ruin.

(13)
footing. Every man looked forward to this fall
as likely to produce a vast extension of trade,
But how fleeting are all human views! how un-
certain all plans founded on earthly appearan-
ces! All these flattering prospects vanished like
the baseless fabric of a vision.
In July, arrived the unfortunate fugitives
from Cape François. And on this occasion, the
liberality of Philadelphia was displayed in a most
respectable point of light. Nearly 12,000 dol-
lars were in a few days collected for their relief.
Little, alas! did many of the contributors, then
in easy circumstances, imagine, that a few weeks
would leave their wives and children dependent
on public charity, as has since unfortunate-
ly happened. An awful instance of the rapid
and warning vicissitudes of affairs on this tran-
sitory stage.
At this time, the destroying scourge crept in
among us, and nipped in the bud the fairest
blossoms that imagination could form. And,
oh! what a dreadful contrast has since taken
place! Many of our first commercial houses are
totally dissolved, by the death of the parties,

(14)
and their affairs are necessarily left in so derang-
ed a state that the losses and distresses which
must take place, are beyond estimation. The
protests of notes for a few weeks past, have
been beyond all former example; for a great pro-
portion of the principal merchants having left
the city, and been totally unable, from the stag-
nation of business, and diversion of all their ex-
pected resources, to make any provision for pay-
ment, most of their notes have been protested,
as they became due. The bank of the united
states, on the 15th of October, passed a resolve,
empowering their cashier to renew all discount-
ed notes, when the same drawers and indorsers
were offered, and declaring that no notes should
be protested, when the indorsers bound them-
selves in writing, to be accountable in the same
manner as in cases of protest.
Besides what we have already suffered, we
are menaced with another evil, which proba-
bly at any other period, would not very mate-
rially injure the city; but if it comes in addition
to our present distress, will operate against us a
very long time. I mean the removal of congress.
The meeting of this body is fixed for the first

(15)
Monday in December; and it is not improba-
ble that attempts will be made to prevent their
next session being held here. Appeals will be
made to their fears. Already the New York pa-
pers announce, " that as congress cannot meet,
" agreeably to their adjournment, with any
" probability of safety in Philadelphia, under its
" present calamitous visitation, there can be no
" doubt of their adjourning to sit in New York,
" where the air is perfectly salubrious, the
" markets plentiful, and every conveniency
" ready for their accommodation*." If, at the
time of their meeting, any trace of the disorder
remains, the Philadelphians will not urge their
stay here. But if it be, as there is every
probability, absolutely extinguished, we place
too much reliance on their justice to suspect that
they will add to the stroke we have felt.
For these prefatory observations I hope I shall
be pardoned. I now proceed to the melancholy
subject I have undertaken.
Note.
* Columbian Gazetteer, October 17, 1793-

(16)
The malignant fever, which has committed
such ravages in Philadelphia, made its appear-
ance here, about the end of July. Dr. Hodge's
child, probably the first victim, was taken ill on
the 26th or 27th of July, and died on the 6th or
7th of August. A Mr. Moore*, in Mr. Denny's
lodging house, in Water street, was seized on
Friday, the 2d of August, and died on Sunday,
the fourth. Mrs. Parkinson, who lodged in
the same house, caught the disorder, on the 3d
of August, and died on the 7th.
On the origin of the disorder, there prevails
a very great diversity of opinion. Dr. Hutchin-
son maintained that it was not imported, and
stated, in a letter which he wrote on the sub-
ject to Captain Falconer, the health officer of the
port of Philadelphia, that " the general opinion
" was, that the disorder originated from some
" damaged coffee, or other putrified vegeta-
" ble and animal matters." To this opinion,
NOTE.
* This man had been walking along the wharves,
where the coffee lay, and at which the Sans Culottes
was moored, in the morning; and on his return home,
was so extremely ill, as to be obliged to go to bed, from
which he never rose again.

(17)
though he did not give it absolutely as his own,
he seemed strongly to incline; and mentioned,
that at a wharf, a little above Arch-street,
there was not only a quantity of damaged cof-
fee*, extremely offensive but also some putrid
animal and vegetable substances. The doctor
rested his opinion, that the disorder was not
imported, on two circumstances, which prove
to be mistaken, viz. that no foreigners or sailors
were infected on the 27th of August, the time
of writing, and that it had not been found in
lodging houses. This opinion was so far from
being just, that the second place in which it is
known to have made its appearance, was a lodg-
ing house, and some of the earliest patients
were French lads.
Dr. Rush is of the same opinion with Dr. Hut-
chinson, and says he has in his possession sufficient
documents to prove that the disorder is not an
imported one, but of native growth. As he has
NOTE.
* The stench of this coffee was so excessively offensive,
that the people in the neighbourhood could hardly  bear
to remain in the back part of their houses.
C

(18)
not yet communicated his proofs to the public,
it is impossible to decide on them.
That it is an imported disorder, is the opini-
on of almost all the inhabitants of Philadelphia.
However, there is much diversity of sentiment,
as to the time and manner of its introduction.
I shall state some of the various reports current,
and let the reader judge for himself.
Some assert, that it was brought by Il Con-
stante, capt. Fiscovisch, which arrived here from
Ragusa, after having touched at Martinico, about
the beginning of May. This is very unlikely,
as the lower part of the city, where she lay, was
free until the disorder spread there from the up-
per part.
Another opinion is, that it was introduced by
the Mary, captain Rush, which arrived here
on the 7th of August, with some of the French
emigrants from the cape. But the existence of
the disorder previous to her arrival, sets aside
this opinion at once.
Others again say that a vessel from Tobago,

(19)
which arrived here in July, lost nearly all her
hands with a malignant fever. In the river, she
shipped fresh hands, many of whom died. From
her they believe the disorder spread. With re-
spect to this report, I cannot aver any thing.
Another opinion is, that the privateer
Sans Culottes Marseillois, with her prize, the
Flora, which arrived here the 22d of July, intro-
duced the fever. The privateer was in a foul, dirty
condition—-her hold very small—-and perhaps as
ill calculated for the accommodation of the great
number of people that were on board, as any
vessel that ever crossed the ocean. All her filth was
emptied at a wharf between Arch and Race-street.
A dead body, covered with canvass, lay on board
the Flora, for some time, and was seen by mr.
Lemaigre and other gentlemen*.
Before I dismiss this part of the subject, it
* Mr. Vanuxem has published a lengthy statement to
prove that the disorder was not brought here by either of
these vessels. Dr. Currie and Dr. Cathrall, who have ta-
ken great pains to elucidate the subject, assert there were
sundry sick people onboard, in opposition to me. Vanux-
em's declaration. To their respective publications I beg
leave to refer the reader.

(20)
may not be amiss to mention, that many believe
we have had two disorders in the city, introdu-
ced about the same time, the yellow fever, from
the West Indies, and a species of pestilence from
Marseilles.
The mortality began about that part of Water-
street, where the Mary, the Flora, and the Sans
Culottes lay. For some time it was entirely confin-
ed to that place and its neighbourhood. Almost
every death which occurred in the early stage of
the disorder could be without difficulty traced to
that street. By degrees, it spread, owing to
the want of precaution, and to communication
with the infected. It is said, and generally be-
lieved, that the beds and bedding of those who
died of the disorder, at first, before the alarm
went abroad, were fold, and spread it among the
buyers.
Several persons were swept away before any
great alarm was excited. The first deaths that
attracted public notice, and struck terror among
the citizens, were those of Peter Aston, on the
19th, of Mrs. Lemaigre, on the 20th, and of
Thomas Miller, on the 25th of August. About
this time began the removals from the city,
which were for some weeks so general, that al-

(21)
most every hour in the day, carts, waggons,
coachees, and chairs, were to be seen transport-
ing families and furniture to the country in
every direction. Business then became extreme-
ly dull. Mechanics and artists were unemployed;
and the streets wore the appearance of gloom
and melancholy.
The first official notice taken of the disorder,
was on the 22d of August, on which day, the
mayor of Philadelphia, Matthew Clarkson, esq.
wrote to the city commissioners, and after ac-
quainting them with the state of the city, gave
them the most peremptory orders, to have
the streets properly cleansed and purified
by the scavengers, and all the filth immedi-
ately hawled away. These orders were re-
peated on the 27th, and similar ones given to
the clerks of the market. The 29th the gover-
nor of the state, in his address to the legislature,
acquainted them, that a contagious disorder
existed in the city; and that he had taken every
proper measure to ascertain the origin, nature,
and extent of it. He likewise allured them that
the health officer and physician of the port,
would take every precaution to allay and re-
move the public inquietude.

(22)
The 26th of the same month, the college of
physicians had a meeting, at which they took
into consideration the nature of the disorder,
and the means of prevention and of cure.
They published an address to the citizens, sign-
ed by the president and secretary, recommend-
ing to avoid all unnecessary intercourse with the
infected; to place marks on the doors or win-
dows where they were; to pay great attention
to cleanliness and airing the rooms of the sick;
to provide a large and airy hospital in the
neighbourhood of the city for their reception;
to put a stop to the tolling of the bells; to bury
those who died of the disorder in carriages and
privately as possible; to keep the streets and
wharves clean; to avoid all fatigue of body and
mind, and standing or sitting in the sun, or in
the open air; to accommodate the dress to the
weather, and to exceed rather in warm than
in cool clothing; and to avoid intemperance,
but to use fermented liquors, such as wine, beer,
and cider, with moderation. They likewise de-
clared their opinion, that fires in the streets
were very dangerous, if not ineffectual means
of stopping the progress of the fever, and that
they placed more dependence on the burning of

(23)
gunpowder. The benefits of vinegar and cam-
phor, they added, were confined chiefly to in-
fected rooms; and they could not be too often
used on handkerchiefs, or in smelling bottles,
by persons who attended the sick.
In consequence of this address, the bells were
immediately stopped from tolling. This was a
very expedient measure; as they had before
been kept pretty constantly going the whole
day, so as to terrify those in health, and drive
the sick, as far as the influence of imagination
could produce that effect, to their graves. An
idea had gone abroad, that the burning of fires
in the streets, would have a tendency to purify
the air, and arrest the progress of the disorder.
The people had, therefore, almost every night
large fires lighted at the corners of the streets.
The 29th, the mayor published a proclamation,
forbidding this practice. As a substitute, many
had recourse to the firing of guns, which they
imagined was a certain preventative of the dis-
order. This was carried so far, and attended
with such danger, that it was forbidden by the
mayor's order, of the 4th of September.
The number of the infected daily increasing,

(24)
and the existence of an order against the admis-
sion of persons labouring under infectious dis-
eases into the alms house, precluding them from
a refuge there*, some temporary place was re-
quisite, and three of the guardians of the poor
took possession of the circus, in which mr. Ric-
ketts had lately exhibited his equestrian feats,
being the only place that could be procured for
the purpose. Thither they sent seven persons
afflicted with the malignant fever, where they
lay in the open air for some time, and without
proper assistance†. Of these, one crawled out on
the commons, where he died at a distance from
any house. Two died in the circus, one of whom
was seasonably removed; the other lay in a state
of putrefaction for above forty eight hours,
owing to the difficulty of procuring any person
NOTE.
* At this period, the number of paupers in the alms
house was between three and four hundred; and the ma-
nagers, apprehensive of spreading the disorder among
them, enforced the abovementioned order, which had
been entered into a long time before. They, however, sup-
plied beds and bedding, and all the money in their trea-
sury, for their relief, out of that house.
† High wages were offered for nurses for these poor
people--but none could be procured.

