[/FIE SANITARY CONDITION OF NEW-ORLEANS, AS ILLUSTRATED BY ITS MORTUARY STATISTICS: BY J. C. SIMONDS, M.D. REVISED FOR THE CHARLESTON MEDICAL JOURNAL AND REVIEW. FROM THE SEPTEMBER NO., 1851, OF THE CfiAE-EESTON MED. JOUR. AND REVIEW. CHARLESTON, S. C.: STEAM POWER-PRESS OF WALKER AND JAMES. 1851. MONOGRAPH. THE SANITARY CONDITION OF NEW-ORLEANS. A large portion of this paper was read to the Physico-Medical Society of New- Orleans, and afterwards, at its request, laid before the public in the Lyceum Hall. This will account for its presenting the form of an address to the citizens of New- Orleans. It was published in part in Fenner’s Southern Medical Reports, and is now, after a careful revisal, and with considerable additions, submitted to the read- ers of the Charleston Medical Journal, with the hope that a sufficiency of matter of general interest has been introduced to render it worthy of more than merely local notice. PREFATORY NOTE. Two years ago, I attended a meeting of the American Medical Asso- ciation, which was held in Boston. I there found that the subject of sanitary reform was exciting considerable attention, and that this was based, as it always must be, upon statistical investigations into the actual and comparative number of the births, marriages and deaths, in dif- ferent localities. In my intercourse with various persons there and elsewhere, I found that New-Orleans enjoyed very undesirable tion of being one of the most unhealthy localities in the United States. I knew that here we thought our city very healthy. My colleague on that occasion, who had long been a resident of this city, did not hesi- tate to avow his opinion of its general salubrity. In reply to an at- tempt to prove its unhealthiness by a reference to the very violent epi- demic of 1847, he said that only about 3,000 died of yellow fever du- ring that year ; and I heard the remark afterwards quoted as a most as- tounding difference of opinion regarding the value of human life. I then proposed to myself to undertake the investigation of this question, with the determination to set it, if possible, finally at rest, and with the hope of being able to convince the world, by an array of unquestionable statistical details and impregnable arguments, that it had done injus- 4 Monograph. tice to New-Orleans, and that our city was not the Golgotha which it was every where represented to be. The subject had not been pursued long, when I found that we were laboring under a delusion, and that we had long deceived ourselves regarding the salubrity of our city. This only urged me to more extensive researches, and a more thorough examination of the subject, that I might ascertain the causes of this great mortality, and determine if it could be explained consistently with the theory of the salubrity of New-Orleans. The difficulties encountered in the pursuit of this investigation have been very great. Authentic data were obtained with the greatest dif- ficulty ;—at times repulsed, because not clothed with official authority, that would enable me to demand the information desired;—in general meeting with courtesy at the hands of those from whom the data were to be obtained, my researches have been facilitated by the use of pens and paper, and the liberty to work out for myself what I desired, under the cold and criticising eyes of those who probably regarded me with distrust, as half a madman, for endeavoring to collect information that was not directly convertible into dollars and cents. After these difficulties were surmounted, and the necessary data were collected, the labor of thoroughly digesting and analysing such multi- farious materials was vastly greater than any one of my hearers can possibly conceive. These difficulties have been surmounted—this labor has been performed—and all the apologies for the great number of deaths, and the arguments in favor of the salubrity of New-Orleans, have been thoroughly examined and carefully considered The conclu- sions to which I have arrived, have not been favorable to the opinion here entertained, but have justified the worst opinion existing abroad, regarding the sanitary condition of our city. Shall these conclusions be published to the world ? shall they be uttered here ? Here, if any- where, the subject should be agitated. But who will heed ? who will believe statements directly conflicting with the general sentiments of the community, and apparently injurious to its best interests ? A simple love for the truth would at once decide in favor of its unreserved pub- lication. But when I scrutinize the hygienic regulations of the city, to see if they be susceptible of amelioration, and when I decide that a cer- tain portion of the deaths annually occurring here might be prevented by a proper sanatory system, every sentiment of humanity—every im- pulse of philanthropy, and even the dictates of self interest, decide in favor of their promulgation in the most glaring colors that truth will justify. It is constantly asserted and generally believed, that it will injure the Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 5 prosperity of New-Orleans to admit, in the public press, that it is an unhealthy city.* This assertion I do not believe, but feel well assured that an honest statement of the truth with regard to the health of the city, would ultimately promote its true interest, and permanent pros perity. At present, the truth is so well known abroad, and so studious- ly concealed at home, that the statements of the press are unheeded and disbelieved. It is time to adopt a different policy : to direct our attention to an investigation that will determine the truth, regardless of its influence upon opinions abroad, and to commence endeavoring to improve the health of the city. If New-Orleans can only be sustained by a concealment of the truth, and a criminal immolation of unsuspecting victims on the altar of Mam- mon, the sooner it falls the better. If our commercial prosperity de- pends upon the reiterated assertion of a falsehood, it has but a slender basis, and must ultimately be lost. If it be necessary to hang out false lights, to allure the unwary to destruction, that we may gloat upon their * The following extract from the Report of Lemuel Shattuck, Esq., on the cen- sus of Boston, is so good in itself, and so pertinent to the subject, that none can ob- ject to its insertion here:— “No subject is more intimately connected with the prosperity and happiness of a peo pie, than the degree of public health that they enjoy. Some places and some circum- stances are known to be more favorable than others to the development and prolonga- tion of the vital energies of man; and it is a matter of the greatest moment to the whole population collectively and to each one individually, to know what facts exist in the place selected for a place of residence, which influence its character in this re- spect. There is a mode by which all this information may be obtained ; and by which the force of mortality pressing upon a people, may in some degree be weighed and measured. This mode is an accurate enumeration of the number and ages of the living, an accurate registration of the births, and the localities, circumstances and causes of death ; and an intelligible abstract of these facts. * * * We are aware that objections exist against inquiries of this kind—most people being satisfied with the generally received opinion, that ‘ no place is more healthy’ than the one they live in. We have also been told that this is a subject which might be interesting to a medical man, but not to the people generally! Others have objected to any investigations, which might show one section of the city to be more healthy than another, because it would impair the value of real estate! It has, however, appeared to us, that if facts do exist, which show any section to be unhealthy, they should be made known, that the lives, the health, and the happi- ness of our fellow citizens may be preserved ; and that the suffering, and public and private burdens which their premature sickness and mortality occasion, may be averted. In proportion as we view human life, with all the manifold consequences of its preservation, to be more valuable than the few dollars and cents, more or less, which a landlord may receive from a tenant in an unhealthy locality, in the same proportion should we value the exhibition of facts which have a bearing on this subject. The private, social, or public consequences of sickness and mor- tality, cannot be measured by money. This is a matter of great magnitude, and demands a far more extended examination and discussion than can be given in this report. Compared with it, all other investigations are unimportant. It concerns ourselves, our health, our existence ; aud the persons, the healih and existence of all that great mass of human beings that congregate in this growing, prosperous city.” *—Report, pp. 136-8. 6 Monograph. remains like beasts of prey, then can we but wish success to every en- terprise, calculated to divert the course of trade to more honest and more honorable channels. Such, however, is not the case. New-Orleans possesses natural advantages, that only require the aid of vigorous hands and honest hearts to attract as strong a tide of immigration, and as great a proportion of the commerce of the country, as she has ever yet received. Do these incorrect and dishonest assertions add one iota to her prosperity ? Who credits or acts upon them? Go out of the city of New-Orleans and find the man who believes them. They deceive nobody but ourselves. The press and the people may reiterate the as- sertions, but unsupported by reliable statistics, and contradicted by pri- vate information, they possess no weight abroad. What then shall be done ? Cease to deceive ourselves, and proceed earnestly to seek the truth, determined to embrace it when found, and hold it up for the inspection of all who are interested. Do not any longer say, that the deaths occur in the Charity Hospital—that they are of poor immigrants, who are unaccustomed to the climate— that they are due to the want or imprudence of strangers and the un- acclimated, and consider this a sufficient apology for a high rate of mor- tality ; commence immediately an investigation into the facts, and an examination of the causes of the prevalence of disease, and proceed vigorously to remove them. Re-organize your sanitary corps, and re- vise your sanatory regulations; compel your Board of Health to do its duty, and to insist upon the performance of duty by all of its officers and dependants; examine the condition, and study the workings of your hospital systems; institute such new police regulations as may be found necessary, and consider the protection of human life against disease and crime, as paramount in importance to every other question. Until this be done, New-Orleans will always remain unhealthy. When the citizens of New-Orleans are convinced of a truth, admitted by all the rest of the world, viz : that New-Orleans is unhealthy, they will endea- vor to remove the causes of disease; but until they be assured of this, it is vain to urge the necessity of an extension of water privileges, a system of sewers, the proper paving of the streets, and the prompt re- moval of filth. Remove the causes of her insalubrity, and her progress in population, wealth and commercial greatness, will be more rapid than it has ever been. Sickness and death is the lot of every organized being; but obser- vation and experience have shown that the amount of sickness, and the proportion of deaths, differ widely at different epochs of life, and in different localities. Though many of the causes of disease and death Simonds on the Sanitctry Condition of New-Orleans. are still veiled in obscurity, some have been so clearly demonstrated that but little light can hereafter be thrown upon them. Many of the causes that are known, are removable by the application of the know- ledge and skill of man. By every test that can be proposed, it may be proved that in certain cases the amount of sickness and the proportion of deaths have been diminished by the adoptiou of proper sanatory mea- sures. The following extract from the Sanitary Report of Massachu- setts, (pp. 248, 249,) will serve, for the present, to prove this:— “ Sanitary improvements in England first began in the navy. It is observed, in a sanitary report, that so dreadful was once the condition of the royal navy, that, in the year 1726, when Admiral Hosier-sailed with seven ships of the line to the West Indies, he buried his ships’ Compani.es twice, and died himself of a broken heart. Amongst the pictures'there presented,—as in ‘Anson’s voyages, l740-’44,’—were those of deaths to the amount of eight or ten a day, in a moderate ship’s company;—bodies sown up in hammocks, and washing about the decks, for want of strength and spirit on the part of the miserable survivors to cast them overboard. V V “In 1779, the proportion of deaths in the royal navy, was 1 in 8 of the employed; in 1811, the proportion was 1 in 32 of the employed; and from 1830 to 1836, the average number of deaths annually, was 1 in 72 of the employed. And in this calculation, the deaths from all sources are included;—from wounds, drowning and all other external causes, as well as from disease. From the latter source, the deaths were in proportion of 1 in 85 of the number employed, annually. These figures are eloquent beyond any words that can be employed. They excite—as they are fitted to excite, especially at first sight—our wonder. They ought, however, to occasion more of gratitude than astonish- ment, because the causes of the difference are not difficult to determine, and because almost all that appears in favor of recent times, is due to the superior intelligence and humanity infused into the administration of the navy. “Equally good effects have followed the sanitary reforms in the Bri- tish army. The mortality among the British troops at Hong Kong, in 1842, was at the rate of 19 per cent., or 190 in 1,000; in 1843, it was 22 per cent, or 220 in 1,000 ; and in 1844, it was per cent, or 135 in 1,000. But during these years the garrison was very badly accommodated; in 1845 their accommodation was very much im- proved, and the mortality diminished to per cent, or 85 in 1,000 ; and since that time the troops having been lodged in what may be termed, from their excellence, “ model barracks,” their mortality at once dropped down to per cent., or 25 in 1,000 ; at a rate not much ex- ceeding that of stations estimated healthy. Since the adoption of the measures proposed by Dr. R. Jackson, * * * the dimi- nution in the rate of sickness and mortality has been such as to justify the assertion, that, if this measure had been carried into effect at the time it was first urged by him, the lives of from 8,000 to 12,000 men would have been saved ;-—a sufficient lesson, one Would think, to our 8 Monograph. authorities, not to delay the introduction of improvements which ex- perienced medical officers concur in urgently recommending.” This shows that efficient measures will promote the public health ; and it is equally susceptible of proof, that sickness and death, in an in- creased degree, and beyond that which is natural to