LETTER
MRS.          .         , AND OTHER
         LOYAL  WOMEN,
lot OHING THE MATTEK OF
CONTRIBUTIONS FOR THE ARMY,
AND OTHER MATTERS CONNECTED WITH
         THE WAR.
S. G. HOWE
      BOSTON:
TICKNOR  <fc FITCLDS,
        18 02. 
 
A
LETTER
MIIS. ;<3^                     OTHER

          LOYAL  WOMEN,
TOUCHING THE MATTER OF
CONTRIBUTIONS FOR THE ARMY,
AND OTHER MATTERS CONNECTED WITH
          THE WAR.
d
S. G. HOWE.
Cen'v ..
Jrttf/
       BOSTON:
TICKNOR &  FIELDS,
         1862. 
 
Boston, February 20,  1862.
Dear Madam:—
  Letters come constantly from loyal  and  anxious
women  in all parts  of New  England,  who  ask
questions so  like  those which you put  to  me, that
I will try to answer them all  together.
  Since  the  life,  and  more than  the  life,  even the
very  honor,  of our beloved  country are in danger,
every one who honestly believes  he can strike a blow
or speak  a word  in  her  behalf,  ought to do so; and
I shall therefore use  this  occasion  to say some  things
not  called for by your questions, nor indeed directly
touching the matter  of  contributions.   I  want the
moral aid and  influence of every one  to  press the
adoption of a  policy upon which, as I  think, the
honor and the safety  of the Republic depend.
   Your first question is, How  can we reconcile the
semi-official  statements constantly put forth  that our
army is  in good health,  with the accounts given by
officers  and privates  in their  letters  of  the  great
number of sick  in  every regiment and company'? 
4
  They are  to  be  reconciled by  considering  that
health is a comparative term.   Compared with Euro-
pean  armies  in the field, ours  is healthy;  compared
with the rebel army  it is probably very healthy ; but
compared with  a half million of men at home, it  is
fearfully unhealthy.
  Having seen something abroad of the usual fright-
ful  mortality among  soldiers in actual war, and read
more; and having seen too  the manner in which our
volunteers were hurried into the field, I believe  that
the mortality among them  would  have  been vastly
greater  but  for  the   existence  of  the   Sanitary
Commission.
  I believe this after  giving due weight to the fact
that certain officers sneer at  the Commission; and  to
the really important fact that  the  season  has been
uncommonly  favorable.
  The United States Sanitary  Commission, projected
and animated by its able  and energetic president;
organized  and  directed by its  wise  and  humane
secretary, has indeed  done  a great work in the way  of
preventing disease;  the credit of which is due almost
entirely to  those officers, and to the zealous inspectors
and assistants whom they  have employed.
  But let us look a little more  closely at this matter
of army sickness  and mortality.
  Most  men  take a  lively  interest in the money cost
of war, and want to know all about that.  The Treas-
urer,  therefore, hurries up his accounts ;  he states 
5
how many dollars have  been spent; and how many
more must be forthcoming;  and all the  people read,
and  straightway conclude  that they have  counted
the cost  of the  war.
  But alas!  the most costly item of war is  human
life; and of this people  take too little thought.
  There  is,  indeed, a beautiful and perfect system
in the army, by which  a minute  account of every
case  of  sickness and  mortality, with its details, is
sent  up  from  every  regiment  to head-quarters;  so
that  it may  be  ascertained whether  on  a given day
John Doe was  sick  or  well;  whether  he had the
mumps or a fever;  how  many days  he  was  ill; and
whether  he got well or  died.  The  elements of the
calculation are  all there;  and we  might  have as