(25)
to remove him. On, this occasion occurred all
instance of courage in a servant girl, of which
at that time few men were capable. The carter,
who finally undertook to remove the corpse,
having no assistant, and being unable alone to
put it into the coffin, was on the point of relin-
quishing his design, and quitting the place. The
girl perceived him, and understanding the dif-
ficulty he laboured under, offered her services,
provided he would not inform the family with
whom she lived. She accordingly helped him to
put the body into the coffin, which was by that
time crawling with maggots, and in such a state
as to be ready to fall in pieces. It gives me plea-
sure to add, that she still lives, notwithstanding
her very hazardous exploit.
The inhabitants of the neighbourhood of the
circus took the alarm, and threatened to burn or
destroy it, unless the sick were removed; and
it is believed they would have actually carried
their threats into execution, had a compliance
been delayed a day longer.
The 29th, seven of the guardians of the poor
had a conference with some of the city magis-
D

(26)
states on the subject of the fever, at which it
was agreed to be indispensably necessary that a
suitable house, as an hospital, should be provided
near the city for the reception of the infected
poor.
In consequence, the same day, the guardians
of the poor resolved to use their utmost exer-
tions to procure such a house out of town, and
as near thereto, as might be practicable, consist-
ent with the safety of the inhabitants, for the
poor who were or might be afflicted with conta-
gious disorders, and be destitute of the means of
providing necessary assistance otherwise; to en-
gage physicians, nurses, attendants, and all ne-
cessaries for their relief in that house; to ap-
point proper persons in each district, to enquire
after such poor as might be afflicted; to adminis-
ter assistance to them in their own houses, and,
if necessary, to remove them to the hospital.
They reserved to themselves at the same time,
the liberty of drawing on the mayor for such
sums as might be necessary to carry their re-
solves into effect.
Conformably to these resolves, a committee of

(27)
the guardians was appointed to make enquiry
for a suitable place; and after strict examina-
tion, they judged that a building adjacent to
Bushhill, the mansion house of William Hamil-
ton, esq. was the best calculated for the pur-
pose. And that gentleman being absent, and
having no agent in the city, and the great ur-
gency of the case admitting no delay, eight of
the guardians, accompanied by Hilary Baker,
esq. one of the city aldermen, with the concur-
rence of the governor, proceeded to the build-
ing they had fixed upon; and meeting with
some opposition from a tenant who occupied it,
they took possession of the mansion house itself,
to which, on the same evening, the 31st of Au-
gust, they sent the four patients who remained
at the circus.
Shortly after this, the guardians of the poor
for the city, except James Wilson, Jacob Tom-
kins, jun. and William Sansom, ceased the
performance of their duties, nearly the whole
of them having removed out of the city. Before
this virtual vacation of office, they passed a re-
solve against the admission of any paupers what-
ever into the alms-house during the prevalence

(28)
of the disorder. The cause of entering into this
order, was, that some paupers, who had been
admitted previous thereto, with a certificate
from the physicians, of their being free from the
infection, had nevertheless died of it. The whole
care of the poor of the city, the providing for
Bush-hill, sending the sick there, and burying
the dead, devolved, therefore, on the above
three guardians. It must give the reader great
sorrow to hear, that two of them, James Wil-
son, and Jacob Tomkins, excellent and indefati-
gable young men, whose services were at that
time of very great importance, fell sacrifices in
the cause of humanity. The other, William San-
som, was likewise, in the execution of his dange-
rous office, seized with the disorder, and on
the brink of the grave, but was so fortunate as
to escape.
The confirmation of the people of Philadel-
phia at this period was carried beyond all
bounds. Dismay and affright were visible in
almost every person's countenance. Most peo-
ple who could by any means make it convenient,
fled from the city. Of those who remained, ma-
ny shut themselves up in their houses, and were

(29)
afraid to walk the streets. The consumption of
gunpowder and nitre in houses as a preventa-
tive, was inconceivable. Many were almost in-
cessantly purifying, scowering, and whitewash-
ing their rooms. Those who ventured abroad,
had handkerchiefs or sponges impregnated with
vinegar or camphor, at their noses, or else smel-
ling bottles with the thieves' vinegar. Others
carried pieces of tar in their hands, or pockets,
or camphor bags tied round their necks. The
corpses of the most respectable citizens, even of
those who did not die of the epidemic, were
carried to the grave, on the shafts of a chair,
the horse driven by a negro, unattended by a
friend or relation, and without any sort of ce-
remony. People shifted their course at the sight
of a hearse coming towards them. Many never
walked on the foot path, but went into the
middle of the streets, to avoid being infected in
passing by houses wherein people had died. Ac-
quaintances and friends avoided each other in
the streets, and only signified their regard by a
cold nod. The old custom of shaking hands fell
into such general disuse, that many were affront-
ed at even the offer of the hand. A person with
a crape, or any appearance of mourning, was

(30)
shunned like a viper. And many valued them-
selves highly on the skill and address with which
they got to windward of every person they met.
Indeed it is not probable that London, at the
last stage of the plague, exhibited stronger marks
of terror, than were to be seen in Philadelphia,
from the 26th or 27th of August till pretty
late in September. When people summoned up
resolution to walk abroad, and take the air, the
sick cart conveying patients to the hospital, or
the hearse carrying the dead to the grave,
which were travelling almost the whole day,
soon damped their spirits, and plunged them a-
gain into despondency.
While affairs were in this deplorable state,
and people at the lowest ebb of despair, we
cannot be astonished at the frightful scenes that
were acted, which seemed to indicate a total dis-
solution of the bonds of society in the nearest
and dearest connexions. Who, without horror,
can reflect on a husband deserting his wife,
united to him perhaps for twenty years, in the
last agony—-a wife unfeelingly abandoning her
husband on his death bed—-parents forsaking
their only children-—children ungratefully

(31)
flying from their parents, and resigning
them to chance, often without an enquiry
after their health or safety—-masters hurrying
off their faithful servants to Bushhill, even on
suspicion of the fever, and that at a time, when,
like Tartarus, it was open to every visitant, but
never returned any-—servants abandoning ten-
der and humane masters, who only wanted a
little care to restore them to health and useful-
ness—who, I say, can even now think of these
things without horror? Yet such were daily
exhibited in every quarter of our city.
These desertions produced scenes of distress
and misery, of which few parallels are to be met
with, and which nothing could palliate, but the
extraordinary public panic and the great law
of self preservation, the dominion of which ex-
tends over the whole animated world. Many
men of affluent fortunes, who have given em-
ployment and sustenance to hundreds every day
in the year, have been abandoned to the care of
a negro, after their wives, children, friends,
clerks, and servants, had fled away, and left
them to their fate. In many cases, no money
could procure proper attendance. With the 

(32)
poor, the case was, as might be expeded, infi-
nitely worse than with the rich. Many of these
have perished, without a human being to hand
them a drink of water, to administer medicines,
or to perform any charitable office for them.
Various instances have occurred, of dead bodies
found lying in the streets, of persons who had no
house or habitation, and could procure no shelter.
A woman, whose husband had just died of
the fever, was seized with the pains of labour,
and had nobody to assist her, as the women in
the neighbourhood were afraid to go into the
house. She lay for a considerable time in a de-
gree of anguish that will not bear description.
At length, she struggled to reach the window,
and cried out for assistance. Two men, passing
by, went up stairs; but they came at too late
a stage.—-She was striving with death-—and ac-
tually in a few minutes expired in their arms.
A woman, whose husband and two children
lay dead in the room with her, was in the same
situation, without a midwife, or any other person
to aid her. Her cries at the window brought up
one of the carters employed by the committee 

(33)
for the relief of the sick. With his assistance,
she was delivered of a child, which died in a few
minutes, as did the mother, who was utterly
exhausted by her labour, by the disorder, and
by the dreadful spectacle before her. And thus
lay in one room, no less than five dead bodies
an entire family, carried off in an hour or two.
Many instances have occurred, of respectable
women, who, in their lying-in, have been oblig-
ed to depend on servant women for assistance
—-and some have had none but their husbands.
Some of the midwives were dead—-and others
had left the city.
A servant girl, belonging to a family in this
city, in which the fever had prevailed, was ap-
prehensive of danger, and resolved to remove
to a relation's house, in the country. She was,
however, taken sick on the road, and returned
to town, where she could find no person to
receive her. One of the guardians of the poor
provided a cart, and took her to the alms house,
into which she was refused admittance. She was
brought back, and the guardian offered five dol-
lars to procure her a single night's lodging, but
in vain. And in fine, after every effort made to
E

(34)
provide her shelter, she absolutely expired in the
cart.
To relate all the frightful cases of this nature
that occurred, would fill a volume. Let these
few suffice. But I must observe, that most of
them happened in the first stage of the public
panic. Afterwards, when the citizens recovered a
little from their fright, they became rare.
Great as was the calamity of Philadelphia, it
was magnified in the most extraordinary man-
ner. The hundred tongues of rumour were
never more successfully employed, than on this
melancholy occasion. The terror of the inhabi-
tants of all the neighbouring states was excited
by letters from Philadelphia, distributed by
every mail, many of which told tales of woe,
whereof hardly a single circumstance was true,
but which were every where received with impli-
cit faith. The distresses of the city, and the fata-
lity of the disorder, were exaggerated as it
were to see how far credulity could be carried.
The plague of London was, according to ru-
mour, hardly more fatal than our yellow fever.
Our citizens died so fast, that there was hardly

(35)
enough of people to bury them. Ten, or fifteen,
or more were said to be cast into one hole together,
like so many dead beasts*. One man, who could
find his feelings easy enough, to be facetious on
the subject, acquainted his correspondent, that
the only business carrying on, was grave digging,
or rather pit digging†. And at a time when the
NOTES.
* The following extract appeared in a Norfolk paper
about the middle of September:
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, to a gentleman in
Norfolk, Sept. 9.
" Half the inhabitants of this, city have already fled
" to different parts, on account of the pestilential disorder
" that prevails here. The few citizens who remained in
" this place, die in abundance, so fast that they drag them
" away, like dead beasts, and put ten, or fifteen, or more in a hole
" together. All the stores are shut up. I am afraid this city
" will be ruined: for nobody will come near it hereafter.
" I am this day removing my family from this fatal
" place."
† From a New York paper of October 2.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia, dated
Sept 23.
" The papers must have amply informed you of the
" melancholy situation of this city for five or six weeks
" past. Grave-digging has been the only business carrying
" on; and indeed I may say of late, pit-digging, where

(36)
deaths, did not exceed from forty to fifty daily,
many men had the modesty to write, and others,
throughout the continent, the credulity to be-
lieve, that we buried from one hundred to one
hundred and fifty*. Thousands were swept off
NOTES.
" people are interred indiscriminately in three tiers of
" coffins. From the most accurate observations I can make
" upon matters, I think I speak within bounds, when
" I say, eighteen hundred persons have perished (I do not
" say all of the yellow fever) since its first appearance."
* From the Maryland Journal, of Sept. 27th.
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, dated Sept. 20th.
" The disorder seems to be much the same in this
" place, as when I last wrote you: about 1500 have fal-
" len victims to it. Last Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday,
" there were not less than 350 died with this severe disor-
" der !!!  As I informed you before, this is the most dis-
" tressed place I ever beheld. Whole families go in the dis-
" order, in the course of twelve hours. For your own
" sakes, use all possible means to keep it out of Balti-
" more."
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, of the same date:
" The malignant fever which prevails here, is still in-
" creasing. Report says, that above one hundred have
" been buried per day for some time past. It is now
" thought to be more infectious than ever. I think you
" ought to be very careful with respect to admitting
" persons from Philadelphia into your town."

(37)
in three or four weeks*. And the nature and
danger of the disorder, were as much misrepre-
sented, as the number of the dead. It was said,
in defiance of every day's experience, to be as
inevitable by all exposed to the contagion, as the
stroke of fate.
The effects produced by these letters, were
such as might be reasonably expected. The con-
firmation spread though the several states like
wild-fire. The first public act that took place on
the subject, as far as I can learn, was at Chester-
town, in Maryland. At this place, a meeting was
held on the 10th of September, at which several
resolves were entered into, which, after specify.
NOTE.
* From a Chestertown paper, of Sept. 10.
Extract of a letter from a respectable young mechanic, in
Philadelphia, to his friend in this town, dated the 5th inst.
" It is now a very mortal time in this city. The yellow
" fever hath killed some thousands of the inhabitants.
" Eight thousand mechanics, besides other people, have
" left the town. Every master in the city, of our branch
" of business, is gone." The " some thousands" that were
killed at that time, did not amount to three hundred.
The authentic information in this letter, was circulated
in every state in the union, by the news papers.

(38)
ing that the disorder had extended to Trenton,
Princeton, Woodbridge, and Elizabeth-town,
on the post road to New York, directed, that
notice should be sent to the owners of the stages
not to allow them to pass through the town,
while there should be reason to expect danger
therefrom; that a committee of health and in-
spection should be appointed, to provide for the
relief of such poor inhabitants as might take the
disorder, and likewise for such strangers as
might be infected with it. They at the same ap-
pointed seven persons as this committee,
with power to call a general meeting in par-
ticular specified cases. In consequence of
these resolves, the Eastern shore line of
stages was stopt in the course of a few days
afterwards.
The alarm in New York was first officially
announced by a letter from the mayor to the
practising physicians, dated Sept. 11, in which
he requested them to report to him in writing
the names of all such persons as had arrived,
or should arrive from Philadelphia, or any other
place, by land or water, and were or should be
sick; that such as should be deemed subjects of

(39)
infectious diseases, might be removed out of
the city. He notified them, that the corporation
had taken measures to provide a proper place
for an hospital, for such persons as might un-
happily become subjects of the fever in New
York. In this letter the mayor declared his opi-
nion clearly, that the intercourse with Philadel-
phia, could not be lawfully interrupted by any
power in the state. The 12th appeared a procla-
mation from governor Clinton, which, refer-
ring to the " act to prevent the bringing in, and
" spreading of infectious disorders," prohibited,
in the terms of that act, all vessels from Phila-
delphia, to approach nearer to the city of New
York, than Bedlow's island, about two miles
distant, till duly discharged. The silence of this
proclamation, respecting passengers by land,
seemed to imply that the governor's opinion on
the subject, was the same as that of the mayor.
The same day, at a meeting of the citizens,
the necessity of taking some precautions was
unanimously agreed upon, and a committee of
seven appointed to report a plan to a meet-
ing to be held next day. Their report, which
was unanimously agreed to, the 13th, recom- 

(40)
mended to hire two physicians, to assist the
physician of the port in his examinations of
vessels; to check, as much as possible, the inter-
course by stages; to acquaint the proprietors
of the southern stages, that it was the earnest
wish of the inhabitants, that their carriages and
boats should not pass during the prevalence of
the disorder in Philadelphia; and to request the
practitioners of physic to report, without fail,
every case of fever, to which they might be
called, occurring in any persons that had or
might arrive from Philadelphia, or have inter-
course with them. Not satisfied with these mea-
sures, the corporation, on the 17th, came to a
resolution to stop all intercourse between the
two cities; and for this purpose guards were
placed at the different landings* with orders to
send back every person coming from Philadel-
phia; and if any were discovered to have
arrived after that date, they were to be
directly sent back. All persons taking in lodg-
ers, were called upon to give information of all
people of the above description, under pain of
being prosecuted according to law. All good
citizens were required to give information to
the mayor, or any member of the committee, of
any breach in the premises. 