man, and normal to the locality, is the penalty that every community must pay for the neglect of those sanitary requirements that are peculiarly adapted to its situation. The penalty is a costly one, and estimated in any way in which it can be turned into dollars and cents, would be found to exceed, by far, the most lavish expenditure for the most costly hygienic appliances. The cost of the preventible sickness and deaths that have occurred in New-Orleans for the last ten years, doubtless exceeds that of the total public expenditure on all other accounts. The persons who have died, and whose deaths should have been prevented, would have placed ours as the third city of the Union, and their lives would have enriched us vastly more than the deaths of the few—very few—who have been unwarily attracted here by the assertions of the salubrity of the city. The cost of the Charity Hospital alone, during eight years, (I842-’49,) has amounted to nearly half a million of dollars. The cost of your Orphan Asylums I do not know—but it must be enormous. To these items should be added a certain portion, which cannot be es- timated, of the cost of your police system and judiciary department; for who can tell how much of the crime has been due to the poverty caused by sickness and death, widowhood and orphanage, and the want of pa- rental control and education? The number of beggars upon your streets has, of late, increased to such a degree, as to have become a public nuisance, and your public press begins to demand effectual mea- sures for its suppression. None can say how much of this pauperism is the result of the prevalence of disease, but especially of cholera, which is well known to carry off’ a larger proportion of those in the prime of life than of any other class. Public opinion should commence by fol- lowing out this pauperism to its cause ; and if it be found to depend, in a considerable degree, upon the mortality of the city, it is evident that the most effectual means for its suppression will be the improve- ment of our sanitary condition. An accurate investigation into the vital statistics of any region of coun- try, involves blit few, though very precise and definite, principles ; but it requires a very large number and an important body of facts, constitu- ting the data to which the principles are to be applied. The facts re- quisite are, first, the total number of the population, as well as the num- ber of the different classes of the community, according to sex, age, Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 9 place of birth, length of residence, pecuniary circumstances, or social condition. Second, the number of births from this population, specify- ing the sexes, still-births, etc. Third, the number of deaths, and their causes, as respects not only the total population, but also that of the different classes of the community, viz, the sexes and ages. These data being accurately known, the vital statistics of a community would in- volve a very simple arithmetical calculation, which, however, would clearly indicate the actual and relative condition of the different classes of the community. Without a complete system for the registration of every birth, marriage, and death, the vital statistics of every locality must be imperfect; but with the register of the dead, and the census returns, an approximation may be made sufficiently accurate to indicate generally the degree of salubrity of different localities. These data, viz : the number of the dead, and that of the living popu- lation, may be obtained frerfff* almost all cities, and must be assumed to be correct until errors are specifically pointed out, and fully proved.* The ratio of the number of the population, and the number dying du- ring a certain year, constitutes the mortality for that year, which, of course, will not so correctly express the degree of salubrity of any place as the average of several successive years ; and in comparing different localities, the greater the number of years of which the average is taken, the more correct will be the comparison. W7hile I have the mortuary statistics of other cities, extending through a sufficient number of years, to deduce a fair and correct average mortality, I have only been able to obtain for New-Orleans a continuous record for four and a third years ; which must, therefore, for the present, be adopted as approximating to the true mortality of this city. Population of New-Orleans :— City census March, 1847, - 94,526 State “ August, 1847, - - 79,503 United States do., July, 1850, - 116,407 Population of Lafayette by the United States census :— 1840 - - - 3,207 1850 13,350 The census of the city of New-Orleans was taken by the city autho- rities in March, 1847, and amounted to 94,526. In the same year, in August, it was taken by order of the State, and amounted to * It is worthy of remark, that the officers are sworn to perform their duty, and to take the census as correctly as possible, and that, being paid in proportion to the number obtained, they have no reason to underrate the population. 10 Monograph. 79,503. The United States census, nominally referred to July 1st, 1850, but really completed during the past winter, will not differ much from 116,407. The mean of these three censuses, is 96,812, which may be fairly considered the average population of New-Orleans during the four and one-third years of which the deaths are known. Let it not be said that this underrates our true population. If the data furnished by the censuses are sufficiently correct to constitute the basis of taxation, of representation, and of the apportionment of the school fund, etc.,—if these censuses approximate sufficiently for all political and politico-economical purposes, why impugn their correctness when applied to the more important uses of the statist, in determining the hygiene and sanitary condition of the city? I have not been able to obtain the census of Lafayette, as taken by the State in 1847, hut if we assume that the population increased uni- formly from 1840, the total of both cities would average, for the last five years, 106,885. Referring the population of New-Orleans, as taken by the city in March, 1847, to the year 1846, the following table will show the population for each of the last five years :— Estimated population of New-Orleans and Lafayette :— New- Orleans. Lafayette. Both. 1846 - 94,526 - - 7,546 - - 102,072 1847 - 79,503 - - 8,703 - - 88,206 1848 - 90,276 - - 10,037 - - 100,313 1849 - 102,509 - - 11,575 - - 114,084 1850 - 116,407 - - 13,350 - - 129,757 The mean population of New-Orleans during this period is, therefore, 96,644 ; of Lafayette, 10,242; and of both cities, 106,886. We must now see what number of deaths occurred among this population. Interments, as shown hy the Dead-Books of the Board of Health of JVeic- Orleans, and the Sexton’s Book for Lafayette Cemetery. 1846, August 30th, to January 2d, 1847, - - 1,489 1847, January 2d, 7,515 1848, to April 30th, - 1,915 9,430 From the tables of diseases, - - - 10,919 BOOKS OF NEW-ORLEANS BOARD OF HEALTH. Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of Neic-Orleans. 1848, May 1st, to 1849, April 30th, - - 9,346 1849, May 1st, to 1850, April 30th, 7,352 Lafayette, Jan. 1st, to April 30th, 173 7,179 f 1850, May 1st, to December 31st, ... 5?488 22,013 LAFAYETTE CEMETERY. 1846, September 1st, to December 31st, 281 1847, January 1st, to Do. - - 1,654 1848, Do. Do. - - 784 1849, Do. Do. - - 1,716 1850, Do. April 30th, - - 418 4,853 From examination of names, - - - - 26,866 37,785 The details of the preceding table are given, that the amount may be verified, if desired ; and it is arranged to agree, as nearly as possible, with the arrangement of the records. For the interments in the Lafay- ette Cemetery, I am indebted to the courtesy of Mr. Hicks, the sexton. It must be observed, that of the 37,78 5 deaths during the four and one-third years included in the table, 26,866 are directly obtained from' the recorded names of the dead ; the other 10,919 are from the tabular statements of disease ; but all are derived from the manuscript records, to avoid the danger of typographical errors. The number of deaths is, therefore, certainly not over-estimated, but is known to fall short of the truth, inasmuch as it does not include the deaths in the Hebrew ceme- tery in Lafayette, (except for eight months,) nor the bodies of those dying in the Charity Hospital, where two are frequently placed in the same coffin, and only one reported to the Board of The total, * Those from New-Orleans being only reported, f Includes all interred in Lafayette. t Without attempting, at this time, to estimate the additions to be made on these accounts, I will simply state that the report of the Board of Health, for 1849, shows that 2,745 died in the Charity Hospital, while only 2,304 were interred in its ceme- tery. A small portion of the difference were interred by friends in other cemeteries. In 1850, there died 1,884 in the Hospital, while 1,446 were interred in its cemetery, according to the report of the Board of Heatth. 12 Monograph. however, approximates to truth, and no more is required to show the fearful mortality of New-Orleans. We must next calculate the average annual mortality for this period, viz., the last four and one-third years. The total of the annual population for four years, with one-third of the population for 1846, amounts to 466,384 ; the deaths amounting to 37,785, would therefore give, as the average annual mortality of New-Orleans and Lafayette, 8.10 per cent., or 1 in every 12, nearly. If we take the number given by the United States census, as the average population of the entire period, the mortality would be reduced to 6.7 per cent. Even if we were to take the highest numbers that have ever been obtained as the average population for the entire period, via., for Lafayette, as above, and for this city, as taken by its authorities in Feb- ruary, 1851, including one thousand added by order of the Council, it would only amount to 135,301 : and the mortality would be reduced to 6.4 per cent., a number sufficiently high to prove a greater mortality than that of any other city, but still far below the truth. In order to know whether this mortality be excessive, let us see what the statistics of other cities show. I here present the mortality of the cities of the United States, care- fully calculated by myself from authentic data. The data, the princi- ples of the calculation, and the authorities, will be hereafter published, the result only being here given. Average Annual Mortality of various Cities of the United States. Boston, 30 years, 1811 to 1849, - - 2.4572 Lowell, 13 “ 1836 to 1848, - - 2.1104 New-York, 45 “ 1805 to 1849, - - 2.9622 ■—"The following note from Dr. McGibbon, one of the physicians of the Charity Hospital, confirms my statement, and furnishes important statistical details of a department of which no other records have been preserved: K The number of women delivered in the Charity Hospital, between the first of April and the first of November, 1850, was seventy-five. Three of these had twins: making the number of children born there in that period, seventy-eight: of this number there were thirty-three males, and thirty-seven females : the sex of the rest was not noted. Ten of the seventy-eight were still-born, and of this number the greater part were premature births ; twenty-one were cut off between the first and ninth day, and, with but a few exceptions, all these died with Trismus Nascentium. If we include the children still-born, this will give the large number of thirty-one, which is not far from being one-half of the children born within that Institution, in that period : or if these be excluded, we have still a mortality exceeding thirty per cent., occurring at that early period of infantile life. As no record is kept in the Hospital books, of the children, who, born in the Insti- tution, die there, so there is no reason to believe that any of the above deaths were ever inserted on the mortality bills of the city. The custom with the Hospital is to place these bodies in a coffin with a larger one; the latter alone being entered in the sexton’s book at the cemetery. This is done to lessen expenses.” Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 13 Philadelphia, 34 years, 1807 to 1840, - - 2.5510 Baltimore, 14 “ 1836 to 1849, - - 2.4917 Charleston, 27 “ 1822 to 1848 "Whites, 2.4826 Blacks, 2.6458 Both. 2,5793 Savannah, . 8 “ 1840 to 1847, Whites, 4.1616 New-Orleans, 4£ “ 1846 to 1850, - - 8.1017 Annual Average Mortality of Other Places. * Massachusetts, 1847-48, - - - • 1.59 f Twelve counties of England, .... 1.93 f Twenty-six Cities Do. - - - - 2.72 J London, j Males, 2.74 (Females, 2.31 J Liverpool, j Males, ..... g.53 / Females, ..... 3.15 § Liverpool, 1850, - - - - - 2.73 § Manchester, [ Males, 3.65 Females, - 3.31 It will be seen that the mortality of New-Orleans is nearly double that of Savannah, the highest on the list, two and four-fifths times greater than that of New-York, and more than three times that of any other city. I must confess my surprise at the great mortality of Savan- nah, and must add that it is highly probable that its mortality in former times was even greater, but I have not the data for the calculation. I have the deaths of whites annually from the year 1810, but have been unable to obtain the numbers of the white population of the city, an- terior to 1840; I must also add, that I have not yet examined the mortality of Mobile, for a similar reason. But it may be said, that the year 1847, should not be included, as it was a very unusual year, nor the cholera period, of 1848-’49, as this also constitutes an exception to the general healthiness of JNTew-Orleans. I reply first, that the cholera and all other epidemics are included in the calculations for the other cities;—but let us enter into a more ac- curate calculation on these points. The year 1849 is generally con- sidered in New-Orleans, a healthy year, cholera excepted, as has been repeatedly asserted by the medical profession and the press. During this Philadelphia, with a population three times that of New-Or- * Calculated from Registration Reports, t Dr. Jarvis on Vital Force.—Appendix. t M’Culloch’s British Empire. § Chambers’ Edinburgh Journal, March 1, 1851. 