speedy a return of cost of the war in  life, as in
dollars.   But  the people  do  not  press;  and  the
Medical  Bureau being proverbially a slow,  though
sure  coach, the returns will  not come out  until after
the war  is over.  At  least it has been so  heretofore.
  Fortunately, however,  the Sanitary  Commission,
not tied  up by  red tape, has sent out its  inspectors,
(earnest  medical men,  who  look  to prevention of
disease,)  into  all parts of the field.   These Inspectors
after careful personal inspection of over three hundred
regiments, have made  over four hundred  reports.
Each report gives answer to some seventy-five ques-
tions, prepared  with a  view to show  the  sanitary
condition, and the mortality of the troops. 
6
  The  vast  amount  of  vital  statistics  contained
in these reports has  been  carefully  tabulated  by
E. B. Elliott, (a very able statistician in the employ
of the Commission,) and is already published.
  They show  that  the constant rate of sickness  in
the  army  of  the  Potomac is sixty-three  to  one
thousand men; in the army of the  West, one  hun-
dred and sixteen to  one thousand men; in Western
Virginia, one hundred  and sixty-two  to  one thousand
men!
  This means, in plain English, that  more  than  sixty
thousand of our  soldiers  are sick every day.  True,
every man who is reported unfit for  duty is included
in this  return.   He  may  have only a  headache  or
a cold;  a cut or a sprain; and may be on duty again
to-morrow.   But  allowing that  only  one-third are
really ill, you have more  than  twrenty thousand sick
soldiers; and can answer, as well  as I can, the ques-
tion so  constantly put,  " What in the world can  they
do down there, with so many hospital  clothes %"
  But there is a  fearful truth  revealed  by these
stubborn statistics, which will shock  our people when
it is fully comprehended.  There must of course  be
much sickness, and many deaths among six hundred
thousand  men,  let  them be  where they   may.  It
would be at about  the rate of one in a hundred,
yearly,  if they were at home.   But our  soldiers in
the  army of the Potomac are dying  at the  rate of
three and  a  half  in a  hundred  yearlv ;  and  in 
7
the army  of  the West  at  the rate of  five in  a
hundred!
  Try to conceive the awful truth told by these figures.
Calculate  the rate upon  six  hundred thousand men;
and look  steadily at the product, not as some vague
and abstract estimate, but as an awful fact.   Ponder
it all the more sadly,  because it  tells  far more
severely upon our misguided brethren of the South.
Think of seventy-five  stalwart young men from the
North, laid out cold and  stiff every day!  Think of
over  five   hundred  soldiers, in  the very  bud  and
blossom of manhood, dying  every  week!  Think of
half a regiment  of Union troops buried every seven
days !—twenty-seven  whole  regiments laid low in a
year,  not  by the sword, but by  disease!
  Merciful Heaven !  it almost drives one mad, when
with  this  fearful fact before his eyes, and  the wail
of mothers and sisters, of widows and orphans in  his
ears,  he is told to be  patient  and silent;  and to
hope, at least, that the  Government will be drifted
by  events  away  from  its  serve-God-and-Mammon
policy of  saving the Union, and saving  too   the
constitutional  rights of that institution wThich is  the
accursed root of all  our bitterness and sorrow, and
the only  cause of  disunion!
  Was ever such sacrilegious perversion  of words]
Constitutional  right  to  hold  men in  slavery!   As
though all the  constitutions  ever made, from  that
of  Sodom dowrn to  ours, could create right out of 
                         8