(41)
All these strict precautions being eluded by
the fears and the vigilance of the fugitives from
Philadelphia, on the 23d there was a meeting
held, of delegates from the several wards of the
city, in order to adopt more effectual measures.
At this meeting, it was resolved to establish a
night watch of not less than ten citizens in each
ward, to guard against such as might escape them
by day. Not yet eased of their fears, they next day
published an address, in which they mentioned,
that notwithstanding their utmost vigilance,
many persons had been clandestinely landed
upon the shores of New York island. They
therefore again called upon their fellow citizens
to be cautious how they received strangers into
their houses; not to fail to report all such to
the mayor immediately upon their arrival; to
remember the importance of the occasion; and
to consider what reply they should make to the
just resentment of their fellow citizens, whose
lives they might expose by a criminal neglect,
or infidelity. They likewise declared their ex-
pectation, that those who kept the different
ferries on the shores of New Jersey and Staten
island, would pay such attention to their ad-
dress, as not to transport any person but to the
F 

(42)
public landings, and that in the day time, be-
tween sun and sun. The 30th they published a
lengthy address, recapitulating the various pre-
cautions they had taken-—the nature of the
disorder-—and the numbers who had died out of
Philadelphia, without communicating it to any
one. They at the same time resolved, that
goods, bedding, and clothing, packed up in
Philadelphia, should, previous to their being
brought into New York, be unpacked and ex-
posed to the open air in some well-ventilated
place, for at least 48 hours; that all linen or
cotton clothes, or bedding, which had been used,
should be well washed in several waters; and af-
terwards, that the whole, both such as had been,
and such as had not been used, should be hung
up in a close room, and well smoked with the
fumes of brimstone for one day, and after that
again exposed for at least twenty four hours to
the open air; and that the boxes, trunks, or
chests, in which they had been packed, should
be cleaned and aired in the same manner; after
which, being repacked, and such evidence given
of their purification, as the committee should re-
quire, permission might be had to bring them
into the city.

(43)
The 11th of October, they likewise resolved,
that they would consider and publish to the
world, as enemies to the welfare of the city, and
the lives of its inhabitants, all those who should
be so selfish and hardy, as to attempt to intro-
troduce any goods, wares, merchandize, bed-
ding, baggage, &c. imported from, or packed up
in Philadelphia, contrary to the rules prescribed
by that body, who were, they said, deputed
to express the will of their fellow citizens.
They recommended to the inhabitants to
withstand any temptation of profit, which
might attend the purchase of goods in Philadel-
phia, as no emolument to an individual, they
added, could warrant the hazard to which such
conduct might expose the city. Besides all these
resolves, they published daily statements of the
health of the city, to allay the fears of their fel-
low citizens.
I did not choose to interrupt this account of
the proceedings of the committee of health, to
mention, in order of time, that the clergy of
New York had a meeting, on the 16th of Sep-
tember, and unanimously agreed to set apart
Friday, the 20th, as a day of humiliation, fast-

(44)
ing, and prayer to Almighty God, for the pre-
servation of their city, from the fever, and for
the comfort and support of their brethren in
Philadelphia, in the season of their distress. The
Dutch synod of New York had a meeting the
first week in October, at which they agreed that
those churches under their care, which had not
yet observed a day of fasting and prayer, should
devote the second Wednesday in November to
that purpose.
The inhabitants of Trenton and Lamberton as-
sociated on the 13th of Sept. and on the 17th
passed several resolutions to guard themselves
against the contagion. They resolved that a total
stop should be put to the landing of all persons
from Philadelphia, at any ferry or place from
Lamberton to Howell's ferry, four miles above
Trenton; that the intercourse by water should be
prohibited between Lamberton, or the head of
tide water, and Philadelphia; and that all boats
from Philadelphia, should be prevented from land-
ing either goods or passengers any where between
Bordentown and the head of tide water; that no
person whatever should be permitted to come
from Philadelphia, or Kensington, while the fe-

(45)
ver continued; that all persons who should go
from within the limits of the association, to ei-
ther of those places, should be prevented from
returning during the continuance of the fever;
and finally, that their standing committee should
enquire whether any persons, not inhabitants,
who had lately come from places infected, and
were therefore likely to be infected themselves,
were within the limits of the association, and if
so, that they should be obliged instantly to leave
the said limits. The people of Jersey observed
the 1st of October, as a day of fasting and prayer,
for the same purpose as those of New York.
The 12th of September, the governor of Ma-
ryland published a proclamation, subjecting all
vessels from Philadelphia to the performance
of a quarantine, not exceeding forty days, or
as much less as might be judged safe by the
health officers. It further ordered, that all per-
sons going to Baltimore, to Havre de Grace,
to the head of Elk, or, by any other route,
making their way into that state from Phila-
delphia, or any other place known to be infect-
ed with the malignant fever, should be subject
to be examined, and prevented from proceed-

(46)
ing, by persons to be appointed for that pur-
pose, and who were to take the advice and
opinion of the medical faculty in every case, in
order that private affairs and pursuits might
not be unnecessarily impeded. This proclama-
tion appointed two health officers for Balti-
more.
The people of Baltimore met the 13th of
September, and resolved that none of their ci-
tizens should receive into their houses any per-
sons coming from Philadelphia, or other in-
fected place, without producing a certificate
from the health officer, or officer of patrole;
and that any person who violated that resolve,
should be held up to public view, as a proper
object for the resentment of the town. The
14th, a party of militia was dispatched to take
possession of a pass on the Philadelphia road,
about two miles from Baltimore, to prevent the
entrance of any passengers from Philadelphia
without license. Dr. Worthington, the health
officer stationed at this pass, was directed to re-
fuse permission to persons afflicted with any
malignant complaint, or who had not been ab-
sent from Philadelphia, or other infected place,

(47)
at least seven days. The western shore line of
Philadelphia stages was stopped about the 18th
or 19th.
The 30th, the committee of health resolved
that no inhabitant of Baltimore, who should
visit persons from Philadelphia, while perform-
ing quarantine, should be permitted to enter
the town, until the time of quarantine was ex-
pired, and until it was certainly known that the
persons he had visited were free from the infec-
tion, and that thenceforward no goods capable
of conveying infection, that had been landed or
packed up in Philadelphia, or other infected
place, should be permitted to enter the town—-
nor should any baggage of travellers be admit-
ted, until it had been exposed to the open air
such length of time as the health officer might
direct.
The 25th of September, the inhabitants of
Havre de Grace, resolved that no person should
be allowed to cross the Susquehannah river at that
place, who did not bring a certificate of his not
having lately come from Philadelphia, or any
other infected place; and that the citizens of

(48)
Havre would embody themselves to prevent any
one from crossing without such a certificate.
At Hagerstown, on the 3d of October, it
was resolved, that no citizen should receive into
his house any person coming from Philadelphia,
supposed to be infected with the malignant fe-
ver, until he or she produced a certificate from
a health officer; that should any citizen contra-
vene the above resolution, he should be proscrib-
ed from all society with his fellow citizens; that
the clothing sent to the troops then in that town,
should not be received there, nor suffered to
come within seven miles thereof; that if any
person from Philadelphia, or other infected
place, should arrive there, he should be required
instantly to depart, and in case of refusal or ne-
glect, be compelled to go without delay; that
no merchant, or other person, should be permit-
ted to bring into the town, or open therein,
any goods brought from Philadelphia, or other
infected place, until permitted by the com-
mittee; and that the citizens of the town, and
its vicinity, should enrol themselves as a guard,
and patrole such roads and passes as the commit-
tee should direct.

(49)
The governor of Virginia, on the 17th of
September, issued a proclamation, ordering all
vessels from Philadelphia, the Grenades, and the
island of Tobago, to perform a quarantine of
twenty days, at the anchorage ground, off Cra-
ney island, near the mouth of Elizabeth river.
The corporation of Alexandria stationed a
look-out boat, to prevent all vessels bound to
that port, from approaching nearer than one
mile, until after examination by the health of-
ficer.
The people of Winchester placed guards at
every avenue of the town leading from the Pa-
tomac, to stop all suspected persons, packages,
&c. coming from Philadelphia till the health
officers should inspect them, and either forbid
or allow them to pass.
The legislature of Massachusetts happened to
be actually in session, at the time the alarm
spread; and they accordingly passed an express
act for guarding against the impending danger.
This act directed that the selectmen in the dif-
ferent towns should be authorized to stop and
G

(50)
examine any persons, baggage, merchandize,
or effects, coming, or supposed to be com-
ing into the towns respectively, from Philadel-
phia, or other place infected, or supposed to be
infected; and should it appear to them, or to
any officers whom they should appoint, that
any danger of infection was to be apprehended
from such persons, effects, baggage, or mer-
chandize, they were authorised to detain or
remove the same to such place as they might
see proper, in order that they might be puri-
fied from infection; or to place any persons so
coming, in such places, and under such regu-
lations as they might judge necessary for the
public safety. In pursuance of this act, the go-
vernor issued a proclamation to carry it into ef-
fect, the 21st of September.
The selectmen of Boston, on the 24th, pub-
lished their regulations of quarantine, which
ordered, that on the arrival of any vessel from
Philadelphia, she should be detained at, or near
Rainsford's Island, to perform a quarantine not
exceeding thirty days, during which time she
should be cleansed with vinegar, and the ex-
plosion of gunpowder between the decks and

(51)
In the cabin, even though there were no sick
persons on board; that in case there should be
sick on board, they should be removed to an
hospital, where they should be detained till
they recovered, or were long enough to ascer-
tain that they had not the infection; that every
vessel, performing quarantine, should be de-
prived of its boat, and no boat suffered to ap-
proach it, but by special permission; that if any
person should escape, he should be instantly ad-
vertised, in order that he might be apprehended;
that any persons coming by land from Philadel-
phia, should not be allowed to enter Boston,
until twenty-one days after their arrival, and
their effects, baggage, and merchandize should
be opened, washed, and fumigated with vinegar
and repeated explosions of gunpowder. In the
conclusion, the selectmen called upon the inhabi-
tants " to use their utmost vigilance and activity
to bring to condign punishment any person who
should be so daring and loft to every idea of
humanity, as to come into the town from any
place supposed to be infected, thereby endanger-
ing the lives of their fellow men."
The governor of Rhode Island, the 21st of

(52)
September, issued a proclamation, directing the
town councils and other officers, to use their
utmost vigilance to cause the law to prevent
the spreading of contagious disorders to be most
strictly executed, more especially with respect
to all vessels which should arrive in that state
from the West Indies, Philadelphia, and New-
York; the extension to the latter place was ow-
ing to the danger apprehended from the inter-
course between it and Philadelphia.
The 28th of September, the governor of
North Carolina published his proclamation, re-
quiring the commissioners of navigation in the
different ports, and the commissioners of the
different towns in the said state, to appoint cer-
tain places, where all vessels from the port of
Philadelphia, or any other place where the ma-
lignant fever might prevail, should perform
quarantine for such number of days as they
might think proper.
The inhabitants of Charleston do not seem to
have been far behind their neighbours, in their
apprehensions or their cautions. The 8th of Oct,
they had a meeting, at which they resolved,

(53)
that no vessel from the river Delaware, either
directly or after having touched at any other
port of the united states, should be permitted
to pass Charleston bar, till the citizens have
again assembled, and declared themselves satis-
fied that the disorder has ceased in Philadelphia,
If any vessel, contrary thereto, should cross the
bar, his excellency should be requested to com-
pel it to quit the port, and return to sea. Be-
fore this meeting, vessels from Philadelphia had
been obliged to perform quarantine; but by
what regulation, I cannot ascertain.
The governor of Georgia, on the 4th of
October, published a proclamation, ordering all
vessels from Philadelphia, which should arrive
in Savannah river, to remain in Tybee creek, or
in other parts at like distance from the town,
until the health officer of the port should, on
examination, certify, that no malignant or con-
tagious disease was on board. All persons con-
travening this proclamation, were to be prose-
cuted, and subjected to the pains and penalties
by law pointed out.
The people of Augusta, in that state, were