14 Monograph. leans, had fewer deaths by four hundred, and even if we deduct the deaths from cholera in the latter, the mortality of Philadelphia, com- pared with the population, was but one-half that of New-Orleans. From 10,661 deaths in New-Orleans and Lafayette, during the year, deduct 3,285* deaths from cholera and cholera morbus—there remains 6,577 ; taking the population at 115,000, the mortality would be (excluding cholera) 5.719 per cent. Again, let us take the year 1850. Our daily press announced to the world the continued healthiness of the city, the citizens rejoiced in its salubrity, and the medical profession were for the most part idle during the year. The Board of Health state that the cases of yellow fever were so few as scarcely to deserve notice; that cholera was at no time epidemic, and if any epidemic prevailed, it was dengue, which is not a fatal disease. The Mayor says, in a message to the General Council, as published in the official newspaper:— “It affords me much pleasure to observe that the city has been per- fectly healthy during the past year, and free from all epidemic. This gratifying fact is in part attributable to the opening and laying out of streets in the rear of the city, a measure that must contribute not ouly to the increased salubrity, but also to the prosperity of New-Orleans; at the same time it is due to state, that this exemption from disease is also to be ascribed, in a marked degree, to the energy of the Board of Health, who, with comparative limited means at their disposal, have accomplished everything that could be done towards improving the sanitary condition of the community. The regular weekly publications of the deaths by the Board, have not been without their effect, in checking the unfounded state- ments that were formerly circulated in regard to the mortality of New- Orleans, proving, as they have done, that with the rare exception of epidemics, to which all large cities are liable, we can lay claim to as great a share of health as is enjoyed by equally populous communities.” This, then, is a favorable year, and we can surely take this one as a test, and parade it it before the world as a proof of the general salubri- ty of New-Orleans. The tables published by the Board of Health give 7,819 deaths ; I can show omissions,f of which no notice is made in * The deaths from cholera in Lafayette are unknown ; the interments from New- Orleans, are, however, included in this number. t Exceptions having been taken to this remark, I annex the following extract from the remarks of Dr. Fenner, accompanying the portions of the paper published in his annual reports:— “ As to the discrepancy between the Board of Health and Dr. Sinionds, in regard to the total mortality of the year in the two cities, it was a simple omission on the part of the Board to obtain all the interments at the Lafayette cemetery, and arose from the fact that the keeper of the cemetery was not required to furnish full reports Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 15 the report, which would make the aggregate 8,086, being but 700 less than the average of the last four and one-third years, including the eholera and the yellow fever of 1847. The mortality, therefore, of the healthy (for New-Orleans) year, 1850, was 6.22 percent. This must convince the most skeptical. If New-Orleans is healthy, when one in every six- teen persons die, and when the admissions to the Charity Hospital amount to one in every seven inhabitants, or 14.1 per cent.,then should we be informed what would be admitted to be an unhealthy year, and what number of deaths is requisite to prove the insalubrity of this place. Again, bearing in mind that the population of New-Orleans and La- fayette is less than 130,000, and that during the healthy year, 1850, the deaths amounted to 8,08 look at with a population of 370,000, nearly thi’ee times that of New-Orleans, the deaths only amounted in 1850, to 10,123 ; compared with the population, the mor- tality of this year was in Liverpool 2.736 percent.—of New-Orleans, 6.220 per cent.; or, while in every 1,000 sixty-two died in New-Or- leans, only twenty-seven died in Liverpool. It has been said that the deaths in New-Orleans occur among those merely passing through the city, but Liverpool is the place of emigration for the greater part of all the Irish emigrants to all parts of the world. In fact, during the fa- mine in Ireland, it is estimated that at one time there were in Liverpool 100,000 Irish paupers, men, women and children. We, in New-Orleans, consider the past few weeks a period of unex- ampled health ; let us, then, compare the weekly statement of deaths here with those in Boston: Deaths in Boston. N. Orleans and Lafayette. Week ending, 1851, Feb. 22 *70 132 March 1, - 78 - - - 135 “ 8, - 77 - - - 135 “ 15, - 70 - - - 148 “ 22, 69 157 “ 29, - 74 - - - 127 April 5, - 81 - - - 140 “ 12, - 71 - - - 162 “ 19, - 57 - - - 180 647 1,319 weekly, until the 1st of May, when the new law went into operation. Previous to th at time, he furnished, by request, only such as died in New-Orleans and were bu rie d in Lafayette Such are the facts—as I have found on examination.” The deaths in Boston are obtained from the Boston Medical and 16 Monograph. Surgical Journal, where are given full details of the causes of death, Avith the sex, age, and nativity ; the deaths for New-Orleans are from a statement of the Secretary of the Board of Health, but the sum of the details is three less than the total given by him. According to the late United States census, the city of Boston con- tains 8,000 more persons than the cities of New-Orleans and Lafayette, in which, during nine weeks of our healthy season, the deaths are more than double those of Boston. It is the duty of the Board of Health to investigate this subject thoroughly, to point out the causes of this large mortality, the classes of the community among whom it prevails, and the parts of the city in which it exists. It might point out the number dying without medical assistance, and the kind of medical aid ; the length of time sick, and the period of residence here. The certificates are, I knoAV, very defective upon many of these points, but until the Board makes use of the data furnished, it cannot expect that the medi- cal profession will render them more full. The publications of the Board only serve to prove an excessive mortality, Avithout enabling any one to trace it to its source, that a remedy may be proposed. These various comparisons show an unparalleled Avaste of human life, and it certainly demands immediate and efficient action from the city authorities. It is to be regretted that the hygiene of the city has failed to receh'e at the hands of those to Avhom it has been entrusted, that degree of at- tention to which its importance entitled it. It is to be deeply deplored that, judging from the manner in Avhich the mortuary statistics have been neglected, their value has not been duly appreciated, nor their bearing upon the sanitary condition of the city thoroughly im'estigated and fully developed. It is necessary for me to criticise rather severely the last annual re- port of the Board of Health.* My strictures refer to but tAvo topics,— the tables accompanying the report, and so much of the report (about four pages) as summarily disposes of the important question of the sani- * I have but exercised an indisputable right in criticising the report of our own Board of Health, but some may think that the minuteness with which I have speci- fied their errors, is unnecessary. I must, therefore, add, and it will be but justice to our Board of Health to state, that similar erroneous principles pervade the reports of other cities. Dr. Wynne complains of the arrangement of the reports of Balti- more. The reports for New-York for 1848 and 1849, now before me, and even those of Boston, if the specimen given by Mr. Shattuck in the census of Boston be still followed, are open to the same complaints. The reports in Charleston are the best I have seen, but they err in a want of detail. My strictures, therefore, may do good elsewhere. Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 17 tary condition of the city. The remainder of the report, devoted to the investigation of “ the means to improve and preserve the health” of the city, meets, generally my approbation, and deserves commendation for noticing fully and fearlessly various topics pertaining to the im- provement of its sanitary regulations. It scarcely does justice to the subject of the supply of water to New-Orleans, but we cannot go fully into this subject at present, and therefore drop it. We must also express our decided disapprobation of the recommen- dation to require privies to be dug to the depth of fifteen feet. We had better try to remove, as speedily as possible, their contents, than pro- vide for its accumulation for years, in such a state as to be always a nuisance. Experience would soon demonstrate the impropriety of the measure, for such privies would be constantly full of water, and would, during very wet weather, overflow, even in the highest parts of the city. In the remarks made upon the report of the Board of Health, I have regarded it as an official document ; and I must add, that, considering it a fair exposition of the sentiments of the community, upon the subject of the healthiness of New-Orleans, I have referred to it more particu- larly, as the only tangible statement of this sentiment which I feel com- pelled to labor to controvert, for the good of the community. With many of the members of the Board I have no acquaintance, and of some, do not even know the names. For those with whom I am ac- quainted, I have the highest respect, as individuals, and I refer solely to the official acts of the Board, as a public body, without knowing how many of its individual members may disapprove of its official acts. The Board of Health have deemed it unnecessary “ to go into pro- found researches and philosophical speculations connected with the obituary reports;” though how they can determine the health of the city for the preceding year without “ profound researches,” and a thorough and complete analysis of the “ causes of death,” is not stated. It appears to think that its first duty is to assert the healthiness of New-Orleans ; and its second duty, to furnish such tables that none can easily contro- vert their position. I have, however, completely analysed them, and proceed to give some of the results, with some strictures upon the tables. If a Board of Health desired to mystify the facts and conceal the truths furnished by tables of mortality, it should carefully copy the example given in the tables accompanying the late report of our Board. In the first place, the several tables given do not correspond with each other, nor with the sum of the details. In the next place, an alphabetical arrangement of 18 Monograph. the causes of death is adopted; the objection* to which are too impor- tant to be overlooked. It causes the introduction of synonymous terms and of numerous names so nearly synonymous and so seldom used, that they should be embodied under other designations. It separates diseases similar, and even identical in nature and cause. It places in juxtaposition, diseases the most dissimilar, because their initial letters happen to be the same.f This is, in fact, the principle of an alphabeti- cal arrangement, than which there can be none worse. If, however, the diseases were carefully condensed, under the smallest possible number of terms, and if aggregates only were given, the defects of arrangement would not be so glaring. The deaths are given for each sex of white and colored, separately, and each of them is divided into adults and children. It is not stated, however, at what age the period of childhood is supposed to end, and that of adult age to begin. This is very important, and should have been distinctly stated. I have calculated it, from the tables given, at fifteen years of age, which differs from the division formerly made in the reports of the Board, when the numbers were stated under and over ten years of age. The age of fifteen is to be preferred, if the census tables furnish the numbers at the same period, otherwise it will not be possible to determine the relative prevalence of different diseases at different ages. Notwithstanding the extent of the tables, one cannot, without calcu- lation, (and sometimes a most laborious calculation,) answer any one of the following questions:—What is the total number of deaths in any month ? the total number of any disease ? the total number at any named age ? the number of females ? of children ? of colored ? or even the number interred in a particular cemetery. In one word, the tables of the Board furnish numerous details from which might be compiled valuable tables, but in their present form, they are of no other use than to perplex and mislead those who may have occasion to refer * These objections were illustrated by special references, which are given in Fen- ner’s Southern Medical Reports, ii, but they pervade, to a greater or less degree, every alphabetical arrangement of diseases. \ Notwithstanding the great objections to an alphabetical arrangement of dis- eases, a feeble attempt has been made to argue against a classified arrangement. The only instance adduced is that of apoplexy, and the argument runs thus : because, forsooth, some cases depend upon organic disease of the heart, and some are due to the disease of the arteries of the brain, ergo, apoplexy should not be considered a disease of the brain, but should be classed as a disease beginning with the letter A. Hereafter, then, we must not expect to find apoplexy treated of in works on diseases of the brain. Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of Neiv-Orleans. 19 to them. This is not right: the Board has the power and the means to pay for the compilation of tables that would present every useful ar.d necessary fact pertaining to the mortuary records in so plain a light, that no further labor would be necessary ; and such are the tables that it should put forth. The preceding remarks on the tables of the Board of Health, require an exposition of the true principles of classification. In establishing a system of classification for diseases, the first thing to be distinctly set forth is the object for which the classification is proposed, as the prin- ciples of classification must differ according to the end in view. The classifications of nosologists were doubtless first undertaken for the purpose of acquiring a clear and distinct view of the symptoms of dis- eases, with reference to their identification or diagnosis ; and, secondly, as to the nature of morbid action with reference to the treatment of disease or practical medicine. When the science of medicine is to be taught to another, these principles must be kept in view, and must form the foundation of a classification for the purpose of instruction in the art of practical medicine. It is on these principles, therefore, that all sys- tems of nosology have been constructed, and they have been proposed by practitioners of medicine, and constituted the only arrangements of diseases, until (as far as I am aware) about the year 1838. In the year 1836, the Parliament of Great Britain passed a law re- quiring the registration of all births, marriages and deaths, in England and Wales. This threw into the hands of government a vast mass of materials, which required to be arranged, condensed and generalized. The officials on whom this duty devolved, were not necessarily medical men—they were clerks, and it soon became obvious that proper ar- rangements would diminish greatly their labor. What, then, was re- quired of them ? But first, what was the matter in hand ? Leaving out of consideration, as at present irrelevant to this discussion, the births and marriages, there was placed in their hands a vast number of names of diseases; they had nothing to do with the diagnosis of par- ticular diseases ; neither did pathological theories nor therapeutical re- lations enter into the sphere of their investigations. They simply had to work with amass of recorded