wrong, or hold back such  fiery punishments of sin
as are now raining down  upon our  devoted land 1
Republican slaveholders ! as  though a man  holding
fellow-men as slaves, can be any more  properly called
a  republican, than one  habitually stealing  can be
called an honest  man.
   Pardon this outburst;  but I lose  patience at the
delay  to  strike a  righteous  and killing  blow  into
the  very stomach  of  this rebellion by proclaiming
emancipation under  the war power, and enforcing it
as fast and as far  as we can ;   since  every  week's
delay  costs five  hundred  lives, and  every month's
two thousand ; to say nothing of the  demoralization
which is  going on.
   The Athenians  rejected  a plan  to destroy their
enemies,  because  it  required them  to do wrong; we
reject  a  plan  because  it requires us to do right, and
to destroy a wrong.
   War, bloody civil war, is direful,  barbarous,  and
brutalizing ; and it can  be justified  and  sanctified
only  by  high religious and moral  motives.  Are we
justified  and sanctified  in fighting as  we do,  slaying
and destroying the  young and thoughtless part of our
people, and bequeathing  countless evils  upon our
posterity, if it be only to avenge a supposed insult
to a  flag,  or forcibly repair a broken political  fact, or
secure commercial advantages'?
   Answer ye bereaved mothers, ye mourning widow's,
are these things  worth the blood of your sons and 
9
your husbands X   And  ye, over whose dear ones the
demon  of war hovers  on black  wings,  and may
soon clutch  in his  bloody claws,  do you not ask a
higher  price  for  the dread  sacrifice than  gratified
national pride,—and material national gain ?   May
you not ask  for it the  freedom of millions of slaves,
and the blessings  of coming  generations 1
   Besides, our soldiers are the children of the nation,
and the Government has no moral right to deny them
the benefits of the  highest moral incentives it can place
before them.  We can raise their real wages more  by
giving them a noble  task of freeing men from bondage,
than by any amount of pay and bounty.
   More than this:  we must raise the moral standard
of our  war if we  would have our  country come out
of it with honor,  instead  of conquering by dint of
greater numbers and greater  strength.
   You  next ask  whether it  is desirable  to send any
more supplies of clothing or extra  comforts to soldiers
in the field ?
   To this I answer, No; on the contrary, it is  most
undesirable.
   Do not  be led away from sound  principles by the
pressure of individual cases ; and do not be deceived
by vague reports; but look carefully at the system
and the practice  of supplying the  army; and you
will conclude that more harm than  good will come
of continuing this form of charity, the  tendency of
which is  to  demoralize our men  in various  ways. 
10
  You speak of  the  stories which reach you  about
the abuses of the  contributions  sent by  our  loyal
and noble women, and  I  am sorry to say that they
are founded in truth.
  For the most part,  in the  early  months of the
war,  the  contributions  for men  in  the field  were
faithfully applied.  But  it is certain  that there were
even  then  losses, and  waste,  and gross  abuses of
various kinds.  These have greatly increased since.
   Some officers have  been untrustworthy, and  basely
turned to their own  profit  what  was meant for the
men.   Many  soldiers who  did  not  lack  clothing,
nevertheless claimed their share of the contributions
which came  from  their towns, and  then  sold them
for money,  or  bartered  them  with  hucksters  and
camp-followers  for pies, cakes  or  whiskey.
   Some such abuses must necessarily  occur, in such a
wide-spread and  hasty  distribution, even  if it were
conducted by business men, and upon some organized
plan; but how many more when the distribution is
made by zealous persons who have neither habits  of
business,  nor facilities for doing it,  and  who work
without mutual understanding.   The  consequence has
been  that  all  sort of irregularities and abuses have
taken place.   Some  regiments or  companies being
laden down with more clothing and extras than  they
can carry, while others have got nothing.
   A  remark  of  mine made in a letter to Governor
 Andrew, last May, that no more extra stores  should 
                              11

be  sent on, gave offence to  many  at  the  time.    It
was  as follows:—

  " Besides  these  regular supplies, there is a  variety of articles
in the greatest abundance, intended for the personal comfort of
the soldiers, made  up and forwarded by families, friends and  com-
mittees  in the several towns.  It would  be  easy to mention  some
articles  of which our  four regiments have enough to  supply  forty
thousand men during a whole  campaign.   Many of these things will
have  to  be  left behind when the troops  go  into the  field.  Their
principal value (and that is priceless) is as a  testimony of the patri-
otism, zeal and generosity of the men and women who felt that they
must do something for the cause which seemed to them, not only of
their country, but of humanity.  It may be well  to say here that, in
my opinion, no more  extra stores  should  be  sent on.   They do not
promote the real  efficiency, or even comfort  of the troops, and they
do cause confusion, and even interfere with  the  regular service in
various  ways."