(54)
as active and vigilant as their northern neigh-
bours, to guard against the threatening dangers.
While our citizens were thus proscribed in se-
veral cities and towns—-hunted up like felons in
some—-and debarred admittance and turned
back in others, whether found or infected—-it
is with extreme satisfaction I have to record a
conduct totally different, which cannot fail to
make an indelible impression on the minds of
the people of Philadelphia, and  call forth the
most lively emotions of gratitude.
A respectable number of the inhabitants of
Springfield, in New Jersey, met the first day
of October, and after a full consideration of the
distresses of our citizens, passed a resolve, offer-
ing their town as an asylum to the people flying
from Philadelphia, and directing their commit-
tee to provide a suitable place as an hospital for
such of them as might be seized with the pre-
vailing malignant fever.
I have been informed, by a person of credit,
that the inhabitants of Elizabeth town have
pursued the same liberal plan, as those of
Springfield; but have not been able to procure

(55)
a copy of their resolves or proceedings on the
subject.
An asylum has likewise been offered to Phila-
delphians, by several of the inhabitants of Elk-
ton, in Maryland; and the offer was couched
in terms of the utmost sympathy for our suf-
ferings.
The instances of this kind, through this ex-
tensive country, have been very few; but they
are therefore only the more precious, and
ought to be held up to public approbation.
May they operate on people, at a future day,
in similar cases of dreadful calamity--and
teach them to temper their caution with as
much humanity and tenderness to the distressed
fugitives, as prudence will allow-—and not in-
volve in one indiscriminate proscription the
healthy and infected.
In the mean time, the situation of affairs in
Philadelphia, became daily more and more seri-
ous. The three guardians of the poor for the
city, who, as I have said, continued to act, were
quite oppressed with the labours of their office,
which increased to such a degree, that they 

(56)
Were utterly unable to execute them. The num-
ber of diseased persons became very great.
Owing to the general terror, nurses, carters,
and attendants could hardly be procured. Thus
circumstanced, the mayor of the city, on the
10th of September, published an address to the
citizens, announcing that the guardians of the
poor, who remained, were in distress for want
of assistance, and inviting such benevolent citi-
zens as felt for the general distress, to lend their
aid. In consequence of this advertisement, a
meeting of the citizens was held at the city
hall, on the 12th of September, at which very
few attended, from the univeral consternation
that prevailed. The state of the poor was fully
considered; and ten citizens, Israel Israel, Sa-
muel Wetherill, Thomas Wistar, Andrew Ad-
gate, Caleb Lownes, Henry Deforest, Thomas
Peters, Joseph Inskeep, Stephen Girard, and
John Mason, offered themselves to assist the
guardians of the poor. At this meeting, a com-
mittee was appointed to confer with the physi-
cians who had the care of Bush-hill. This
committee reported next evening, that the
hospital was in very bad order, and in want of
almost every thing. 

(57)
The 14th, another meeting was held, when the
urgent necessities of the sick being fully conside-
dered, it was resolved to borrow 1500 dollars of
the bank of North America, for the purpose of
procuring suitable accommodations for the use
of persons afflicted with the prevailing malig-
nant fever. At this meeting, a committee was
appointed to transact the whole of the business
relative to the relief of the sick, and the procu-
ring of physicians, nurses, attendants, &c. This
is the committee, which, by virtue of that ap-
pointment, has from that day to the present
time, watched over the sick, the poor, the wi-
dow, and the orphan. It is worthy of remark,
and may encourage others in times of public ca-
lamity, that this committee consisted originally
of only twenty-six persons, men taken from
the middle walks of life, and of the moderate
pitch of abilities; of these, four, Andrew Ad-
gate, Jonathan Dickinson Sargeant, Daniel Of-
fley, and Jofeph Inskeep, died, the two first at
an early period of their labours—-and four ne-
ver attended to the appointment. " The heat
and burden of the day" have therefore been
borne by eighteen persons, whose exertions have
been so highly favoured by providence, that
H

(58)
they have been the instruments of averting the
progress of destruction, eminently relieving the
distressed, and restoring confidence to the ter-
rified inhabitants of Philadelphia. It is honoura-
ble to this committee, that from the time of
their organization to the present, they have li-
ved together in more harmony than is generally
to be met with in public bodies of equal num-
ber.
Never, perhaps, was there a city in the situ-
ation of Philadelphia at this period. The presi-
dent of the united states, according to his an-
nual custom, had removed to Mount Vernon
with his household. Most, if not all of the
other officers of the federal government were
absent. The governor, who had been sick, had
gone, by directions of his physician, to his coun-
try feat near the falls of Schuylkill—and nearly
the whole of the officers of the state had likewise
retired.—The magistrates of the city, except
the mayor, and John Barclay, esq. were away, as
were most of those of the liberties. Of the situa-
tion of the guardians of the poor I have already
made mention. In fact, government of every
kind was almost wholly vacated, and seemed, by
universal consent, to be vested in the committee.

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On the 15th, the committee resolved, that
three members of their board should attend
daily at the city hall, to receive applications
for relief, to provide for the burial of the dead,
and the conveyance to Bushhill of all persons la-
bouring under the fever, who might be willing
to go there. This order was soon rescinded, it
being found necessary for all the members to at-
tend at the hall.
This day, a circumstance occurred, to which
the most glowing pencil could hardly do justice.
Stephen Girard, a wealthy merchant, a native of
France, touched with the wretched situation of
the sufferers at Bushhill, voluntarily and unex-
pectedly offered to superintend that hospital. The
surprise and satisfaction, excited by this extraor-
dinary effort of humanity, can be better con-
ceived than expressed. Peter Helm, a native of
Pennsylvania, actuated by the like benevolent
motives, offered, his services in the same depart-
ment. Their offers were accepted, and the same
afternoon they entered on the execution of
their dangerous and praiseworthy office.
To form a just estimate of the value of the
offer of these men, it is necessary to take into

(60)
full consideration the general confirmation,
which at that period pervaded every quarter of
the city, and which made attendance on the sick
be regarded as little less than a certain sacrifice.
Uninfluenced by any reflexions of this kind, with-
out any possible inducement but the purest motives
of humanity, they came forward, and offered
themselves as the forlorn hope of the committee.
I trust that the gratitude of their fellow citizens
will remain as long as the memory of their bene-
ficent conduct, which I hope will not die with the
present generation. While I am on this subject,
let me add, that from the time of undertaking
this office to the present, they have attended un-
interruptedly, for six, seven, or eight hours a day,
renouncing almost every care of private affairs.
They have had a laborious tour of duty to
perform—to encourage and comfort the sick--to
hand them necessaries arid medicines—-to wipe
the sweat off their brows—-and to perform
many disgusting offices of kindness for them,
which nothing could render tolerable, but the
exalted motives that impelled them to this
heroic conduct.
On the 16th, the managers of Bushhill, after

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personal inflection of the state of affairs there,
made report of its situation, which was truly
deplorable. It exhibited as wretched a picture
of human misery as ever existed. A profligate,
abandoned set of nurses and attendants ( hardly
any of good character could at that time be
procured,) rioted on the provisions and com-
forts, prepared for the sick, who (unless at the
hours when the doctors attended) were left al-
most entirely destitute of every assistance. The
dying and dead were indiscriminately mingled
together. The ordure and other evacuations of
the sick, were allowed to remain in the most
offensive state imaginable. Not the smallest ap-
pearance of order or regularity existed. It was,
in fact, a great human laughter house, where
numerous victims were immolated at the altar
of riot and intemperance. No wonder, then,
that a general dread of the place prevailed
through the city, and that a removal to it was
considered as the seal of death. In consequence,
there were various instances of sick persons
locking their rooms, and resisting every attempt
to carry them away. At length, the poor were
so much afraid of being sent to Bushhill, that
they would not acknowledge their illness, 'till

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it was no longer possible to conceal it. For it is
to be observed, that the fear of the contagion
was so prevalent, that as soon as any one was
taken sick, an alarm was spread among the
neighbours, and every effort was used to have
the sick person hurried off to Bushhill, to avoid
spreading the disorder. The cases of poor peo-
ple forced in this way to that hospital,
though labouring under only common colds,
and common fall fevers, are numerous and af-
flicting. There were not wanting instances of
persons, only slightly ill, being sent to Bushhill,
by their panic-struck neighbours, and embra-
cing the first opportunity of running back to
Philadelphia. But the case was soon altered un-
der the direction of the two managers, Girard
and Helm. They introduced such order and
regularity, and had the patients treated with so
much care and tenderness, that they retrieved
the character of the hospital; and in the course
of a week or two, numbers of sick people, who
had not at home proper persons to nurse them,
applied to be sent to Bushhill. Indeed, in the end
so many people, who were afflicted with other
disorders, procured admittance there, that it be-
came necessary to pass a resolve, that before an

(63)
order of admission should be granted, a certifi-
cate must be produced from a physician, that
the patient laboured under the malignant fever.
The committee sat daily at the city hall, and
engaged a number of carts to convey the dead
to a place of interment, and the sick to the hos-
pital. From their organization to the present
time, they have most unremittingly attended
to the discharge of the trust reposed in them.
Neither the regular increase of deaths till to-
wards the middle of October, nor the afflicting
loss of four very active members, in quick suc-
cession, appalled them. That the mortality would
have been incomparably greater, but for their
active interposition, is beyond doubt; as most
of those who went to Bushhill, and died there,
would have otherwise died in the city, and
spread the contagion: and the dead bodies
would have remained putrifying in deserted
houses in every part of the city, and operated
as dreadfully as the plague itself. In fact, at the
time they entered on the execution of the dan-
gerous office they undertook, there were found
several bodies that had lain in this state for two,
three, and four days.

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In the progress of the disorder, the committee
found the calls on their humanity increase. The
numerous deaths of heads of families left a very
large body of children in a most abandoned, for-
lorn state. The bettering house, in which such
helpless objects have been usually placed hereto-
fore, was barred against them, by the order which
I have already mentioned. Many of these little
innocents were actually suffering for want of
even common necessaries. The deaths of their
parents and protectors, which should have been
the strongest recommendation to public charity,
was the very reason of their distress, and of their
being shunned as a pestilence. The children of a
family once in easy circumstances, were found
in a blacksmith's shop, squalid, dirty, and half
starved, having been for a considerable time
without even bread to eat. Various instances of
a similar nature occurred. This evil early caught
the attention of the committee; and on the 19th
of September, they hired a house in Fifth-street,
in which they placed thirteen children. The
number increasing, on the 3d of October, they
procured the Loganian library, which was ge-
nerously given up by John Swanwick, Esq. for
the purpose of an orphan house. A further in-

(65)
crease of their little charge, rendered it necessary
to build some additions to the library, which are
now finished, and are nearly half as large as that
building. At present, there are in the house, un-
der the care of the orphan committee, above
eighty children, and about forty are out with
wet nurses. From the origin of the institution,
one hundred and sixty children have fallen un-
der their care, of whom seven are dead, all of
whom, except one, were sucking children; and
about thirty have been delivered to their relati-
ons or friends. There are instances of five and
six children of a single family in the house.
Another duty soon attracted the attention of
the committee. The flight of so many of our ci-
tizens, the consequent stagnation of business, and
the almost total cessation of the labours of the
guardians of the poor, brought on among the
lower classes of the people, a great degree of
distress, which loudly demanded the interposi-
tion of the humane. In consequence, on the
20th of September, a sub-committee of distribu-
tion was appointed, to furnish such assistance to
deserving objects as their respective cases might
I 

(66)
require, and the funds allow*. This was at first
administered sparingly, owing to the confined
state of their finances. But the very extraordi-
nary liberality of our fugitive fellow citizens, of
the citizens of New York, and of those of va-
rious towns and townships, encouraged the
committee to extend their views. And frequent
impositions being attempted on them, they, on
the 14th of October, called to their assistance a
number of respectable characters in the different
parts of the city and liberties, to seek out and
give recommendations to deserving objects in
distress. These gentlemen have undertaken this
troublesome office, which they execute with so
much circumspection, as to defeat the arts of
impostors. At present, there are about twelve
hundred people relieved weekly, most of whom
have considerable families, some of four, six
and eight persons. The number, therefore, de-
pending on the committee for assistance, is pro-
bably above four thousand. The gradual revival
NOTE.
* They had, in addition to the first loan from the bank
of North America, borrowed 5000 dollars from the same
institution, making in the whole 6500. 