names, which might or might not convey an intelligible idea to those required to reduce them to order. What, then, was the object proposed in the collection of these names, and for what purpose were they to be used? The object of the registration was to obtain facts from which to as- certain the sanitary condition of the country, and this knowledge was 20 Monograph. to be applied to the enactment of sanatory* regulations, i. e., to the re- moval of the causes of disease. A system of classification was therefore required, differing essentially from that of nosologists. The objects were, then, first, to diminish the number of names, by bringing together the multitude of synonymes which different nosologists have proposed, that their systems might supersede previous theories. This ob- ject, as well as other considerations, required, secondly, that the proposed arrangement should, to a certain extent, conform to the nature of the diseases; but, thirdly, as the chief object of the whole, that the causes of disease, as prevailing in different localities, with different degrees of intensity, should be kept prominently in view. Mr. Farr, (who has since shown himself an eminent statist,) then but an assistant in the office, proposed a system, the outlines of which may be given in a few words. Taking all these causes of death, not diseases, he formed a class of external causes of death; the still- born and old age also constituted separate classes. He then selected from the catalogue of diseases, cholera, diarrhoea, dysentery, endemic fevers, eruptive fevers, erysipelas, syphilis, and formed them into a class which he entitled zymotic, and which, depending for their development upon local circumstances and hygienic condition, may be taken as the index to the sanitary condition of different places. This class includes all epi- demic, endemic and contagious diseases; all other diseases wrere con- sidered sporadic, and were distributed into classes according to the or- gans affected ; one class being specially assigned to diseases of general, variable or indeterminate seat. This class has sometimes been misused ; thus, Drs. DeSaussure and Dawson (in the “Census of Charleston”) have placed under dropsy, in this class, ascites, hydrothorax, etc. The class is, we think, intended only for anasarca, and for those cases reported under the vague denomination, dropsy. Dr. Emerson has done the same thing, and under the title inflammation, has included all the phlegmasioe. It may sometimes be advisable to collect together and present in a supplementary table, similar diseases; in other words, to carry as fully as possible, the arrangement of diseases according to their nature; but this should not be allowed to interfere with a different arrangement, and every good arrangement requires that each disease should be named once, and but once. The English system was recommended by a committee of the Ameri- can Medical Convention, with but few alterations, of which the change to an alphabetical arrangement of the diseases of each class is far from * Sanitary, pertaining to health—(passive.) Sanatory, conducing to health—(active.) Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 21 meeting my approbation. The same reasons which may be urged in favor of a classification of diseases, apply equally to the arrangement of the diseases in each class. The English statist had followed this principle, and the transition from one disease to the next was less vio- violent than necessarily happens in an alphabetical arrangement. Thus, the classifications in use adopted the principle of classing toge- ther diseases according to their causes, to a limited extent only: exter- nal causes and zymotic diseases being the only classes to which it was applied. It is really surprising that no other attempt than that of Mr. Farr, has been made to apply and extend this principle. The English and American systems possess, however, a greater defect than the mere want of completeness : they are incorrect, inasmuch as the classes do not possess the same degree and extent of generalization. The diseases comprehended in the several classes being regarded as species, the several classes of sporadic diseases are genera, and together would form an order—but the classes of zymotic diseases and external causes not being sub-divided, are ranked with the other classes as genera, though they really are orders. It is easier to perceive the discordancy when compared with a correct arrangement, than to explain it briefly, while only looking at the system alone. I shall therefore proceed to expound the system which was proposed in the report already referred to, and which I now follow. All the deaths reported are first divided into those of specified and unspecified causes of death, and I throw into the latter all errors; that is, after enumerating the specified causes, these deducted from the total will leave the unspecified. This should be necessary only in re-arranging printed tables, where typographical errors render it almost impossible to make the sum of the details correspond accurately with the true totals; but it would also be convenient in the preparation of tables from original data, wdiere the error is so small as not to require an entire revisal of the work accomplished. The specified causes are next separated into three divisions—zymotic, sporadic, and external causes of death. The first embracing nearly all epidemic, endemic and contagious diseases, which depend for their pre- valence upon local causes, or those more widely diffused terrestrial, meteoric or other occult causes, rendering one place less salubrious than another, constitutes the standard by which to compare different localities, and to determine their relative salubrity. The second em- bracing nearly all other diseases, and those depending upon the consti- tution and peculiar organization of the individual, is the standard for a comparison of the different races, sexes, etc. The causes of death em* 22 Monograph. braced in the third division, render it a good standard to compare the social and moral condition of the inhabitants of different localities. Each of these divisions, as I call them, are subdivided into classes. The zymotic division has three classes—the first, being intended to contain the deaths from any disease which may prevail as an epidemic* is contingent, and will generally be blank; the second, embracing cho- lera, diarrhoea, dysentery, fevers, (except puerperal and scarlet,) erysi- pelas, influenza or catarrh, thrush, cholera infantum, croup and dengue, is entitled endemic, and is peculiarly the class for comparison of the mortality of different places, with reference to local causes of disease ; the third class has been separated from the zymotic class of other sta- tists, and is the one to which the term zymotic peculiarly belongs ; but the name has been bestowed upon the division to conform as nearly as may be to established usage. This class, embracing hooping cough, scarlatina, measles, vaccination, small pox, mumps, will contain only those diseases to which the human race is everywhere subject, and which, having been once suffered, afford thereafter perpetual immunity, except in a few rare cases; it has been named Monoxysmal, signifying that its attacks are experienced but once, and that no second paroxysm is to be expected. The second division, or sporadic diseases, depend upon such occult causes that it cannot, at present, be subdivided in accordance therewith; it is, therefore subdivided according to the organs or parts affected. It contains thirteen classes, of which one is assigned to diseases of general variable, or uncertain seat, and to this no disease should be referred whose designation is so explicit as to permit a reference to other classes. To this class anaemia and teething have been transferred, as being too vague to admit of reference to the classes in which they have been hitherto embraced. For the special diseases included in this and the following classes, reference may be made to -the- 0oulh,ein,1tfediL,gl~Rq>i7UL, ii. OT 70. > Instead of diseases of the generative system, two classes are pro- .posed—diseases peculiar to males, and those peculiar to females—Xmder the latter, diseases of the female breast, and, with some hesitation, hys- teria. A special class is also assigned to the diseases of the organs of special sense, less for the few deaths attributed to these, than to render the classification sufficiently complete to be applicable to statistics of morbility and of hospitals. Deaths from old age, and the still-born, form separate classes under this division. The deaths from external causes, forming the third division, are sub- divided into three classes, the first of which (Class xvii.) is entitled Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 23 Casualties. It includes accidents, injuries, concussions and compressions of the brain, fractures, drowned, burns and scalds, as well as those dying of meteoric conditions ;—the killed by lightning, cold, heat, sun-stroke, drinking cold water, exposure, and also those from the bites of venom- ous animals. In the next class should be included only those who are wilfully killed, but as the distinction is not generally made in reports, it may be assumed that those reported as poisoned and killed belong here, and also that all wounds be considered as connoting the result of the action of another person upon the body of the sufferer. This class is designated Exopathic ; implying that the cause of death originated without, and that the death is the result of the infliction of another person. The third class of this division is entitled Esopathic, and is intended to include those deaths resulting directly or indirectly from the actions of one’s self; it will therefore embrace suicide, the executed, considered as suffering justly from his own misconduct,—syphilis, as due to the individual’s violation of the laws of morality,—and delirium tremens and intemperance, as originating in a deficiency of the power of self-control. In accordance with this system of classification, the deaths in Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Charleston, for a series of years, and in New-Orleans for four years, have been arranged; and it is only to compare twenty classes and three divisions to see the relative mor- tality of these different cities. This examination shows, that in New- Orleans the mortality of nearly every class of diseases exceeds that of other cities ; and in the division of zymotic diseases, the proper standard for the comparison of different localities, the excess is frightful. The mortality from external causes, and from each class in this division, is also considerably above that of other cities. It is apparent, even from a perusal of the public prints, that the number of homicides in New- Orleans is very much greater than in other cities, and mortuary statis- tics prove the same fact. But we return to the table of mortality of 1850, and leave, for ano- ther occasion, a comparison of the mortality of different classes of disease. I have classed cholera as epidemic during the months of March, No- vember and December. The report of the Board of Health states that, “ during the year 1850, cholera has at no time been epidemic;” but it does not specify what number of deaths is sufficient to constitute an epidemic, in the opinion of the Board. In a report to the American Medical Association, (See Transactions, iii. 275,) I suggested the pro- priety of recording, in statistical tables, the prevalence of epidemics, by 24 Monograph. establishing a distinct class therefor, and gave the following rule for de- termining when a disease was epidemic : “ The number of deaths for the preceding five years being known, the average for each month, week and day, could be calculated, and whenever the mortality from one disease equalled the average for the same period, the disease might be considered epidemic, and the period during which it possessed this cha- racter, should be noted in the reports.” To this rule I will now add that, in the calculation of the average, the mortality from preceding epidemics should be deducted. This becomes necessary for this city (though it can scarcely be necessary elsewhere), as the constant succes- sion of epidemics would place the average very much too high, the rule itself placing the epidemic point much higher than would be deemed necessary in any other place than New-Orleans, where a mortality at the rate of six per cent, per annum is so common, that the city must be considered healthy when it does not greatly exceed that rate. The deaths from cholera, during the year, amounted to 1,517, con- stituting one-fifth of the entire mortality ; of these 1,517 deaths from cholera, there were 1,245 whites, 272 colored; 962 males, 555 females; 1,176 adults, 341 children. The deaths were distributed through the year as follows : in January, 128 ; February, 29; March, 415 ; April, 75 ; May, 66 ; June, 40 ; July 12 ; August, 8 ; September; 45 ; Octo- ber, 101 ; November, 367; December, 231. To return to the question of the epidemic character of cholera during the past year. The statistical tables of New-Orleans are as yet too im- perfect to permit the application of the preceding rule; I have, there- fore, applied another principle. The mortality, per annum, from all diseases, of Liverpool, and of Manchester, is nearly three and one-half percent.; of London, Philadelphia and Charleston, S. C., about two and a half per cent.; of Boston, two and a quarter per cent.; of New- York city, two and three-quarters per cent. Let us, then, assume that a mortality at the rate of two per cent, per annum will entitle us to consider a disease epidemic. The population of New-Orleans and La- fayette, by the last United States census, is about 130,000, two per cent, on which would be 2,600, one-twelfth of which would be 216 per month. The deaths from cholera exceeded this number during the months of March, November and December, and it is therefore con- sidered epidemic during these months. During February, 1849, the deaths from cholera only amounted to 222. Whether the epidemic influence of cholera was equally felt by all classes of the community, is a question of some interest, that may be approximately determined by the tables now given. Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. I find that for the period during which I have designated it as epi- demic, it prevailed in the following proportion per cent.:— Whites. 80.5 Colored. 19.5 Males. 63.9 Females. 36.1 Adults. 75.1 Children. 24.9 while, during the rest of the year, the proportion was as follows : Whites. 85.3 Colored. 14.7 Males. 62.5 Females. 37.5 Adults. 82.3 Children. 