(67)
of business promises to rescue some of these peo-
ple speedily from the humiliation of a depen-
dence on public charity; and the organization
of the guardians of the poor will make provisi-
on for the remainder.
From this time, the proceedings of the com-
mittee went on in a regular, uniform tenor,
every day like the past, without any thing re-
markable occurring, worth recording. For above
five weeks of the time they have been employ-
ed, the most dreary prospects appeared before
them. The number of persons to be removed to
Bushhill daily, was for a long time from twenty
to thirty-—and the number to be buried by
their carters, was often equal. These two cir-
cumstances, the removals to the hospital, and
the persons buried from the city-hall, were re-
garded as the barometer, by which to judge of
the state of the disease, and in general they
were a just one.
The week, beginning Sunday the 27th of
October, proved for the most part cold and raw,
Northerly winds generally prevailed. Thursday
and Friday, there was a considerable fall of rain.

(68)
A visible alteration has already taken place in
the state of affairs in the city. Our friends return
in crouds. Every hour, long-absent and welcome
faces appear—-and in many instances, those of
persons, whom public same has buried for weeks
past. The stores, so long closed, are opening fast.
Some of the country merchants, bolder than
others, are daily venturing in to their old place
of supply. Market-street is almost as full of wag-
gons as usual. The custom house, for weeks near-
ly deserted by our mercantile people, is throng-
ed by citizens entering their vessels and goods
—-the streets, too long the abode of gloom and
despair, have assumed the bustle suitable to
the season. The arrival in the city of our be-
loved president gives us a flattering prospect
of the next session of congress being held
here. And, in fine, as every thing, in the
early stage of the disorder, seemed calculated
to add to the general consternation; so now, on
the contrary, every circumstance has a tendency
to revive the courage and hopes of our citizens.
But we have to lament, that the same spirit of
exaggeration and lying, that prevailed at a for-
mer period, and was the grand cause of the
harsh measures adopted by our sister states, has

(69)
not ceased to operate; for at the present mo-
ment, when the danger is entirely done away,
the credulous of our own citizens still absent,
and of the country people, are still alarmed by
frightful rumours, of the disorder raging with
as much violence as ever; of numbers carried
off, a few hours after their return; and of new
cases daily occurring. To what design to attri-
bute these shameful tales, I know not. Were I to
regard them in a spirit of resentment, I should
be inclined to charge them to some secret, inter-
ested views of their authors, intent, if possible,
to effect the entire destruction of our city. But
I will not allow myself to consider them in this
point of light-—and will even suppose they arise
from a proneness to terrific narration, natural
to some men. But they should consider, that we
are in the situation of the frogs in the fable—
while these tales, which make the hair of the
country people stand on end, are sport to the fa-
bricators, they are death to us. And I here assert,
and defy contradiction, that of the whole num-
ber of our sugitive citizens, who have already
returned, amounting to some thousands, not
above two are dead—-and these owe their fate
to the most shameful neglect of airing and

(70)
cleansing their houses, notwithstanding the vari-
ous cautions published by the committee. If peo-
ple will venture into houses in which infected air
has been pent up for weeks together, without
any purification, we cannot be surprized at the
consequences, however fatal they may be. But
let not the catastrophe of a few incautious per-
sons operate to bring discredit on a city contain-
ing above fifty thousand people.
At the time of writing these lines, the 10th of
November, the committee look forward with
pleasure to the moment of surrendering up their
trust to a town meeting of their fellow citizens,
the constituents by whom they were called into
the extraordinary office they have filled. To
them they will give an account of their stew-
ardship in a time of distress, the like of which
heaven avert from the people of America for-
ever. They hope a candid construction will be
put upon their conduct—-and that it will be be-
lieved that they have acted in every case that
has come under their cognizance, according
to the best of their judgment.
The sympathy for our calamities displayed in

(71)
various places, reflects the highest honour off
their inhabitants, and demands our warmest
gratitude. The inhabitants of Gloucester county
in New Jersey, have the honour of being first
in this laudable race. So early as the 30th of
September, they had a considerable sum collect-
ed, with which they purchased a quantity of
provisions for the use of the hospital at Bush-
hill. They have from that time regularly con-
tinued copious supplies twice a week. From a
few citizens of Philadelphia, near Germantown,
there have been received two thousand dollars;
from others near Darby, fourteen hundred;
from New York, five thousand; from a person
unknown, five hundred; from Bucks' county
sixteen hundred; from Delaware county twelve
hundred; from Franklin county nearly five hum
dred; from Boston sundry articles, estimated
at twenty-five hundred; and from sundry other
persons and places, contributions equally liberal
and honourable.
The disorder raged with increased violence, as
the season advanced towards the mild fall
months. In the month of September, the mor-
tality was much greater than in August, and
still greater in October, to the 25th, than in Sep-

(72)
tember. What is very particularly worthy of
attention, is, that though all the hopes of the
citizens rested on cold and rain, especially the
latter, yet the disorder was extinguished with
hardly any rain, and a very moderate degree of
cold. The 26th may be set down as the day
when the virulence of the fever expired. The
deaths afterwards were mostly of those
long sick. Hardly any persons have since ta-
ken it. That day was as warm as many of the
most fatal ones in the early part of the month.
To account for this is perhaps above our power.
In fact, the whole of the disorder, from its first
appearance to its final close, has set human wis-
dom and calculation at defiance.
Rarely has it happened, that so large a pro-
portion of the gentlemen of the faculty have
sunk beneath the labours of their very dange-
rous profession, as on this occasion. In little more
than a month, exclusive of medical students, no
less than ten physicians have been swept off, doc-
tors Hutchinson, Morris, Linn, Pennington,
Dodds, Johnson, Glentworth, Phile, Graham,
and Green. Hardly one of the practising doctors
that remained in the city, escaped sickness—-
some were three, four, and five times confined.

(73)
To the clergy it has likewise proved very
fatal. Exposed, in the exercise of the last duties
to the dying, to equal danger with the physici-
ans, it is not surprising that so many of them
have fallen. Their names are, the rev. Alexander
Murry, of the protestant episcopal church—-the
rev. F. A. Fleming and the rev. Laurence
Graessl of the Roman catholic-—the rev. John
Winkhause, of the German reformed—-the rev.
James Sproat, of the presbyterian—-the rev.
William Dougherty, of the methodist church—-
and five preachers of the Friends society, Da-
niel Ossley, Huson Langstroth, Michael Minier,
Rebecca Jones, and Charles Williams. Seven
clergymen have been in the greatest danger
from this disorder, the rev. R. Blackwell rev.
Joseph Pilmore, rev. William Rogers, rev.
Christopher V. Keating, rev. Frederic Schmidt,
the rev. Joseph Turner, and the rev. Robert
Annan; but they have all recovered.
Among the women, the mortality has not by
any means been so great, as among the men*.
NOTE.
* In many congregations, the deaths of men have been
twice as numerous as those of women.
K

(74)
nor among the old and infirm as among the mid-
dle-aged and robust.
To tipplers and drunkards, and to men who
lived high, and were of a corpulent habit of
body, this disorder was very fatal. Of these,
many were seized, and the recoveries were very
rare.
To the filles de joie, it has been equally fatal.
The wretched debilitated state of their constitu-
tions, rendered them an easy prey to this dread-
ful disorder, which very soon terminated their
miserable career.
It has been dreadfully destructive among the
poor. It is very probable, that at least seven
eighths of the number of the dead, were of
that class. The inhabitants of dirty houses
have severely expiated their neglect of cleanli-
ness and decency, by the numbers of them that
have fallen sacrifices. Whole families in such
houses have funk into one silent, undistinguish-
ing grave.
The mortality in confined streets, small al-

(75)
lies, and close houses, debarred of a free circu-
lation of air, has exceeded, in a great proportion,
that in the large streets and well-aired houses. In
some of the allies, a third or fourth of the whole
of the inhabitants are no more. In 30 houses, the
whole number in Pewter Platter alley, 32 peo-
ple died: and in Market-street, in 170 houses,
only 39. The streets in the suburbs that had the
benefit of the country air, especially towards the
west part of the city, have suffered little. Of the
wide, airy streets, none lost so many people as
Arch, near Water-street, which may be account-
ed for by its proximity to the original seat of the
disorder. It is to be particularly remarked, that
in general, the more remote the streets were
from Water street, the less they experienced
of the calamity.
From the effects of this disorder, the French
settled in Philadelphia, have been in a very re-
markable degree exempt. To what this may be
owing, is a subject deferring particular investiga-
tion. By some it has been ascribed to their de-
spising the danger. But, though this may have
had some effect, it will not certainly account
for it altogether; as it is well known that

(76)
many of the most courageous persons in Phila-
delphia, have been among its victims. By many
of the French, the prevalence and mortality of
the disorder have been attributed to the vast
quantities of crude and unwholesome fruits
brought to our markets, and consumed by all
classes of people.
The effect of fear in predisposing the body
for this and other disorders, and increasing their
malignance, when taken, is well known. The
following exception to the general rule, for the
truth of which I pledge myself, is curious and
interesting. A young woman, whose fears were
so very prevalent, as not only to render her un-
happy from the commencement of the disorder,
but even to interfere with the happiness of the
family with whom she lived, had to attend on
seven persons, all of whom were in a very dan-
gerous state, and one of whom died. Her at-
tendance was assiduous and unremitted for
nearly three weeks. Yet she has never been in
the slightest degree affected.
At an early stage of the disorder, the elders
of the African church met, and offered their

(77)
services to the mayor, to procure nurses for
the sick, and to assist in burying the dead.
Their offers were accepted; and Absalom Jones
and Richard Allen undertook the former de-
partment, that of furnishing nurses, and Wil-
liam Gray, the latter-—the interment of the
dead. The great demand for nurses afforded
an opportunity for imposition, which was eager-
ly seized by some of the vilest of the blacks.
They extorted two, three, four, and even five
dollars a night for attendance, which would
have been well paid by a single dollar. Some of
them were even detected in plundering the
houses of the sick. But it is wrong to cast a
censure on the whole for this sort of conduct, as
many people have done. The services of Jones,
Allen, and Gray, and others of their colour,
have been very great, and demand public grati-
tude.
When the yellow fever prevailed in South
Carolina, the negroes, according to that accu-
rate observer, Dr. Lining, were wholly free
from it. " There is something very singular
" in the constitution of the negroes," says he,
" which renders them not liable to this fever;

(78)
" for though many of them were as much ex-
" posed as the nurses to this infection; yet I
" never knew one instance of this fever among
" them, though they are equally subject with
" the white people to the bilious fever."* The
same idea prevailed for a considerable time in
Philadelphia; but it was erroneous. They did
not escape the disorder; however, the number
of them that were seized with it, was not great;
and, as I am informed by an eminent doctor,
" it yielded to the power of medicine in them
" more easily than in the whites."
Those who reflect on the many revolting ca-
ses of cruelty and desertion of friends and re-
lations which occurred in Philadelphia, how-
ever they may regret, cannot be surprised, that
in the country and in various towns and cities,
inhumanity should be experienced by Philadel-
phians from strangers. The universal conster-
nation extinguished in people's breasts the
most honourable feelings of human nature;
and in this case, as in various others, the suf-
NOTE.
* Essays and observations, vol. II. page 407.

(79)
picion operated as injuriously as the reality.
Many travellers from this city, exhausted with
fatigue and with hunger, have been refused
all shelter and all sustenance, and have fallen
victims to the fears, not to the want of cha-
rity, of those to whom they applied for re-
lief. Instances of this kind have occurred on
almost every road leading from Philadelphia.
People under suspicion of having this disorder,
have been forced by their fellow travellers to
quit the stages, and perished in the woods
without a possibility of procuring any assistance.
At Easton, in Maryland, a waggon-load of
goods from Philadelphia, was actually burn-
ed; and a woman, who came with it, was tar-
red and feathered*.
There is one fact respecting this disorder,
which renders it probable, that the exercise of
the duties of humanity towards the fugitive
Philadelphians, would not have been attended
with the danger universally imagined. In defi-
NOTE.
* Through misinformation, this atrocious circumstance
was dated in the former edition to have happened as
Milford, in Delaware state.