17.7 It therefore appears that during the months of March, November and December, the proportion of deaths from cholera, among- the colored and among children, was greater than during the rest of the year, showing that the morbific cause operated during this period with greater force upon the very classes of the community who are most stationary. LOSS BY DEATHS. Let us now attempt to estimate the loss sustained by the cities of New-Orleans and Lafayette during the last four and one-third years ; the deaths amounting to 37,785. Gangs of slaves are worth an ave- rage price of $400, and it cannot be considered extravagant to estimate our entire population as worth the same. Moreover, the table given below shows, among the deaths, a large preponderance of males, and of those in the prime of life, viz., from ten to sixty years of age. The deaths during this period, then, make a positive loss to the city of $15,114,000 capital. To this must be added the interest on the capi- tal, or the value of the labor of the adults who have died. During the two years, 1849 and 1850, the ages of those dying have been published by the Board of Health. From their tables we find that 61.80 percent, of all deaths at known ages occur between ten and sixty years : 43.21 per cent, of the entire number being males, and 18.59 per cent, being- females, as shown by the annexed tabular statement:— N. 0. & Lafayette. Deaths. Proportion'percent. 1849 and 1850. Total. Males. Females. Total. Males. Females. Under 10, 4,976 2,750 2,226 33.38 18.45 14.93 10 to 60, 9,214 6,443 2,771 61.80 43.21 18.59 Over 60, 719 373 346 4.82 2.50 2.32 14,909 9,566 5,343 lOOiOO 64.16 35.84 At least one-half of the females, who die between ten and sixty years of age, contribute to the maintenance of their families, and to the wealth of the city. We may therefore assume that fully one-half of the deaths are of the producing class of the community. Labor here commands Monograph. high wages, ranging from twelve to forty dollars per month; two hun- dred and ten dollars per annum will, then, be a low average for the value of the labor lost to the city, and this, in four and one-third years, will amount to, say $900. The loss of the labor of those who have died, then, amounts to $900 X (37,785-b2)=$l7,003,250. The loss by death in capital sunk, and the value of labor amounts to $32,117,250* COST OP DEATHS. But death brings to every family heavy expenses, and a certain amount of expense is incurred even in the death of a pauper. If we suppose eight rates, viz., 1, 2, 5, 15, 20, 30, 40 dollars, equally distribu- ted, would average $15, as the immediate cost of each death, and the total cost to the city, of the deaths, is 37,785 X$15=.$566,775. AMOUNT OP SICKNESS. In estimating the amount of sickness, we shall first state the esti- mates proposed elsewhere, though they cannot be adopted for this city. The estimates are based upon the number of deaths, and as the relation between sickness and death is not only far from being uniform, but varies greatly for every different disease, the ratio must differ for every locality presenting a different class of diseases. From observations of the prevalence of disease and the occurrence of deaths, during twelve years, in the public institutions in Lancashire, including Liverpool and Manchester, Dr. Lyon Playfair estimates that for each death there are tvvmty-eight cases of sickness, which he estimates to continue three weeks. Mr. Shattuck obtains a similar result from the cases treated during nine years in the Boston Dispensary, and adopts it in estimating the sickness of Boston. Mr. Farr considers that the number constantly sick is double the number dying in >a year, which, by supposing each to last three weeks and five days, will correspond with the other estimate. Mr. Neison’s investigations into the sickness and deaths experienced by the members of the Friendly Societies, gave seventeen cases to oue death, during the period of life from twenty to seventy years of age. It is evident that the question involved is but the determination of the average mortality of all diseases, and that the less the mortality the greater will be the number of cases to each death. It is very pro- bable that in Boston and England, there are at least thirty cases to each death, or that the average mortality of all diseases does not ex- ceed three and one-third per cent., for the estimates are based upon hospital and dispensary practice, in which the mortality must be greater ISimonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 27 than the average. Mr. Neison’s results are probably too low (the mor- tality being too high) for this reason, that while the deaths are all re- ported, the sickness reported to the Friendly Societies is only that which will entitle to the aid of the society, excluding that which does not dis- qualify from labor, and that does not continue a certain length of time. Perhaps, in some instances, so long a time as one week may be required by the rules of the society to constitute (technically) sickness. From the “ Statistical Report on the Sickness and Mortality of the United States Army,” published under the supervision of Surgeon-Gene- rhl Lawson, and compiled by the late Dr. Forry, the following facts have been collected at the expense of much labor.* During ten years ending with 1838, the number of cases treated by the medical officers was 136,108, among which the number of deaths was 1041, giving a mortality of 0.76 per cent, or one death to 130t7 cases; but 1629 deaths were reported to the Adjutant-General’s office (including those that never received medical assistancef) which would give a mortality of 1.19 per cent, or one death to 83.5 cases of sickness. The following table shows the mortality of a large number of hospi- tals, with the sources from which it has been compiled. In presenting such statistics, it is important to preserve distinctly the period of time, the length of time, and the number of cases embraced in the observations, or very erroneous conclusions may be deduced from them. The mor- tality of large hospitals is not to be compared with that of small insti- tutions, nor that of more recent with former periods, but with certain allowances. The number of cases is preserved by the fraction, of which the denominator expresses the entire number among which occurred the deaths specified by the numerator. Mortality at various periods of various Hospitals. ** All the Hospitals of Paris, 1822, 11.87 f Ditto, 1840, 8.94 * Hotel Dieu, 1804 a 1814, 22.32 f “ 1816 a 1819, 19.73 f “ 1820 a 1829, 14.77 * Dr. Forry’s object being to illustrate the influence of climate, he deducted the deaths by cholera, suicide, etc., which,by examination of the details for each military post, I have re-combined with the total to determine the average mortality from all causes under all circumstances. t This discrepancy arises from the circumstance, that medical officers generally report the deaths on the sick list only, omitting those that occur suddenly, from ac- cidental causes or on detachments. Report, p. 72. ** American Journal Med. Sciences O. S. iv. 4G1. * Bartlett in American Journal of Med. Sciences, 0. S. vols. ii, iii, iv. t Stewart on Hospitals. 28 Monograph. f Hotel Dieu, 1830 a 1830, 11.71 f “ 1840, 12.21 f “ 1816 a 1840, 13.60 * “ 1821 a 1822, «£-£ 15.41 f Hotel Dieu annexe, 1840, 6.83 * La Charite, 1804 a 1814, 13.92 * “ 1821 a 1822, 16.49 * “ 1840, 10.12 * LaPitie, . 1804 a 1814, 22,22 * “ 1821 a 1822, l~ 13.30 f “ 1840, 9.05 * St. Antoine, 1804 a 1814, 18.18 * “ • 1821 a 1822, ~ 15.49 f “ * 1840, 13.19 * Chochin, 1804 a 1814, 13.33 f “ 1828 a 1838, 14.28 f “ 1840, 9.83 * Necker, 1804 a 1814, 16.66 f “ 1840, 9.95 * Beaujon, 1804 a 1814, 18.18 f “ 1840, 11.40 f St. Louis, (cutaneous diseases) “ 5.49 j- Du Midi, ( males, venereal “ ) “ 1.01 •)• L’Ourcine, (females, “ “) “ 2.83 * Des Enfans Malades, 1804 a 1814, 22.22 f “ 1840, 22.88 f De la Maternite, (lying-in) “ 3.65 f Hotel Dieu. (lying-in wards,) 1814, 8.00 f Des Cliniques, 1840, 6.48 f Maison Royale de Sante (paying,) 1840, 16.00 § Maison RoyaledeCharenton (lunaties,)1826 a 1833, f Bicfitre, (aged ind. and lun. males,) 1840, 14.28 f La Salpdtriere, (“ “ females,) 1840, 20.00 f Des Femmes incurables, 1840, 12.00 f Des Enfans Trouves, 1793 a 1795, 79.22 f “ 1837, ~ 26.66 f “ 1840, ~ 25.98 * Bartlett in American Journal of Med. Sciences, 0. S. vols. ii. iii. iv. •j- Stewart on Hospitals. § Esquirol, as quoted by Stewart. Simonds o/i the Sanitary Condition of 'New-Orleans. 29 || Copenhagen General Hospital, 7.00 a 8.00 1 Great Hospital of Milan, 13.82 ff Manchester Hospital, 1842, 8,12 ff Birmingham “ “ 8.64 ff Bristol “ “ 5.58 ff Hull “ “ 5.28 ff Leeds “ “ 4.59 ff Sheffield “ “ 4.13 ff York “ . “ 4.27 ff Nottingham “ “ 3.35 ff Oxford “ “ 3.32 ff Worcester “ “ 3.42 ff Northampton,“ # “ 2.42 ff Glasgow Royal Infirmary, 1846, Jj7 10.64 §§ Belfast Fever Hospital, 1817 a 1835, 6.66 HI London “ “ 1802 a 1828, 777’ 13.39 11 Massachusetts General Hospital, 1841 a 1845, 7777 9.65 *** Pennsylvania “ 77777 10.93 §§§ Cincinnati Commercial “ V 1849, 15.93 Boston Dispensary, 1837 a 1845, 2ifg5 3.72 fff Seaman’s Retreat, Staten Island, 1846, 4,18 New-Orleans Charity Hospital, 1825 a 1850, 777—7 16.45 “ Marine “ 1849 a 1851, 5.48 The only data for the determination of the question with reference to New-Orleans, are the records of the Howard Association, and of the Charity and Marine Hospitals. The records of the Howard Association, which I have been permitted to examine by Mr. Ricfcrdo, furnish the following results:—In 1841, the cases treated numbered 670—the deaths recorded amounted to eighty-six, giving a mortality of 12.8 percent; in 1847, there were treated 449 cases—the recorded deaths amounting to fifty two; the || British and Foreign Medical Review, iii. 567. 1T “ « “ « xxiv. 380. •J-f Edinburg Medical and Surgical Journal, lxvii. 382-385. §§ British and Foreign Medical Review, iii. 268 IHI Tweedie on Fever. HIT Shattuck’s Census of Boston. . *** Journal of Health. cf ( q, y j A ttt New-York Journal of Medicine. * /* ( §§§ Annual Report. ( 30 Monograph. mortality was, then, 11.5 per cent. During this epidemic, two Infirma- ries were opened : in that on Duplantier street the cases amounted to 164, of whom thirty-four died, the mortality being 20.7 per cent. The Infirmary on Spain street gave 28 deaths (excluding the moribund) among 109 cases, being 25.68 per cent.; including thirteen reported as moribund, the mortality would be 33.6 per cent. These records being summed up, show 1,405 cases treated and 213 deaths, which would give as the average mortality from yellow fever during these two epi- demics, 15,16 per cent, or one in six and a half. The records of the Charity Hospital give as the average mortality from yellow fever, during twenty-five years, 44.27 per cent., or 1 in 2£. (Fenner’s South. Med. Rep., vol. i., p. 124). The average mortality, from all diseases, in the Charity Hospital, during twenty-six years, from 1825 to 1850, is 16.45 per cent., or 1 in 6. The following table being more complete than any heretofore pub- lished, gives the mortality for each year, with all other details that could be obtained. Simones on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. Statistics of the Hew-Orleans Charity Hospital, from 1820 to 1850, inclusive. ADMITTED. t A \ Remaining 1st Jan. Total. Females. Blacks. Resident over three years. Discharged. Died. Total. Mortality -per cent.* 1820 40 1069 1 46 1308 2 82 1685 1116 573 1689 33.92 3 78 1288 983 283 1266 22.35 4 100 5 70 1262 989 218 1207 18.06 6 125 1373 1212 196 1408 13.92 7 90 1857 1549 304 1853 16.40 8 94 2434 1989 401 2390 16.78 9 138 2559 2065 483 2548 18.96 1830 148 2768 2366 424 2790 15.19 1 116 3749 3149 409 3558 11.49 2 309 2170 1703 568 2271 25.45 3 169 3851 141 2617 1114 3731 29.85 4 262 5841 261 4745 1052 5797 18.15 5 265 6205 252 4999 1226 6225 19.69 6 222 4754 310 4163 585 4748 12.32 7 228 6103 525 4640 1420 6060 23.43 8 271 4687 451 3890 683 4573 14.94 9 239 4833 546 52 660 3611 955 4566 20.90 1840 267 5041 567 1231 4370 619 4989 12.4 1 314 4380 562 82 1018 3093 1156 4249 27.2 2 4404 611 70 791 3516 761 4277 17.8 3 5013 669 78 1146 3672 1041 4713 22 4 5846 791 54 966 5059 713 5772 12.3 5 383 6136 869 144 1192 5446 563 6009 9.3 6 401 8044 1211 110 2034 7074 855 7929 10.8 7 427 11890 2345 91 1843 9369 2037 11406 17.8 8 829 11945 2214 15 295 10010 1897 11907 15.9 9 609 15558 3342 71 12133 2745 14878 18.4 1850 719 18476 4576 53 15989 1884 17873 9.98 1820-4 5-9 9485 7804 1602 9406 17.03 30-4 18379 14580 3567 18147 19.65 5-9 26582 2084 21303 4869 26172 18.60 40-4 24684 3200 5152 19710 4290 24000 17.87 5-9 53573 9981 431 44032 8097 52129 15.53 1820-9 30-9 44961 35883 8436 44319 19.03 40-9 78257 63742 12387 76129 16.27 1825-50 151179 123418 24309 147727 16.45 * The mortality is calculated from the number of cases treated to termination, either in discharge or death, irrespective of the period at which the case was ad- mitted. This is the only correct method (though it has not always been followed) for it is certainly wrong to consider those in the hospital as cured. Moreover, thus only can the mortality of diseases be calculated, lor deaths have been reported from diseases of which there are no admissions ; numerous cases occurring ol deaths from diseases contracted in the Hospital. 32 Monograph. To the kindness of Dr. McKelvey, I am indebted for the following statement of the Discharges and Deaths in the Marine Hospital: Discharged. Died. Total. Mortality. 1849 844 48 S92 5.38 1850 955 64 1019 6.28 1851 2 qrs. 547 24 571 4.20 2346 136 2482 .5.48 Of these statistics the details are in but few cases given with sufficient precision to be summed up for a general average, and these happen to be those presenting the greatest mortality. Aggregating, however, these details as far as possible, omitting only the Ilopital des Enfans Trouves for 1793-4-5, we obtain the following Table showing the number of deaths and of cases treated in various Institutions. Deaths. Cases. Hotel Dieu, - 3,375 21,899 La Charite, - 1,160 7,032 La Pitie, 1,041 7,823 St. Antoine, .... 814 5,253 Des Enfans Trouves, ... 1,458 5,467 Ditto, - - - 1,117 4,298 Glasgow Royal Infirmary, - - 584 4,547 London Fever Hospital, - - 1,059 7,902 Massachusetts General “ - - 193 2,004 Pennsylvania “ 2966 27,131 N. O. Charity “ - - 24,309 147,727 “ Marine “ - - - 136 2,482 Seamen’s Retreat, Staten Island, 67 1,601 Boston Dispensary, - - - 791 21,265 39,070 266,431 U. S. Army, 1629 136,108 N. O. Howard Association, 213 1405 Total, 40,912 403,944 This table presents a wider range and more extensive generalization than I have yet met with. Excluding the two last items, the mortality is 14.66 per cent., or 1 death to 6.81 cases. Including the U. S. Army Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 33 and the Howard Association, the mortality is 10.12, or 1 death to 9.87 cases. Notwithstanding the high rate of mortality exhibited by these Hos- pital records, when we consider that generally (the New-Orleans Charity Hospital being an exception) none but the gravest cases of disease enter hospitals, we may safely assume that the average mortality of all dis- eases does not exceed 5 in 100, and I am satisfied that the medical profession here will consider this a large proportion. A mortality of five per cent, is twenty cases of sickness to one death; 37,785 deaths have been before stated to have occurred here during the four and one- third years preceding 1851 ; there were therefore, 755,700 cases of sick- ness. I have not been able to collect many observations on the length of time of cases of sickness, and none for New-Orleans. The following table presents all the data in my possession for the determination of this question. Days. * Hotel Dieu, - - - 1816 a 1819 36 * “ “ - - - 1820 a 1831 25 * “ “ ... 