(80)
ance of all the resolutions entered into by the in-
habitants of various towns, many of our infect-
ed citizens evaded their vigilance, and took re-
fuge among them, and in only one or two ca-
ses is it known that they communicated the
infection—and even in these not mortally.
Three persons from Philadelphia died of this
disorder, in one house at Woodbury, in New
Jersey; they had been attended during their
illness by the family, none of whom caught the
infection. Six or seven died at Darby, as ma-
ny at Germantown, and eight at Haddonfield,
without communicating it to any of the inhabi-
tants. A man from Philadelphia, of the name
of Cornell, died in New York, about two days
after his arrival. The place of his death was
a boarding house, in which were a number of
boarders, one of whom slept in the same bed
with him. Two of the family only were slight-
ly affected—-but not in such a degree as to re-
quire medical aid. Three other infected per-
sons from our city, who, when discovered,
were removed to Governor's island, died there,
and no one took the disorder from them. A
man died at one of the principal taverns in Bal-
timore, of the same disorder. Many people had

(81)
visited and attended him during the whole of
his illness, without injury. No person was af-
fected but his doctor, whose indisposition was
not of long continuance. A great number of
similar instances have occurred at Burlington,
Bordenton, Lamberton, Princeton Brunswic,
Woodbridge, Newark, Lancaster, and various
other places, and in no case, except those at Bal-
timore and New York, has the infection spread.
The terror that prevailed in Philadelphia,
and which was spread through the continent,
arose from the fatality of the disorder at first,
very few of those who took it then having esca-
ped. This, with all deference to the medical
gentlemen, arose probably from their being un-
acquainted with it. That this was the case, is
candidly acknowledged by several of the most
eminent among them. The fact is, that the ter-
ror was at no time greater, than about the end
of August, at which period, the deaths did not
very far exceed the usual number in that month.
When the mortality raged most dreadfully,
from the middle of September to the middle of
October, the public were much less alarmed,
owing to the occurrence of several recoveries,
L

(82)
and their becoming callous by the force of ha-
bit. During this time it was, that all the spon-
ges, smelling bottles, handkerchiefs steeped in
vinegar, camphor bags, &c. disappeared.
The state of the police and of society in Phila-
delphia, appears to no small advantage, when
we consider one circumstance. Notwithstanding
the absence of the magistrates, and the immense
value of property left unprotected through the
fears of the owners, and the deaths of the per-
sons left to take care of it, we have as yet heard
of only one or two burglaries committed.—-
Another was attempted, but the plunderers
were discovered and taken. A hardened villain
from a neighbouring state, formed a plot with
some negroes to plunder houses. He was a matter
rogue, had digested a complete system, and
formed a large partnership for the more success-
ful execution of his schemes. However he was
soon seized, and the company dissolved.
The jail of Philadelphia is under such excel-
lent regulation, that the disorder made its ap-
pearance there only in two or three instances,
although such abodes of misery are the places

(83)
where contagious disorders are most commonly
generated. When the yellow fever raged most
violently in the city, there were in the jail one
hundred and six French soldiers and sailors,
confined by order of the French consul, be-
sides eighty convicts, vagrants, and persons
for trial; all of whom, except two or three,
remained perfectly free from the complaint.
Several circumstances have conspired to pro-
duce this salutary effect. The people confined
are frequently cleansed and purified by the use
of the cold bath—-they are kept constantly em-
ployed-—vegetables form a considerable part of
their diet—-in the yard, vegetation flourishes
—-and many of them being employed in stone
cutting, the water, constantly running, keeps
the atmosphere in a moist state, while the peo-
ple of Philadelphia have been uninterruptedly
parched up by unceasing heat. Elijah Weed,
the late jailor, caught the disorder in the city,
in the performance of the paternal duties to-
wards his daughter, and died in the jail,
without communicating it to any of the people
confined. I hope I shall be pardoned for pay-
ing a tribute to the memory of this valuable
citizen, under whose government of the jail,

(84)
and with whose hearty co-operation, most of
the regulations in that institution have been
effected, which, with the successful experi-
ments made in England, prove that jails may
be easily converted from sinks of human depra-
vity and Wretchedness, into places of reforma-
tion; so that, instead of rendering the idle
vagrant, confined merely on suspicion, or for
want of friends to protect him, obdurate,
wicked, and ripe for rapine and spoil, the
profligate and abandoned may leave them in a
situation to become useful members of society.
For the honour of human nature, it ought to
be recorded, that some of the convicts in the
jail, a part of the term of whose confinement
had been remitted as a reward for their peace-
able, orderly behaviour, voluntarily offered
themselves as nurses to attend the sick at Bush-
hill, and have in that capacity conducted
themselves with so much fidelity and tender-
ness, that they have had the repeated thanks
of the managers. Among them are some who
were formerly regarded, and with justice, as har-
dened abandoned villains, which the old system
was calculated to make every tenant of a jail,
who remained there a few weeks. According

(85)
to the same summary system, these men's lives
would have been long since offered up as an
atonement to society for the injury they had
done it. That is, in plain English, because so-
ciety had suffered one injury by rapine, it
was necessary it should suffer another by law.
But by the improved plan, they and great num-
bers of others are restored to society and
usefulness once more. So much better, although
not quite so easy, is it to reform men, than to
butcher them under colour of law and justice.
In the summer of 1791, the yellow fever pre-
vailed in New York, in a part of Water-street;
and in proportion to the sphere of its action
was as fatal there as it has been here. It began
in August, and continued till the middle of
September, when it totally disappeared, and
has never since visited that place. This should
ease the fears of many among us, who, always
viewing the black side of every thing, terrify
people with their prognostications, that we
shall have it again next spring or summer.
All the symptoms were full as dangerous and
alarming in New York, as in Philadelphia.
Many persons died in three days ; " stupor,

(86)
" delirium, yellowness, the black vomit, and
" death, rapidly succeeding each other." ‡ It
spread no farther at that time, than the one
street, although no precautions, as far as I can
learn, were taken to prevent its extension.
The same species of disorder raged in this city
in 1762, with great violence. It disappeared in
the month of November, and has not from
that time until the present year visited Phila-
delphia.
The summer and fall of this year have been
unhealthy in many parts of the union, as well
as in Philadelphia. At Lynn, in Massachusetts,
I have been informed, but have no means of
ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the re-
port, that a malignant fever, not unlike ours,
prevailed in August. In many of the towns of
Virginia, fevers and agues have been much
more prevalent and dangerous then they have
been at former periods. Georgetown and its
vicinity, which are in general very healthy, lost,
NOTE.
‡ Letter from a physician in New York, to his friend
in New Jersey, Federal Gazette, Sept. 21, 1793.

(87)
in the course of a few weeks in summer, an un-
exampled number of people by the flux, which
disorder has raged with great violence in many
other places. The influenza has spread general-
ly through the union, and been very fatal. It
has been twice in Vermont, where likewise the
putrid sore throat has carried off numbers. At
Harrisburg and Middletown, in this state, the
flux and a putrid fever have been extremely
destructive, and swept away, I am credibly in-
formed, a fifteenth part of the inhabitants. De-
laware state, particularly Kent county, has suffer-
ed much from fall fevers, which have produ-
ced a very great mortality. And various other
places have experienced a mortality, very un-
common, and which, but for the calamity of
Philadelphia absorbing public attention every
where, would have created great alarms and
uneasiness.
Although the proceedings of many people in
Philadelphia have been strongly tinctured with
cruelty, and a total dereliction of every princi-
ple of humanity, yet the general conduct has not
been so shocking as in London during the
plague. In that city, when a house was known to

(88)
have an infected person in it, it was fattened up,
and a guard placed at the door, to prevent any one
from coming out, until after a quarantine of 40
days; and if, during that time, any other was
infected, a new quarantine was imposed. Thus
entire families fell sacrifices to an order, equal-
ly senseless and cruel; and by these means, dead
bodies lay often for weeks together in the most
dreadful and noxious state of putrefaction.
Such odious orders existed not in Philadel-
phia. However, there have been various instan-
ces of houses being left to the care of a servant
or two, who fell sick, and having no means of
communicating their distresses to the neigh-
bours, perished for want of assistance.
I have learned with great pleasure, that a few
landlords, commiserating the distresses of their
tenants, have come to the very humane reso-
lution of remitting the payment of rents du-
ring the prevalence of the disorder. Were they
to enter into resolutions generally to do the
same, it would reflect honour on them. But there
are some whose hardened hearts know no com-
passion, and who will have " the pound of
" flesh-—the penalty of the bond." Indeed,

(89)
when the disorder was at the highest stage,
some landlords seized the small property of
poor room keepers, who were totally unable
to pay their rent. One man wrote to the com-
mittee, informing them that the poverty of his
tenants rendered it impossible for them to
pay him; he therefore begged the commit-
tee would, as they were appointed to relieve
the poor, pay the arrearages due him!
Another person, a wealthy widow, produced
recommendations for some poor roomkeepers,
her tenants; and the committee gave them
each a small sum. As soon as they had received
it, she seized the money and their clothes!
As I have been obliged to note a variety
of horrid circumstances, which have a ten-
dency to throw a shade over the human charac-
ter, it is proper to reflect a little light on the
subject, wherever justice and truth will per-
mit. Amidst the general desertion that prevail-
ed, there were to be found many illustrious
instances of men and women, some in the mid-
dle, others in the lower spheres of life, who,
in the exercise of the duties of humanity,
exposed themselves to dangers, which terri-
M

(90)
fied men, who have hundreds of times faced
death without fear, in the field of battle.
Some of them, alas! have fallen in the good
cause! But why should they be regretted! ne-
ver could they have fallen more gloriously.
Foremost in this noble groupe stands Joseph In-
skeep, a most excellent man in every of the so-
cial relations, of citizen, brother, husband, and
friend—-To the sick and the forsaken, whether
he was acquainted with them or not, has he
devoted his hours, to relieve and comfort them
in their tribulation. Numerous are the instan-
ces of men restored, by his kind cares and at-
tention to their families from the very jaws, of
death.-—In various cases has he been obliged
to put dead bodies into coffins, when no other
person could be had to perform that office. An-
drew Adgate's merit in the same way, was
conspicuous, and of the last importance to num-
bers of distressed creatures, bereft of every
other comfort. Of those worthy men, Wilson,
and Tomkins, I have already spoken. The rev.
mr. Fleming and the rev. mr. Winkhause,
exhausted themselves by a succession of labours,
day and night, attending on the sick, and mi-
nistering relief to their spiritual and temporal

(91)
wants. Of those who have happily survived their
dangers, and are preserved to their fellow citi-
zens, I shall mention a few. They enjoy the su-
preme reward of a self-approving conscience;
and I readily believe, that in the most secret
recesses, remote from the public eye, they would
have done the same. But next to the sense
of having done well, is the approbation
of our friends and fellow men; and when the
debt is great, and the only payment that can be
made is applause, it is surely the worst species of
avarice, to withhold it. We are always ready, too
ready to bestow censure—-and, as if anxious
lest we should not give enough, we generally
heap the measure. When we are so solicitous
to deter by reproach from folly, vice, and crime,
why not be equally disposed to stimulate to vir-
tue and heroism, by freely bestowing the well-
earned plaudit? The rev. Henry Helmuth's
merits are of the most exalted kind. His whole
time, during the prevalence of the disorder,
was spent in the performance of the works of
mercy, visiting and relieving the sick, comfort-
ing the afflicted, and feeding the hungry. Of
his congregation, some hundreds have paid the
last debt to nature, since the malignant fever

(92)
began; and, I believe, he attended nearly the
whole of them. To so many dangers was he
exposed, that he stands a living miracle of pre-
servation. The rev. C.V. Keating and the rev.
mr. Ustick have been in the same career, and
performed their duties to the sick with equal
fidelity, and with equal danger. The venerable
old citizen, Samuel Robesen, has been like a
good angel, indefatigably performing, in families
where there was not one person able to help
another, even the menial offices of the kitchen,
in every part of his neighbourhood. John Con-
nelly has spent hours beside the sick, when their
own wives and children had abandoned them.
Twice did he catch the disorder—-twice was he
on the brink of the grave, which was yawning
to receive him—-yet, unappalled by the immi-
nent danger he had escaped, he again returned
to the charge. I feel myself affected at this part
of my subject, with emotions, in which I hope
my reader will participate. And, as a human
being, I rejoice that it has fallen to my lot, to
be a witness and recorder of a magnanimity
which would alone be sufficient to rescue the
character of man from obloquy and reproach. 

(93)
Shall I be pardoned for passing a censure or
those, whose mistaken zeal led them, during the
most dreadful stages of this calamity, to croud
some of our churches, and aid this frightful ene-
my in his work of destruction? who, fearful
lest their prayers and adoration at home would
not find acceptance before the Deity, resorted
to churches filled with bodies of contagious
air, where, with every breath, they inhaled
noxious miasmata? To this single cause I
am bold in ascribing a large proportion of the
mortality-—And it is remarkable, that those
congregations, whose places of worship were
most crouded, have suffered the most dreadful-
ly. Will men never acquire wisdom? Are we
yet to learn that the Almighty architect of the
heavens and the earth does not require " tem-
" ples made with men's hands ?" that going to
a place of worship, against the great law of self
preservation, implanted in indelible characters
by his divine hand, on the breast of every one
of his creatures, constitutes no part of the ado-
ration due to the maker and preserver of man-
kind? That a "meek and humble heart" is
the temple wherein he delights to be worship-
ped? I hope not—-I hope the awful lesson some 

(94)
of our congregations hold forth on this subject,
by a mortality out of all proportion to their
numbers, will serve as a memento at all future
times, in the like critical emergencies!
Of the number of citizens who fled away, it
is difficult to form any accurate estimate. In
the city, from Vine to South street, which has
been surveyed by a man employed by the com-
mittee, of 21,000 inhabitants, the number of
absent people is stated to be 8600. But as this
business was several weeks performing, con-
siderable variations must necessarily have taken
place. The emigration was not finished in those
streets examined in the early part of his pro-
gress,—-and towards the latter part, the immi-
gration had been already considerable. Allow-
ing one to balance the other, and the remo-
vals in the liberties to have been equal to those
in the city, we shall probably nor err much
when we estimate the number who left the city at
about 17,000. This is not so many as I supposed
when I last wrote on the subject*, at which time
NOTE.
* Independent Gazetteer, October 26.

(95)
I estimated them at 23,000. Which of the two
is accurate, or whether either of them is so, I
leave the reader to determine.
Some of those who remained in the city,
have, for reason snot very easy to justify, been
in the habit of reproaching those who fled,
with criminality, as deserters, who abandoned
their posts†. I. believe, on the contrary, that
as the nature of our government did not al-
low the arbitrary measures to be pursued, which,
in despotic countries would probably have ex-
tinguished the disorder at an early period
—-it was the duty of every person to avoid the
danger, whose circumstances and situation al-
lowed it. The effects of the desertion were,
NOTE.
† If they were even guilty of a crime, it brought its own
punishment; as I am fully convinced that those who
were absent, and a prey to the anxiety caused by the
frightful reports current, suffered more than those who
remained. I speak from experience. In a few days absence,
when the disorder had not reached its summit, I heard
more terrific accounts of it, than in as many weeks in
Philadelphia, when it raged most violently, and carried
off from eighty to a hundred daily

(96)
moreover, salutary*. The sphere of action of the
disorder was diminished. Two or three empty
houses arrested the disease in its progress, as it
was slowly, but surely travelling through a
street, and probably rescued a neighbourhood
from its ravages. We shall long have to mourn
the severe loss our city has felt, in being bereft
of so many valuable citizens: and had the
17,000 who retired, been in the city during the
prevalence of the disorder, and lost as large a
proportion of their number, as those did who re-
mained, we should, instead of 4000 dead, have
lost nearly 6000; and perhaps had to deplore in
the number, another Clow, a Kay, a Lea, a
Sims, a Dunkin, a Strawbridge, men of exten-
sive business, whose loss will be long felt-—a Pen.
nington, a Glentworth, a Hutchinson, a Sar-
jeant, a Howell, men endowed by heaven with
eminent abilities—a Fleming, a Graessl, a
Sproat, men of exalted piety and virtue—a Wil-
NOTE.
* Perhaps had all our citizens remained, we should
have had famine added to our calamity; whereas we had
plentiful markets during the whole time. The prices, too,
were in general not tar beyond what they are usually at
the same season of the year.

(97)
son, an Adgate, a Baldwin, a Carroll, a Tom-
kins, citizens of most estimable characters. Let
those, then, who have remained, regard their
long-absent friends, as if preserved from death
by their flight, and rejoice at their return in
health and safety—-let those who have been ab-
sent, acknowledge the exertions of those who
maintained their ground. Let us all unite in
the utmost vigilance to prevent the return of
this fell destroyer, by the most scrupulous at-
tention to cleansing and purifying our scourged
city—-and let us join in thanksgiving to that Su-
preme Being, who has, in his own time, stay-
ed the avenging storm, ready to devour us,
after it had laughed to scorn all human efforts.
I omitted to inform the reader in the proper
place, that dr. Deveze and dr. Benjamin Duf-
field have gratuitously and with the utmost
punctuality, attended at Bushhill hospital nearly
from the organization of the committee to the
present time.
N

(98)
Committee for relieving the sick and distressed,
appointed by a meeting of the citizens of Phi-
ladelphia, summoned by advertisement in the
public papers, Sept, 13, 1793.
President.
MATTHEW CLARKSON.
Secretary.
CALEB LOWNES.
Treasurer.
THOMAS WISTAR.
Managers of Bushhill hospital
STEPHEN GIRARD. 
PETER HELM.
Orphan committee.
ISRAEL ISRAEL. 
JOHN LETCHWORTH. 
JAMES KERR.
J. SHARSWOOD.
Committee of distribution.
ISRAEL ISRAEL.
JOHN HAWORTH.
JAMES SWAINE.
MATHEW CAREY.
THOMAS SAVERY.
JAMES KERR.
JACOB WITMAN.
J. LETCHWORTH.
J. SHARSWOOD.
SAMUEL BENGE.

(99)
Superintendant of the burials of the dead, and
removal of the sick.
SAMUEL BENGE.
Distributor of supplies.
HENRY DEFOREST.
Committee of accounts.
JAMES SHARSWOOD. 
JOHN CONNELLY.
Committee on the publication of letters.
CALEB LOWNES. 
MATHEW CAREY.
Deceased members.
A. ADGATE. 
J.D. SARGEANT. 
DANIEL OFFLEY.
JOSEPH INSKEEP.

(100)
List of a few of the inhabitant of Philadelphia, who
have died since the first of August.
Andrew Adgate,
Mrs. Adgate.
Robert Allison, Æt. 82.
James Alder.
Mary Allen, Æt. 73.
---- Amand,
Thomas P. Anthony.
Mrs. Annan.
Peter Aston,
Caleb Attmore,
George Baker.
Daniel Baldwin,
Edward Barrington,
J. J. De Barth,
Cornelius Barnes and two
sons.
Adam Bausch.
Mary Berry, Æt. 75.
Claudius A.  Bertier,
Samuel Bettel.
Nathaniel Blodgett.
Thomas Boone,
Benjamin Bostock,
Andrew Boshard, wife,
and mother.
Mr. Chace,
Thomas Carnes.
David Clark.
James Calbraith, jun.
Charles Carroll. 
Joshua Cresson,
Thomas Clifford.
Matthew Conard.
Frederic Christian.
Andrew Clow,
Thomas Devonald,
Elizabeth Dickinson,
John Davis,
John Dunkin,
Joseph Dean,
F.X. Dupont, F. Con.
John Dickinson.
Dr. John Dodds.
Rowland Evans.
Mr. Engle.
Francis Finlay,
Samuel Fisher.
David Flickwir, and 5 of
his family.
Nicholas Forsberg, Æt. 73.
Mrs. Ferguson.
Barnabas Fearis.

(101)
David Franks,
Richard Gardiner.
Nathaniel Glover,
James Gilchrist,
Dr. P.S. Glentworth,
Joseph Gaven,
John Guest, sen,
Dr.---- Graham,
Jacob Graff.
John Hall,
Jacob R. Howell,
Jacob Howell.
Adam Hubley,
Oliver C. Hull.
Michael Hay, wife, and
three children.
Parry Hall and sister-in-
law.
Mrs. Hensman, daughter,
son-in-law, four grand
children, and a maid
servant, all out of one
house.
Dr. James Hutchinson.
J. D. Hamelin,
Reuben Haines, sen.
William Hassel,
John Hockley.
William Hays.
H. Heatley.
Richard Humphreys,
Joseph Inskeep.
Owen Jones, Æt. 84.
E. Jones, Æt. 64,
Mary Jones,
Samuel Johnston,
Robert Johnston,
Mrs. Keppele.
Christopher Kucher.
Philip Kucher.
David Kay,
John. H. Lombaert,
Catharine Lemaigre,
Dr. John Lynn,
Abraham Lott,
Huson Lang stroth.
James Lapsley,
Samuel Lobdell,
Isaac Lewis.
Alexander Lawrence, sen.
Alexander Lawrence, jun.
Thomas Lea,
Joseph Mercier,
Anna Mercier,
Rev. Dr. Murray,
Susan. Milnor, æt. 80,
Abigail Morris.
Benjamin Morrell.
Jacob Morgan,
Hannah Morgan,
Isaac Miller,
Richard Mason,
Thomas M'Cormick,
Abraham Mason.

(102)
John Morton,
Catharine Mullowney.
John Morrison,
Elizabeth Morris.
Anne Mullen,
Peter Miercken.
Martin M'Dermot,
John Morgan.
Thomas Miller.
Dr. John Morris.
W. Nicholls, Æt. 73.
John M'Nair.
Thomas O’Hara,
Daniel Offley.
James Pickering.
Frederic Phile,
Sidney Paul.
Mr. Peters and two sons.
Vincent M. Pelosi.
Matthew Parker,
Benjamin Pitfield,
Elizabeth Pratt.
Samuel Penn,
Dr. John Pennington.
Benjamin Poultney.
Samuel Powell,
Alexander Penman.
Robert Patton,
George Rainsford,
Hannah Rogers.
James Read, Æt. 75.
John Richardson.
William Ralston,
Rachel Ralston,
James Reid,
John Rudolph,
Jonathan Shoemaker,
John Todd, sen.
William Shipley,
Fred. W. Starman.
Woodrop Sims,
Joseph Shoemaker,
John Strawbridge,
John Stokes,
Samuel Swan.
Townsend Speakman.
Anna Sewell, Æt. 67
William Sellers,
Jonathan D. Sarjeant,
Rev. Dr. Sproat,
William Sproat,
Mary Sproat,
Nancy Sproat.
Rebecca Smith,
Philip Snyder.
Charles Syng and wife.
John Stuckard, wife, and
daughter.
Peter Stuckard, wife, and
daughter.
John Todd, jun.
Joseph Tatem,
Peter Thomson, sen.
Samuel Taylor,

(103)
Mr. Vanhorne.
John Wood,
Charles Williams,
James Worstall,
Mrs. Webster.
James Watkins.
John Wharton,
James Wilkinson,
Eleanor Watson,
Peter Webber.
William Whiteside,
Mrs. Willet,
William Waring,
Warner Washington.
John Wigton, and wife.
Mary Willing,
Joseph Whitehead,
Mr. Wetherby and wife.
Agnes Young.

List of all the Burials in the several grave yards of the city 
and liberties of Philadelphia, as taken from the Books
kept by Clergymen, Sextons, &c. from August 1st to
November 9th, 1793.
AUGUST.
DAYS. 
Christ Church. 
St. Peter's. 
St. Paul's. 
First Presbyterian. 
Second Presbyterian.
Third Presbyterian.
Scotch Presbyterian.
Seceders.
St. Mary's.
Trinity.
Friends.
Free Quakers.
German Lutherans.
German Calvinists.
Moravians.
Swedes.
Baptists.
Methodists.
Universalists.
Jews.
Kensington.
Potter's field.
Total.
1 1 2 1 2 1 1 Returned in gross. 1 Returned in gross. Returned in gross. Returned in gross. 9
2 1 1 2 1 2 1 8
3 1 1 2 2 2 1 9
4 1 1 1 1 2 4 10
5 1 1 1 5 2 10
6 1 2 3
7 1 1 7 1 2 12
8 1 1 1 1 1 5
9 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 11
10 1 1 1 2 1 6
11 2 4 1 7
12 2 2 1 5
13 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 11
14 1 1 2 4
15 3 2 1 1 2 9
16 1 1 1 1 2 1 7
17 1 1 1 1 1 1 6
18 1 1 2 1 5
19 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 9
20 1 3 1 1 1 7
21 2 1 2 1 1 1 8
22 1 2 4 3 1 2 13
23 1 2 2 3 1 1 10
24 3 1 1 2 1 5 1 3 17
25 1 2 1 2 1 3 1 1 12
26 2 2 1 3 1 4 1 2 1 17
27 1 1 2 2 3 1 1 1 12
28 5 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 2 22
29 4 2 1 2 2 2 1 3 4 3 24
30 1 1 4 4 3 3 1 3 20
31 2 1 1 3 7 3 17

SEPTEMBER.
DAYS. 
Christ Church. 
St. Peter's. 
St. Pauls. 
First Presbyterian. 
Second Presbyterian.
Third Presbyterian.
Associate Presb.
Reformed.
St. Mary's.
Trinity.
Friends.
Free Quakers.
German Lutherans.
German Calvinists.
Moravians.
Swedes.
Baptists.
Methodists.
Universalists.
Jews.
Kensington.
Potter's field.
Total.
1 1    2 1  1    Returned in gross. 4   1 Returned in gross. Returned in gross.  Returned in gross. 2 5 17
2      2   2  5  3 1       1 4 18
3 1 1   3 1       2         3 11
4 3  1 1 2   2 1  2  4 3       2 2 23
5  4  1 1 1 1    1  2 3       1 5 20
6  2  1 2   2 1  1  5 1       2 7 24
7 1   1 1   1 1  2  3        1 7 18
8 2 1  1 4 2   2  3  4 4  2     1 16 42
9  1 2   1  1 3  1  7 1 1      1 13 32
10 3  1 1 1   2 3 1 6  5 1       1 4 29
11 2 1   1  1  1  2  3   1     3 8 23
12 1 2 6  1  1  2  3  2 2 1      2 10 33
13 1 1   1 1   3 1 7  8 2  1     1 10 37
14 2 1 2 3 3 1   4 4 4  5 2       2 15 48
15 4 2  1 1 3 1  5 1 10  9 1 1 1     2 14 56
16 4 2 1 2 3 1   4 3 10  12 7  1     3 14 67
17 1 1 1 1 4 2   5 2 7  21 7       3 26 81
18 3 4  2 4 2   6 2 7  10 4  2     3 19 68
19 4 2  2 3 2   4  5  9 5       2 23 61
20 3 1 1 1 2 2  2 3  9  7 1  3     5 27 67
21 3 3  1 2 1   6  6  8 2       4 21 57
22 6 1  2 3 1 1  1  6  7 6 1 1     7 33 76
23 1 3 2   4   5 2 7  8 6       9 21 68
24  5 2 4 4 2   9  8  12 4       8 38 96
25 4 2 2  4 4  2 6  8  15 5  3     7 25 87
26 2  1 3 1    1 1 5  6 5  1     1 25 52
27 3 1 1 2 1 4 1  6  14  6 5       2 14 60
28 1 1 1 1 1 1     2  4 5  3     2 29 51
29 4  3 2 2 3  1 4 1 10  7 3  1     2 14 57
30 4 1 2 1 3    6 1 8  4 6  3     2 22 63
O