1832 a 1840 18| f La Charite, - 1822 30 f La Pitie, - - - - - “28 f St. Antoine, - - - - “ 31 * « - 1840 21 * Des Cliniques, - - - - “21 * Necker, - - - - - “18 * St. Louis, cutaneous diseases, - - “32 * Du Midi, males, venereal diseases, - - “30 * L’Ourcine, females, “ “ - “ 60 * Des Enfans Malades, - - - - “ 42 * Maison Royale de Sante, (pay patients,) - - 23 \ Great Hospital of Milan, males, - 1811 a 1844, 13 £ “ “ “ females, “ “ 15 J Brothers in Charity, “ - - - 1604 a 1844, 21 § Belfast Fever Hospital - - - 1817 a 1835, 22 Hospitals of Liverpool and Manchester, 12 years, 21 Average Residence of Patients in various Hospitals. * Stewart on Hospitals. t Bartlett in American Journal Med. Sciences, iii. iv. t British and Foreign Medical Review, xxiv. 380. § “ “ “ « iii. 268. 1T Playfair, as quoted by Shattuck. 34 Monograph. Embracing, as this does, the observations on many hundred thousand patients, the range’of numbers will give a sufficiently correct idea of the duration of cases of sickness, though a general average cannot be cor- rectly obtained for want of more precise details, than are given in the authorities quoted, except for the Hotel Dieu, and for La Charite, La Pitie and St. Antoine, for 1822. It has before been stated that Farr’s estimate would require an ave- rage duration, for each case of sickness, of three weeks and five days ; Playfair’s observations three weeks; and the latter is adopted by Mr. Shattuck in his estimates for Boston. We shall suppose that in New- Orleans, the average duration is two weeks, presuming a greater preva- lence of acute diseases. The number of days’ sickness was, then, 10,579,800, equal to the constant sickness, during the entire pe- riod, of 6,G87 persons, and equal to 28,985 years of sickness experienced during four and one-third yTears, by a population of less than 100,000, and equal to an entire life-time of 1,159 persons attaining to the ave- rage age at death generally attained in this community. LOSS BY SICKNESS. Let us see, however, what is the pecuniary loss involved in this amount of sickness. Assuming, for want of more accurate data, that the sickness of the several classes of the community with respect to age and sex, is proportional to the number of deaths in those classes, the tabular statement on page will justify us in estimating one-half the amount of sickness as occurring during the producing period of life, among those whose labor conduces to their own welfare, and con- tributes to the wealth of the community. Supposing, further, that there are 300 working days in each year, or that, in addition to fifty- two Sundays, there are thirteen days lost by liolydays, etc.; during the last four and one-third years, the city has lost by sickness the product of 4,347,750 days, (28,895 yearsX 300q-2,) of the labor of those whose services are remunerated. It w7ould be a moderate estimate to suppose this labor worth an average of $1 per day, when we consider that ordinary laborers get from $1 to $1.50 per day, that clerks get from $1 to $3 and $5 per day, that some men count their gains by tens of dollars, and that even domestics get from $12 to $15 per month, and their board. Even, however, at fifty cents per day, this loss would amount to $2,173,875. COST OF SICKNESS. Not only does sickness cause a loss of labor; it involves an absolute Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 35 expenditure of money for medicines and medical services, etc. The charity and private hospitals charge $1 per day for slaves, and this may be considered a fair average; for although a large portion of the sick- ness pays no physician’s bill, yet surgical operations and wealthy patients must pay sufficient to make this amount near the average cost. The sickness of the last four and one-third years has, then, involved the ex- penditure of $10,579,800. TOTAL LOSS DURING FOUR AND ONF.-THIRD YEARS. Capital sunk by death, - $15,114,000 Value of labor lost, - - 17,003,250 32,117,250 Value of labor lost by sickness, - - 2,173,875 Losses, $34,291,125 Cost of deaths, ... $566,775 “ sickness, - - 10,579,800 Expenditures, - $11,146,575 $45,437,700 Being an average annual loss of $10,485,623 to the city, and of nearly $105 to every individual in it. Is it, then, surprising, that New-Orleans’ has not progressed more rapidly ? What other city has had to encounter such losses, and what other city could stand them ? New York, when her population was what ours is now, could not have stood it, if indeed, even now, she could. Is it wonderful that we are heavily taxed, when so large a portion of our ■wealth has been lost in the sick chamber, and swallowed up by the grave ? It maybe said, that an estimate based on the value of slaves is not fair, inasmuch as the latter is an investment of a certain definite amount of capital, while the inhabitants of the city are voluntary immigrants, who have cost the city nothing; but if a slave were given to any one, would not his death be a loss ? The reference to the value of slaves serves only to determine ivliat amount shall be the average value placed upon the inhabitants ; that those who die are worth something to the city and State is evident, and the only question is as to the amount. The calculation may be made for the city of Boston as well as for that of New-Orleans. It may be said that crowds rushing in fill the places of those who Monograph. have died ; but it is forgotten that instead of adding to our numbers, to our taxable citizens, and to our productive wealth, they only replace those whose death has not enriched any. If it be said that thousands die whose death is no loss, or even a real gain, it must not be forgotten that thousands die and hundreds leave our city from its unhealthiness, who would be worth to it much more than the average value I have assumed. Give to this city a population so numerous that the amount of taxa- tion will be reduced, and the cost of labor diminished, and you will in- crease its commercial prosperity, inasmuch as you will, by diminishing the charges on the passage of produce to the markets of the world, offer inducements for its consignment to this place. The important question that must present itself to every mind is, can these losses be prevented?—can this state of things be remedied? I answer fearlessly, yes. You will point to epidemics,—they are the very sources of disease that can be partially, if not entirely removed. You may refer to cholera, and I can show you that in England, her statists and sanitary officers point with triumph to this very disease, to prove the efficacy of preventive measures, and the efficacy of her sanatory regulations. During the late visitation of cholera, what cities have suf- fered severely by the disease ? New-Orleans and St. Louis ; the former of which I know, and the latter I presume, from this very circumstance, have neglected those means that would have prevented its wide-spread devastation and its desolating blight. But recently a poor man landed in this city ; he, his wife and two children, were crowded into a little room, with no opening save the door; in a fewT days one child was at- tacked with cholera, and in twenty-four hours he was left alone, pro- bably to fall a victim to our recklessness in not even attempting to pre- vent an epidemic yellow fever. Is it surprising that the rookeries and purlieus of the city should be filled with disease as well as crime? The following extracts (slightly altered) from the report on Quaran- tine of the General Board of Health, (of England,) though not possessing my entire concurrence, will be instructive to all, and will probably pos- sess more weight than any thing that can be urged by myself on this subject. “Epidemic diseases were formerly universally considered to be essen- tially different in their nature, each being thought to depend on its own specific contagion; and the correctness of this view seemed to be con- firmed by the-great apparent difference between typhus, scarlatina, influenza, plague, yellow fever and cholera; but whether each of these diseases depends on a peculiar and specific cause, or whether they all Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 37 derive tlieir origin from one common agent, essentially the same in na- ture, but modified by peculiarities of climate, and other circumstances, and which, under varying conditions, gives rise to various forms or types of disease, each having definite characters, and running a particular course,—which ever of these views be adopted, it is agreed, by most eminent investigators, that there is a general resemblance between these various forms of disease, and that they have the following characters in common :—They are all fevers; they are all dependant on certain at- mospheric conditions; they all obey similar laws of diffusion ; they all infest the same sort of localities ; they all attack chiefly the same classes, and, for the most part, persons of the like ages; and their intensity is increased or diminished by the same sanitary and social conditions. “ The consideration of these common properties of pestilence, under whatever form or name it may occur, has led to the general conclusion, that the true safeguards against the pestilential diseases are sanitary measures—that is to say, measures which tend to prevent or remove certain conditions, without which pestilential diseases appear to be in- capable of existing. “The essential condition on which epidemic diseases depends, is the presence of an epidemic atmosphere, without which, it is now generally admitted, that no contagion, whether imported or native, can cause a disease to spread epidemically. “ The experience of the present epidemic season affords evidence that the influence of an epidemic atmosphere may exist over thousands of square miles, andy7et affect only particular localities. The cases of chole- ra which have occurred in numerous and widely-distant parts of England and Scotland, mark the presence of the epidemic influence; yet, over this extended area, cholera has fixed itself and prevailed as an epidemic only in very few places. Why has it localised itself in these particular places? Probably because it has there four,d conditions of a specific kind, either local or personal, or both. It follows that our true course is to make diligent search for all localising circumstances, and to remove them so as to render the locality untenable for the epidemic. “ It has been stated, that however wide the range over which the in- fluence of any epidemic may extend, it cannot localise itself in any par- ticular spot unless it find these fitting conditions; and that by attending to localising conditions, and removing them, we can avert its attack, or arrest its progress when it does break out. This most gratifying and encouraging result has been obtained, on a large scale, in numerous places, with reference to influenza, typhus and cholera; and the whole tenor of recent experience leads to the conclusion that, in proportion to the intelligence and energy exerted for the removal and prevention of the localising conditions on which the presence of epidemic disease is now known to depend, we can secure immunity from it. “Thus, influenza in 1847, was found to be four times more prevalent in some parts of London than in others; and in the country, while in some districts, almost the entire population were affected, in others not a single individual suffered. The local conditions on which this extra- ordinary susceptibility to the disease, or comparative immunity from it, 38 Monograph. depended, are, in a great measure, known and are found to be within our control. “ In like manner, after a careful examination of the experience of Hamburg, with reference to the visitation of cholera in 1832, the gene- ral result, resting on accurate statistics, is, that with regard to the same class of the population, there were, among those residing in the dirty and close parts of the town, five times as many attacks of cholera, and nearly four times as many deaths, as among those residing in the clean and airy parts of it—that is, irrespective of the condition of poverty. The difference of the sanitary condition in these two parts of the town, rendered the same class of inhabitants in the one district five times more susceptible to the disease than those residing in the other, and increased the actual mortality of the most susceptible four fold. “ But Hamburg accidentally affords a means of illustrating the power of improved local conditions to secure exemption from the presence of epidemic disease during the general prevalence of an epidemic influence, in its highest intensity, by an observation so exact, and on so large a scale, as to deserve particular reference to it. “Since the epidemic of 1832, a large proportion of Hamburg has been reduced to ashes by the great fire of 1842, nearly one-third of the central part of the town having been destroyed This part of the city has been reconstructed on a plan avowedly in conformity with the prin- ciples of improvement developed in the Sanitary Report; and though these principles have not been fully carried out, yet the result of an im- proved sanitary condition, as far as it has been realized, is thus stated by Mr. Grainger: — “ ‘ No statistical report of the epidemic of the present year, similar to that of Dr. Rothenburg, has yet been published;* but after extensive inquiries among several physicians, I am fully justified in stating that the rebuilt part of Hamburg has experienced an exemption from cholera which is as remarkable as it is important. All the medical men with whom I conversed upon the subject, expressed themselves unequivocal- ly to this effect; and, indeed, the thing is so notorious, as to be well known to the inhabitants generally. Dr. Rothenburg stated to me in evidence, that although there had not been time to classify the cases, it was clear that the epidemic had not advanced so far towards the Alster, or new part of the town, as in 1832. Other physicians state that it has been particularly confined to persons living near the Elbe. Mr. Volkers, whose office enabled him to form a more accurate judgment than other individuals, since it was his duty to take the addresses of all the appli- cants who came to the central bureau, in answer to my inquiries, states, that from extended observation he had ascertained that, comparing the poor residing in the rebuilt part of the town with those living in the old portion, not more than one of the former had been attacked with cholera for ten of the latter. “ ‘ As certainly as the per centage of typhus decreases with improved * Since this was written, the official account of the progress of cholera in Ham- burg during the last year, (1848,) drawn up by Dr. Buck, has reached England, and this document fully confirms, in the main points, the previous statements. Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 39 drainage, paving and ventilation, so also will epidemic cholera. The proof of this has been afforded, on a grand scale, at Hamburg. The ra- vages of the disease has received a marked check in the present outbreak, by the substitution of wide, open, and well-drained streets, for narrow, filthy, and damp thoroughfares; by the removal of high mounds of earth, blocking up the streets, and overshadowing the houses, and by guarding a large evaporating surface of water from contamination.’ ” But I may be asked, how much of this loss may be prevented, and will not the prevention cost more than it is worth ? One-half or even two-thirds of this loss should have been saved, and no rational expendi- ture could equal this amount. But I may add, that no labor, that no money that could be judiciously expended in determining and improving the hygiene of the city would be thrown ga way. Sanitary reform, the question which is agitating other civilized communities, must take place here, whether the movement commences now, or at some other time. The necessity for a complete revision of our system is most urgent. At present, no attempt—worthy even of the name of attempt—is made to improve the salubrity of the city, by removing or diminishing the causes of disease, and by improving the condition of the masses of the people; and this for the very obvious reason, that all believe or af- fect to believe our city to be excessively healthy. The only agent in charge of the sanitary police of the city—the Board of Health—is not endowed with sufficient powers to enable it to contribute anything to this end, even if, under its present and past organization, it were compe- tent to the task. Its power is ehiefly confined to the preservation of the records of the dead, the results of our defective sanitary system ; and this power has, heretofore, been exercised only to the detriment of the city. All that has been done is to publish the total number of deaths, which is sufficient to convince the world, in spite of the contrary assertions accompanying the statements, that New-Orleans is very unhealthy. The special cause of this great mortality, the parts of the city in which, and the classes of the community among whom, it chiefly prevails—questions of practical utility in directing attention to those points upon which our sanitary condition might be specially known, and reformation ensue—have been entirely neglected. This should end. Either an efficient system should be established, or the present ineffi- cient, injurious, and expensive one entirely abolished—dispensing en- tirely with the cemetery records, so that none can know the number of interments. Then would be realized here the sentiment of “ the dead burying the dead”—those dead to all thought except for the present, and for money making; those dead to all desire for improvement ; 40 Monograph. those dead to all anxiety for the future welfare of the city they inha- bit; those dead to their most important interests, would quietly bury, and quickly forget, their dead. I have appealed(in vainif)to the medical profession, which elsewhere has taken the lead on this subject ; I now appeal to the other classes of the community,—to the city authorities, and to all who, being identi- fied in interest with the city, desire its welfare. To the authorities I submit the following extract from the Report of the Commission on the sanitary survey of Massachusetts : “Debility, sickness, and premature death, are expensive matters. They are inseparably connected with pauperism ; and whenever they occur they must, directly, or indirectly, be paid for. The city or town must pay for the sick man’s Support, for his food and clothing, for medi- cal attendance on him during life, and for the support of his widow and children (if he have any) after his death.' A town in which life is pre- carious, pays more taxes than its neighbors of a different sanitary cha- racter. An individual who is unable to perform a large amount of la- bor, or no labor at all, is a less profitable member of society than one who can do whatever vigorous health allows.”—(P. 254.) To those who desire the welfare of the city, I will at present only submit that the moral state of a people is intimately connected with their physical condition. Physical degradation not only engenders crime, but causes disease : and great mortality developes a recklessness of human life and suffering, which, in turn, speedily manifests itself in outrages against person and property. Whenever the mortality of New-Orleans is proved to be very high, the allegation is met by the assertion that this mortality occurs among the floating population, and this assertion is considered a sufficient vin- dication of the general healthiness of New-Orleans. It appears to be entirely overlooked that the very assertion virtually admits the delete- rious influences attributed to the locality, or to the circumstances of city life. If healthy, robust emigrants, in the prime of life, die soon after their arrival, to what shall it be referred but to the noxious city atmosphere, or to other letiferous causes peculiar to the locality ? But we shall proceed to examine the general bearing of the truth of the as- sertion. It has been fully proved by the investigations of several statists, that the mortality of cities is very much higher than that of the country generally. In England the difference is as the numbers 27,073 to 19,300, or about 40 percent, h* Belgium, if the average age at death be taken as a standard of comparison, the same fact is manifest, as will be seen by the following table, arranged from data in Dr. Jarvis’ report to the American Medical Association : Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 41 AVERAGE AGE AT DEATH OF DIFFERENT CLASSES. Time—27 ■years. Time—46 years. Place—Dorchester. Place—Brookline. yrs. m. d. . yrs- m. d. Laborers, 27 5 14 27 7 8 Mechanics, - 29 6 21 24 2 17 Merchants, - 33 2 27 29 3 3 Farmers, - 45 8 G 39 0 12 The difference in the town of Brookline is nearly ten years, and in Dorchester twelve years, in favor of that class which is peculiar to the country, over that prevailing in cities, and would be much greater if the average of the three classes, Laborers, Mechanics, and Merchants, which constitute the population of cities, were taken. In the “ Deport on the Sanitary Condition of the Laboring Classes of England and Wales,” Edwin Chadwick, Esq., gives the average age at death of the Prosperous Classes, - - 42.6 years. Middling “ - - - - 29 “ Poor “ - - - 20.4 “ If we consider the constitution of a city population, as compared with that of the country, wre will perceive that this statement also tends to point out the comparative shortness of life in cities. The poor abound in cities, and destitution and want prevailing more extensively and in greater degree than in the country, hurry thousands to a premature grave. At the same time, luxury, with its attendant enervating influ- ences, also carries off a greater proportion than elsewhere. But it is unnecessary to adduce these proofs of the greater mortality of cities. Long ago they were pronounced to be the “ graves of men,” and the constitution of the population of every large city shows conclusively that its increase is due to immigration. Having stated that the mortality of cities is greater than of the coun- try, it may be asked if the reproductive force keeps pace with the in- creased mortality. This question does not appear to have been inves- tigated by statists, and the materials for the investigation cannot be obtained in this city, but it is well worthy the attention of those who may have access thereto. The English registration reports show that while in all England there are 3,215 births to 100,000 persons, in the metropo- lis there are but 3,084 births to 100,000 persons, a decrease of more than four per cent., and the difference would probably be even greater were the births in cities compared with the rural districts excluding cities. 42 Monograph. It is probable, from tbis single facj/f the only one that I can obtain, that the reproductive power not only Vails to keep pace with the excess of mortality of cities, but that it is even diminished. If this be true, a cer- tain proportion of the increase in the population of cities must be due to immigration, and this proportion will be temporarily a floating popu- lation, and will be the greatest in those cities that increase the most rapidly, the mortality being the same, or the increase being the same, it will be the greatest where the mortality is the greatest. Thus the very assertion of an excessive floating population is prima facie evidence of a great mortality. The only idea to be attached to the term floating population is that of persons who, though in the city, have not by length of residence acquired citizenship, or identified themselves with the city. This popu- lation must therefore consist of three classes—those who visit the city chiefly for .pleasure and amusement, and to inspect the curiosities herein constantly presenting themselves; those who have visited us for the transaction of business, to dispose of their crops, purchase their supplies, &c., &c.; and those who have come here for the purpose of earning a livelihood, or of making a fortune, whose intention is to settle here and make it their place of residence, if they can do so consistently with their future welfare. The first two classes are here but for a few days, or at most a few weeks; they have left behind their ties of family or business that prevent a prolonged sojournment in the city; the}7 are ready to flee at a moment’s warning on an alarm of general sickness or a little personal indisposition ; they reside at hotels and boarding hous- es, in which, so far as my observation and inquiries go, there are but few deaths; and these classes, therefore, cannot contribute essentially to the mortality of the city. But is the floating population of New-Orleans so much larger than that of other cities, as to account for a mortality double that of any other city ? Has New-Orleans a greater number of visitors in the pur- suit either of pleasure or of business than New-York. Certainly not. During a few months, say for half the year, New-Orleans contains a large number of strangers, and also a large number of persons who claim citizenship and do business here, but who fly during the hot and sickly season to more congenial and salubrious climes. But New-York is constantly thronged with visitors—its business season may be said to continue during the whole year—and there is no season during which there is not collected together a large number of seekers after pleasure. Places of amusement which are supported by strangers, are with us closed during a considerable portion of the year,—but not so in New- Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. 43 York. Our hotels are deserted during the summer—theirs are always filled. But with us even a large portion of the private residences are closed for two, three, or four months of the year. It was recently stated at the Rail-road Convention, in the eloquent address of James Robb,—which frankly pointed out some of the evils under which the prosperity of New-Orleans had been retarded—that more persons entered and left the city of New-York in one month than visited New-Orleans during the entire year. If this statement be un- questioned in a Rail-road Convention, why question it when applied to the subject of the hygiene of the city ? If this statement be received as true when applied to commercial statistics, why refuse to admit its application to vital statistics ? The statement is based upon actual cal- culation, and is undoubtedly true; but when I point to the long cata- logue of eight thousand names recorded in the “ Dead Book ” of the Board of Health, I am told that they occur among strangers, and that to estimate correctly the mortality of New-Orleans, I must add to the census population the visitors to the city. Let then the same thing be done for New-York, and add to her census population twelve times the number of persons added in making the estimate of the mortality of New-Orleans, and the comparison would be even more unfavorable to New-Orleans than I have made it. The third class of the floating population consists chiefly of immigrants and adventurers, of perhaps but small or no means, who have cut off the ties that bound them elsewhere, and who, though but a short time resident here, are, to all intents and purposes, our own population. This class is enumerated in our census, pay taxes, contribute by their labor to the prosperity of the city, and will (if they escape the hand of death) become as truly citizens as seven-tenths of our present popula- tion, of whom indeed they constitute a large proportion. That this class contributes largely to swell our bills of mortality, is indisputable; but that the deaths from this class should be included in our calcula- tions on the health of the city, is equally certain. If New-Orleans really has proportionally a larger floating population than other cities, the reason is very obvious. Of the number attracted hither by the advantages of the city, a greater proportion die speedily, and consequently a smaller proportion live sufficiently long to become identified with the city. What length of time is requisite to change the character of those who come to reside in the city, from a floating to a permanent population ? When this is settled, the record of deaths can be examined with reference to this question. Life Insurance offices recognize no fixed period of time, but require that the applicant 44 Monograph. shall have experienced the yellow fever, which on an average will be epidemic every three years. Our State laws require two years residence to entitle a citizen of other States to be considered a citizen of this State. The United States requires the foreign immigrant to have resided five years in the United States. The annual reports of the Charity Hospital have generally stated the period of residence as under or over three years. Let us say, then, that three years is a fair average to constitute the stranger a citizen in this respect. Of one hun- dred persons settling in New-York in three years, nine will have died and ninety-one will become permanently resident; while of one hun- dred settling in Nevv-Orleans, twenty-four will have died in three years, leaving but seventy-six permanent residents,—the law7 of mortality of the general population being applied to the class of unacclimated. This statement is not strictly accurate—in fact, the difference w'ould be very much greater, as those who maintain the position that our mortality is caused by foreigners, and that for natives and the acclimated our city is very healthy, must admit a much greater difference in the rate of mor- tality of the newly arrived population. Again, suppose that on the 1st July, 1847, one thousand persons settled in each city, there would re- main to be enumerated in the census on the 1st July, 1850, less than seven hundred and sixty persons in Now'-Orleans, and more than nine hundred and ten persons in every other large city. Our neglect of sanatory measures, our indifference to the deaths of strangers, and our criminal disregard of the lives and welfare of those who settle among us, has done more to retard the advance of New-Orleans than all the of its salubrity can possibly remove. It may be said, however, that the floating population are foreign im- migrants, who are merely passing through our city. Let us then exam- ine the statistics