OCTOBER.
DAYS. 
Christ Church. 
St. Peter's. 
St. Paul's. 
First Presbyterian. 
Second Presbyterian.
Third Presbyterian.
Associate Presb.
Reformed.
St. Mary's.
Trinity.
Friends.
Free Quakers.
German Lutherans.
German Calvinists.
Moravians.
Swedes.
Baptists.
Methodists.
Universalists.
Jews.
Kensington.
Potter's field.
Total.
1 4 2 5 1 3 4 4 8 Returned in gross. 12 3 2 Returned in gross. Returned in gross. Returned in gross. 5 21 74
2 2 1 1 3 1 2 2 3 1 9 5 5 31 67
3 3 1 3 2 3 3 5 1 7 10 4 1 2 33 78
4 1 2 4 2 1 3 3 6 5 2 1 1 27 58
5 2 1 2 3 1 2 12 11 3 1 4 3 26 71
6 2 5 1 1 2 1 5 5 14 4 2 34 76
7 7 3 1 2 1 5 1 2 1 2 9 12 7 2 2 25 82
8 3 2 3 1 2 1 2 3 2 5 21 6 3 3 33 90
9 2 1 1 1 2 1 7 1 4 19 8 1 1 3 50 102
10 7 2 2 2 2 3 1 6 26 6 1 2 1 1 31 93
11 4 2 5 1 3 2 3 1 12 21 8 5 2 50 119
12 1 2 2 1 4 1 6 1 11 17 12 1 8 44 111
13 6 3 1 1 1 4 1 9 20 5 1 4 48 104
14 2 1 1 5 2 2 5 17 7 1 7 2 29 81
15 3 3 1 1 2 1 4 1 9 14 7 2 3 29 80
16 1 1 2 2 4 2 2 6 1 4 10 2 2 2 29 70
17 5 3 2 3 3 10 16 7 2 1 28 80
18 2 1 4 1 5 1 5 11 3 1 1 2 22 59
19 2 3 4 1 4 2 2 14 2 1 1 2 27 65
20 2 3 3 2 4 1 4 11 6 1 1 17 55
21 4 2 3 1 5 2 4 8 4 1 1 24 59
22 2 2 3 2 2 5 2 7 19 2 2 1 2 31 82
23 1 1 3 5 3 10 7 1 23 54
24 1 1 3 2 2 8 4 17 38
25 5 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 8 2 2 10 35
26 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 5 2 1 1 5 23
27 1 1 1 1 1 2 6 13
28 1 1 2 4 6 3 1 1 6 25
29 1 1 1 2 4 2 6 17
30 1 1 2 3 1 2 6 16
31 2 1 7 4 8 22

NOVEMBER.
DAYS. 
Christ Church. 
St. Peter's. 
St. Paul's. 
First Presbyterian. 
Second Presbyterian.
Third Presbyterian.
Associate Presb.
Reformed.
St. Mary's.
Trinity.
Friends.
Free Quakers.
German Lutherans.
German Calvinists.
Moravians.
Swedes.
Baptists.
Methodists.
Universalists.
Jews.
Kensington.
Potter's field.
Total.
1 1 3 Returned in gross. 1 1 Returned in gross. Returned in gross. Returned in gross. 2 5 13
2 1 2 3 2 3 2 8 21
3 1 1 1 5 2 1 4 15
4 1 1 1 5 1 6 15
5 2 3 2 1 6 14
6 1 3 1 1 5 11
7 2 1 1 4 1 1 5 15
8 1 2 1 1 3 8
9 1 2 3 6
August 325
September 1442
October 1993
November 118
Jews, returned in gross 2
Baptists, Do. 50
Methodists, 32
Free Quakers, Do. 39
German part of St. Mary's congregation 30
Total 4031 

Protestant Episcopalians {
{ Christ Church 173
{ St. Peter's 109
{ St. Paul's. 70
Presbyterians {
{ First 73
{ Second 128
{ Third 107
{ Associate 12
{ Reformed 33
Roman Catholics {
{ St. Mary's 251
{ German part of do. 30
{ Trinity 54
Friends 373
Free Quakers -- Returned in gross. 39
German {
{ Lutherans 641
{ Calvinists 261
Moravians 13
Swedes 75
Baptists Returned in gross. 50
Methodists Do. 32
Universalists 2
Jews Do. 2
Kensington 169
Potter’s field, including the new ground 1334
4031

METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS,
MADE IN PHILADELPHIA, BY
DAVID RITTENHOUSE, Esquire.
AUGUST, 1793.
Barometer.
6 A.M. 3 P.M.
Thermometer.
6 A.M. 3 P.M.
Wind.
6 A.M. 3P.M
Weather.
6 A.M. 3 P.M.
1 29 95 30 0 65 77 WNW NW cloudy, fair,
2 30 1 30 1 63 81 NW SW fair, fair,
3 30 5 29 95 64 82 N NNE fair, fair,
4 29 97 30 0 65 87 S SW  fair, fair,
5 30 5 30 1 73 90 SSW SW fair, fair,
6 30 2 30 0 77 87 SW W cloudy, fair,
7 30 12 30 1 68 83 NW W fair, fair,
8 30 1 29 95 69 86 SSE SSE fair, rain,
9 29 8 29 75 75 85 SSW SW cloudy, fair,
10 29 9 29 9 67 82 W SW fair, fair,
11 30 0 30 0 70 84 SW WSW cloudy, cloudy,
12 30 0 30 0 70 87 W W fair, fair,
13 30 5 30 0 71 89 SW W fair, fair,
14 30 0 29 95 75 82 SW SW fair, rain,
15 30 0 30 1 72 75 NNE NE rain, cloudy
16 30 1 30 1 70 83 NNE NE fair, fair,
17 30 1 30 0 71 86 SW SW fair, fair,
18 30 1 30 0 73 89 calm SW fair, fair,
19 30 1 30 1 72 82 N N fair, cloudy,
20 30 1 30 12 69 82 NNE NNE fair, fair,
21 30 15 30 25 62 83 N NNE fair, fair,
22 30 3 30 3 63 86 NE SE fair, fair,
23 30 25 30 15 63 85 calm S fair, fair,
24 30 1 30 1 73 81 calm calm cloudy, rain,
25 30 1 30 1 71 66 NE NE rain, great rain,
26 30 15 30 2 59 69 NE NE cloudy, cloudy,
27 30 2 30 2 65 73 NE NE cloudy, cloudy,
28 30 2 30 15 67 80 S calm cloudy, clearing
29 30 16 30 15 72 86 calm SW cloudy, fair,
30 30 1 30 1 74 87 calm SW fair, fair
31 30 0 30 0 74 84 SW NW rain, fair
P

METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS,
PHILADELPHIA, SEPTEMBER, 1795.
Barometer. 	
6 A.M. 3 P.M. 
Thermometer.
6 A.M. 3 P.M.
Winds. 
6 A.M. 3 P.M. 
Weather.	
6 A.M. 3 P.M.
1 30 0 29 30 71 86 Calm SW fog, fair,
2 29 75 29 8 73 86 SW SW fair, fair,
3 80 0 60 NW N fair, fair,
4 30 15 30 15 55 75 W W fair, fair,
5 30 15 30 1 62 80 SE S fair, cloudy.
6 29 97 29 95 70 89 WSW W fair, cloudy,
7 30 0	30 0 65 77 WNW NW fair, fair,
8 30 1  30 1 64 70 Calm Calm cloudy, cloudy,
9 30 0	30 0 66 80 SE NW rain, fair,
10 30 0 30 0 64 72 N NNE fair, cloudy
11 30 1 30 0 62 72 NNE N cloudy, fair,
12 29 96 29 9 58 76 NW NNW fair, fair,
13 29 95 30 0 57 72 NW N fair, fair,
14 30 0 30 5 58 79 NW NW fair, fair,
15 30 0 29 97 65 80 N S fair, fair,
16 29 9 29 70 84 S SW cloudy, fair,
17 29 8 29 85 66 67 N N cloudy, cloudy.
18 30 3	44 N fair,
19 30 4 30 35 45 70 Calm SW fair, fair,
20 30 3 30 15 54 69 Calm SE hazey, hazey,
21 30 0 29 0 59 78 Calm cloudy, fair,
22 30 0 30 0 63 83 Calm cloudy, fair,
23 30 1 30 1 62 81 Calm SE cloudy, cloudy,
24 30 2 30 2 65 70 NE ENE cloudy, fair,
25 30 l5 30 0 61 68 NE NE cloudy, cloudy
26 29 8 29 7 58 79 N N cloudy, fair.
27 29 7	64 NW NW cloudy, fair,
28 30 5 30 15 54 73 NW NW fair, fair,
29 30 3 30 3 56 74 NE ENE cloudy, fair,
30 30 35 30 3 57 75 Calm SW foggy, fair,

METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER, 1793.
Barometer.
7 A.M. 2 P.M
Thermometer. 
7 A.M. 2 P.M. 
Winds.
7 A.M. 2 P.M. 
Weather.
7 A.M. 2 P.M.
1 30 15 30 5 64 80 SW SW cloudy, fair,
2 29 9 30 5	70 72 W NNW cloudy, fair,
3 30 2 30 15 50 72 W SW fair, fair,
4 29 75	29 7 59 72 SW W cloudy, cloudy,
5 30 0 30 1	58 66 N N fair, fair,
6 30 3 30 3	43 66 NE W fair, fair,
7 30 45	46 calm fair,
8 30 6 30 6	53 68 N N fair, fair,
9 30 5 30 4	53 70 NW NW fair, fair,
10 30 2 30 2 49 74 E NW fair, fair,
11 30 0	29 85 51 74 W W	fair, fair,
12 26 6	29 55 58 64 SW NW rain, rain,
13 29 85 29 9 49 69 NW NW fair, fair,
14 30 5 30 0 52 76 SW SW calm, fair, 
15 29 75 29 8 56 54 SW N fair, rain,
16 30 0 30 0 37 53 NNW N fair, fair,
17 30 1 30 1 37 60 NE NE fair, fair,
18 30 1 30 1 41 62 NW NW fair, fair,
19 30 0 29 9 51 66 N N cloudy, fair,
20 30 0 30 0 44 54 NW N fair, fair,
21 30 0 30 2 49 59 N NW fair, fair,
22 29 6 29 5 51 65 NW NW fair, fair,
23 29 8 29 8 47 60 W W fair, fair,
24 30 3 30 4 36 59 W NW	fair, fair,
25 30 4 30 3 46 71 S S cloudy, fair, high w.
26 30 2 30 2 60 72 calm SW cloudy, cloudy,
27 30 3 30 3 44 44 NNE NNE cloudy, cloudy,
28 30 2 30 1 34 37 N N cloudy, cloudy,
29 29 85 29 85 28 44 NNW NW	fair, fair,
30 30 1 30 1 28 49 calm SW hazy, hazy,
31 30 15 30 2 42 45 calm NNE cloudy, rain,

METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS,
PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER, 1793.
Barometer.	
7 A.M. 2 P.M.
Thermometer.
7 A.M. 2 P.M.
Wind.
7 A.M. 2 P.M.
Weather.
7 A.M. 2 P.M.
1 30 1 30 1	40 41 NNE NE rain, cloudy,
2 30 3 30 25 32 49 NNE NE fair, fair,
3 30 1 30 0	43 56 Calm SW cloudy, cloudy,
4 29 8 29 9	55 67 SW SW	cloudy, fair,
5 30 15 30 1 50 64 NE NE rain, rain,
6 29 8 29 65 63 67 S S cloudy, cloudy,
7 29 8 29 8	44 64 Calm SW, fair, fair,
8 29 8 29 85 43 56 SSW SW fair, fair,
9 29 9 29 95 42 64 SW SW fair, fair,