of immigration, to see what light they throw upon this point. According to a statement published in connection with the re- ports of the New-Orleans Charity Hospital, the total arrivals at New- Orleans from foreign ports, coastwise, and by steamboats, during seven years, from 1842 to 1848, was 222,122,—while the arrivals at New- York from foreign ports alone during the same period, wjas 738,462. (Hunt’s Magazine, XXL, 657.) But how do the arrivals at the two cities from foreign ports alone compare? During the year 1847 the total arrivals in the United States was 250,000, of whom 166,110 land- ed in New-York—leaving but 90,000 for the rest of the United States. (Ibid.) Thus about two-thirds (66.44 per cent.) of all foreign immi- grants landed in New-York. Again, from 1845 to 1848 inclusive, four years, 104,293 persons arrived from foreign ports in New-Orleaus—a Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. number considerably less than the population of New-Orleans and La- fayette by the late census—while 556,209 arrived in New-York ; being more than the population of that city at the last enumeration. The attempt to excuse the great mortality of New-Orleans by referring it to the vast number of immigrants landed in our city, is not sustained by the facts. But let me ask at what period of the year is our population floating and fixed (if indeed there be any fixed population here) greatest, and at what period is the morbility and mortality of the city the greatest. It is well known that the months during which the greatest amount of sickness and the greatest number of deaths occur, are July, August, and September, and that during these very months our city is deserted by strangers, visiters, floating population, and even by our own citizens. But let us appeal to facts and figures that cannot be disputed. The records of the Treasurer of the Charity Hospital would probably furnish the total number of arrivals at New-Orleans for each month of the year, but this I am not able to furnish at present. The annexed Tables, E, F, G, show the arrivals from foreign ports for each month and season of each year, and for the entire period the total and the proportion. It will be seen that but 6.3 per cent, of the entire arrivals occurred during the summer—in July 3.73 per cent., in August 1.39 per cent., and in September 1.05 per cent.—hence but a small proportion of the entire mortality can be attributed to immigrants arriving at that period of the year. The mortality by months can only be obtained for the last two years, (and for these but imperfectly,) during which time the preva- lence of cholera in an epidemic form during nine months, and during the winter, spring, and autumn, would vitiate the results of a calcula- tion as to the relative mortality of the different months. I have, there- fore, prepared Table II, deducting the deaths from Cholera during the first six months of 1849, and during March, November, and December, of 1850, during which periods I consider it epidemic. During Janua- ry, April, and October, 1850, the deaths from cholera were also nume- rous, but they did not reach the high arbitrary standard which I was compelled to adopt for this city. The Table shows that during August, September, and October, the deaths were more than 30 per cent, of the entire number during the two years. The total number being 13,675, the mean for three months would be 3,419, which is exceeded durino- these three months 829, or nearly 25 per cent. The deduction of the deaths from cholera may be objected to; let us then go to the records of the Charity Hospital, which will furnish data for a longer period of time. Table lygives for each year, and for Monograph. seven years, the entire admissions for each month and season, and the proportion per cent. These figures show that during the summer months, viz., July, Au- gust, and September, when the number of our population is at its mini- mum, and when the proportion of arrivals is least, the amount of sick- ness, as shown by the Chanty Hospital, is nearly 25 per cent., or £ more than the average, and this notwithstanding the prevalence of cholera during the other months at three or four different times, to an extent sufficient to be considered epidemic. If the cholera were ex- cluded, or a longer period of time taken, the difference would be very much greater. It can no longer then be pretended that the dead are due to strangers and visiters, and that New-Orleans presents the anom- alous position of being a grave-yard of the whole world, though itself the most salubrious of cities. It has been suggested that in estimating the mortality of New-Or- leans, it would be advisable to compare the number of interments in the different cemeteries, and it has been argued that such a comparison would show that the deaths occurred among the poor, and that but few of those who have resided here several years are poor, hence the deaths occur among strangers and the floating population. Now it must not be forgotten that the number of deaths is definitely known, the names being all on record, and that if it be assumed that the mortality must not be considered as equally distributed through the whole community, but that the mortality of certain classes is very much more favorable than the general average, then will the mortality of the other classes of the community be proportionally increased. Thus let us assume that the mortality of New-Orleans is but little greater than that of other American cities, say 3 per cent, annually, and that the census and our estimated population based thereon, include a population among whom the mortality does not exceed this rate, and that the deaths beyond this occur among immigrants—for this is the general reply to the proof that New-Orleans is sickly, and appears to be consid- ered a sufficient and satisfactory refutation. The total of the annual population of New-Orleans and Lafayette for four and one-third years being 466,384, 3 per cent, would give 13,991 deaths among our own population, which deducted from 37,785 deaths actually recorded, would leave 23,794 as occurring among immigrants. During the four and one-third years 140,579 immigrants arrived from foreign ports at New-Orleans, the mortality among whom after their arrival here would then amount to the enormous rate of nearly 17 per cent. If, then, the assumption be true, does not this enormous mortality demand immedi- Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of New-Orleans. ate action on the part of our citizens, and the city authorities ? Are these lives not worth preserving ? Are these persons worth nothing to the community ? Do they not constitute our laborers, our mechanics, in fact the bone and sinew of the city, as the farmer is of the country generally ? Would they riot, according to the very argument advanced, become in a few years wealthy and valuable citizens. It is, however, constantly alleged that a great proportion of the deaths of these immi- grants are attributable to their own imprudence,—but are our hands entirely clear of their blood ? lias the city made even an attempt to restrain their excesses? Has any voice as yet been raised to warn the unwary immigrants of the dangers to which they are exposed ? Is the sale of unsound fruit prevented ? Is the depositing of rotten fruit in the streets and gutters, and on the levees, prohibited ? Does any law prevent the sale of unwholesome or adulterated bread or milk, or unsound hams or cheese ? When the city has closed the many avenues which cupidity adopts to extort from the poor the little that they may have with which to buy the necessaries of life; when it has made such provision that he who can neither buy, nor beg, nor steal, will not be compelled to eat the offal of the streets or starve; then may we honest- ly say that these deaths are to be attributed to the misfortune or im- prudence of the sufferers. But the argument proves too much, for it leads to the inevitable con- clusion that for immigrants the climate is even more pernicious than can be admitted. Thus it is calculated to retard in an eminent degree the increase of the city. Tell those who desire to visit or settle in our city that it is very healthy for those who are already here, but that one in every six who come here must die, and man3r will pause ere they take the perilous step. It is certainly very much to be desired that the mor- tality of the different classes of the community be accurately determin- ed, for this would contribute to a knowledge of the causes of the great mortality of New-Orleans, and would conduce to their removal. At present the interments in the different cemeteries are the only means by which, from the publications of the Board of Health, even a remote approximation to the truth can be made. Until an efficient and proper use is made of the data furnished to the Board of Health—until public attention be aroused to the necessity of more stringent sanatory mea- sures and the enforcement of the collection of more accurate data, the mortality of the different classes of the community, the salubrity of the different parts of the city, and many other questions of interest and im- portance, must remain unsolved. Our mortality records, even such as Monograph. they are, might, however, be so digested as to furnish information upon points which have not yet been elucidated. It may be admitted, even without precise statistical details, that the great mortality of this city takes place among the poorer classes of the community, for this has been proved for every locality of which the records have been rigorously examined. There doubtless would be much less difference between the mortality of the prosperous classes here an I elsewhere than between that of the poorer classes here and elsewhere. But it must be borne in mind that the latter constitute not only the bulk of the population of every city, but its most important and most valuable element. Remove from this city to-morrow all who are de- pendent upon their labor for their daily bread, and how many would be left to enjoy this salubrious clime, and what would be their condition ? Remove all day-laborers from your levees, your streets, and your ware- houses, and let your merchants, commission merchants, > $ I5 a, CQ o O £ CLASS XIV. Of Senses CLASS XIV. — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — 74 15 16 17 26 5 6 4 6 8 2 5 6 6 3 7 16 CLASS XVI. 324 76 65 83 100 21 31 24 17 24 24 31 29 23 43 30 27 CLASS XVII. 53 9 13 11 20 7 2 6 4 3 4 2 5 5 3 12 68 5 63 6 19 42 2 97 11 23 45 18 4 3 4 8 8 7 18 15 12 7 8 3 Burns and Scalds.. 30 8 4 2 16 2 4 2 2 2 1 1 3 13 Total 248 28 45 121 54 6 14 8 14 14 17 42 60 19 12 14 28 CLASS XVII1. 19 2 2 7 8 1 1 1 1 5 2 1 2 5 Suffocated, Ac 7 4 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 7 1 2 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 Total 33 7 6 10 10 1 3 3 4 1 1 7 2 1 3 . 2 5 CLASS XIX. Delirium Tremens 72 19 20 20 13 5 5 9 9 8 3 6 7 7 6 4 3 Intemperance 31 8 6 10 7 4 3 1 1 2 3 4 5 1 1 2 4 7 3 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 10 2 1 3 4 1 1 1 3 2 2 Total 120 32 28 34 26 11 9 12 11 11 6 13 13 8 11 8 7 CLASS XX. Treatment 9 3 2 4] 2 1 2 1 2 1 62 Monograph. A classified table of the causes of death in New-Orleans and Lafayette, during 1850, showing for each disease and class of diseases, the total mortality, that of each season of the year, and of each class of the community, according to color, sex and age. Table C. DISEASES. TOTAL. WINTER. SPRING. SUMMER/- autIjmn. WHITES. COLORED. MALES. FEMALES. ADULTS. CHILDREN. CLASS I. Cholera, 1013 415 598 815 198 647 366 761 252 CLASS II. Cholera 504 157 181 65 101 430 74 315 189 415 89 Diarrhoea 290 75 77 54 84 255 35 189 101 219 71 Dysentery 338 71 67 91 109 297 41 211 127 229 109 Fevers 893 134 89 520 150 830 63 580 313 765 128 Erysipelas 10 1 2 2 5 9 1 8 2 8 2 Influenza 36 18 10 3 5 11 25 17 19 5 31 Thrush 4 3 1 4 2 2 4 Cholera Infantum 73 11 25 13 24 64 9 36 37 73 Croup 33 15 6 3 9 29 4 17 16 1 32 Total 2181 482 460 752 487 1929 252 1375 806 1642 539 CLASS III. Pertussis 13 2 4 1 6 7 6 3 10 .13 Measles 57 9 32 12 41 46 11 32 25 1 56 Scarlatina 22 2 11 7 2 19 3 6 16 5 17 Variola 36 25 7 3 1 23 13 28 8 20 16 Mumps •... 1 1 1 1 1 Total 129 39 54 23 13 95 34 70 59 27 102 CLASS IV. Scrofula 13 2 4 3 4 8 5 7 6 6 7 Marasmus , 95 13 27 25 30 82 13 54 41 23 72 Teething 137 20 36 49 32 109 28 76 61 137 Debility 171 29 34| 54 54 149 22 90 81 73 98 Dropsy 66 18 11 15 22 47 19 38 28 55 11 Other diseases 66 17 15l 19 15 52 14 46 20 51 15 Total 548 99 127 165 157 447 101 311 237 208 340 CLASS V. Apoplexy 115 27 19 50 19 86 29 79 36 111 4 Congestion of brain... 101 8 14 57 22 83 18 69 32 71 30 Cephalitis 170 25 45 68 32 115 55 105 65 60 110 Hydrocephalus 33 3 16 9 5 31 2 18 15 3 30 Epilepsy 16 2 4 9 1 12 4 11 5 13 3 Convulsions 354 50 68 131 105 295 59 194 1601 24 330 Carried up 875 115 166 324| 184 622 167 476 313] 282 507 Simonds on the Sanitary Condition of Neio-Oi'leans. Table C.—[Continued.] DISEASES. TOTAL. WINTER. SPRING. SUMMER. AUTUMN. WHITES. COLORED. MALES. FEMALES. ADULTS. CHILDREN. Brought up, - 879 115 166 324 184 622 467 476 313 282 507 Tetanus, 71 19 18 15 19 53 18 43 28 43 28 Trismus IN ascentium,- 163 36 29 57 41 114 49 99 64 163 Paralysis, 19 3 7 5 4 13 6 8 11 18 1 Other diseases, 26 3 10 8 5 16 10 12 14 15 11 Total, 1068 176 230 409 253 818 250 638 430 358 710 CLASS VI. Laryngitis, 11 3 7 1 8 3 6 5 8 3 Bronchitis, 39 14 9 7 9 23 16 20 19 16 23 Pleurisy, 17 6 6 2 3 8 9 10 7 17 Pleuro-pneumonia, — 10 5 2 3 8 2 6 4 7 3 Pneumonia, 121 36 31 27 27 91 30 60 61 71 50 Consumption, 681 167 156 144 214 532 149 418 263 588 93 Other diseases, 29 5 6 11 7 23 6 15 14 27 2 Total, 908 233 213 198 264 693 215 535 1373 734 174 CLASS VII. Circulatory, 71 22 17 16 16 48 23 40 31 59 12 CLASS VIII. Gastritis, 29 3 10 10 6 20 9 20 9 25 4 Gastro-enteritis, 105 26 25 27 27 79 26 58 47 67 38 Enteritis, 183 32 38 61 52 145 38 103 80 76 107 Colic, 15 1 5 6 3 14 1 13 2 9 6 Worms, 10 3 3 2 2 6 4 6 4 10 Ascites, 39 12 6 9 12 37 2 28 11 37 2 Peritonitis, 18 2 5 7 4 16 2 7 11 13 5 Other diseases, 28 5 11 5 7 19 9 17 11 16 12 Hepatitis, 15 6 1 5 3 14 1 13 2 10 5 Jaundice, 35 11 9 10 5 26 9 23 12 33 2 Diseases of Liver, 8 4 3 1 6 2 8 8 “ Spleen,— 4 4 4 4 4 Total, 489 101 117 149 122 386 103 300 189 298 191 CLASS IX. Urinary, 15 6 2 4 3 12 3 12 3 12 3 CLASS X. Of males, 1 1 1 1 1 64 Monograph. Table C.—[Continued.] DISEASES. TOTAL. WIN SPRING. SUMMER. AUTUMN. WHITES. COLORED. m ta <1 S FEMALES. ADULTS. £ W csS Q j-J B O CLASS XI. Child-birth 11 1 3 7 6 13 4 17 17 Puerperal disease 19 2 4 9 4 18 1 19 13 6 Other diseases 21 4 8 3 6 16 5 2 19 20 1 Total 57 7 15 19 16 47 10 2 55 50 7 CLASS XII. Rheumatism 16 4 5 4 3 6 10 11 5 12 4 Other diseases 7 1 2 1 3 6 1 6 1 6 1 Total 23 5 7 5 6 12 11 17 6 18 5 CLASS XIII. Integumentary 8 2 2 4 7 1 3 5 8 CLASS XIV. Of Senses — — — — — — — — — — — CLASS XV. Old Age 74 15 16 17 26 33 41 23 51 74 CLASS XVI. Still-born 324 76 65 83 100 242 82 199 125 324 CLASS XVII. Casualties 53 9 13 11 20 48 5 46 7 48 5 Sun-stroke 68 5 63 67 1 58 10 68 Drowned..’ 97 11 23 45 18 77 20 90 7 87 10 Burns and scalds 30 8 4 2 16 19 11 18 12 19 11 Total 248 28 45 121 54 211 37 212 36 222 26 CLASS XVIII. Wounds 19 2 2 7 8 15 4 19 18 1 Suffocated,