   Now see  what one of our  best surgeons  says, eight
months later, that is in January last:—

  " One word more.   The friends of the soldiers who imagine their
sons, brothers, wards or friends, as the case may be, as  suffering for
want of some of the good things and luxuries of life, put themselves
to a great deal of trouble and expense to send to camp articles of
food, as cheese, cake, pastry, etc., which are not  only not necessary
and do no good, but more frequently  do positive injury.  Whenever
I see  boxes  containing such  articles coming  into camp, I  calculate
upon  an increased number at surgeon's  call next  morning,  and I
have  rarely miscalculated.  However, I suppose such  things  must
be.  The expense of transportation is not a small consideration.  I
know of one instance in which a considerable quantity of cheese
was sent to some members of  the regiment.   The exact cost of this
cheese,  including  purchase and  transportation,  amounted to  two
dollars  ($2.00) per* pound.   The money was misspent.  The kind
heart  that meant well ought to be better instructed." 
12
  The Sanitary  Commission early  saw the confusion
and  the abuse ;  and decided to  do nothing  more
than to solicit and receive  contributions of hospital
clothing and stores ;  and  to give  them  out solely
upon the written requisitions of the  surgeons of the
respective regiments.   This has  been adhered  to in
all  cases I believe,  except that  of the  temporary
Hospital or Home for weary, or sick, or straggling
soldiers in Washington.
  The Commission therefore, is  not responsible for
any  of  the  abuses  which  have  caused  so  much
dissatisfaction  and scandal.
  But  my  objections are  to the  whole  system of
contributions for men in the field.   Whatever it may
have been  in the  outset, it is now not only unwise,
but  it is harmful, and ought not to be continued.
  Never was  an army so  well paid; and never was
a large one  so well fed, and so well clad.   The Gov-
ernment has  now the  means, and  the  organized
method;  and it  is  beyond  a  doubt,  that  save in
rare and extraordinary contingencies, the men may
draw all needful clothing.
  As  for the extras, they can and ought  to  pay for
them.   It is better to spend their money and preserve
their self-respect.   Disguise it as we may, if we con-
tinue  the present practice  beyond the period of dire
necessity, we introduce  a  system  of alms-giving and
alms-taking ; and  no  purity of motive, can avert  the 
13
degrading  influence of such a system.  I hold that
the period of dire necessity has  passed.
  In answer  to inquiries upon this point, the surgeon
of one  of  our regiments  writes  thus, under  date  of
December  30th.   "I  would  say, that in the matter
of clothing for the soldiers, that need  give our friends
in Massachusetts  no uneasiness, the supply furnished
by the United States  Government being amply suffi-
cient;   and  in  this  regiment every  thing  has  been
brought  forward  with   the  utmost  promptness,
through the  indefatigable exertions  of our colonel,
who  devotes  his  entire  military   experience  and
natural capabilities, to promote  the  comfort of his
command.   I am certain where complaints  are made
from  other regiments, (if there are any which reach
you  at home,) the prime cause must exist entirely
in the  supineness  or ignorance  of  those  to  whom
the welfare  of the troops is entrusted."
  Another says, " The soldiers of this regiment can
and  do receive from  the  United States all clothing
requisite for their comfort."
  Another, in answer to  the question, " Do your
soldiers need any  more clothing than they can get
in the  regular way,"  says,  categorically,  "No."
  Another, in a letter dated January 31,  1861—re-
ceived while  this is going through the press—says:

  " I am convinced that any thing more than this, [the  regular gov-
ernment supply  of clothing,] coming to the soldier in the way of a
free gift or charity, is a positive disadvantage to  him. 
14
   " As with the civilian, the more the soldier is made to depend upon
 the fruit of his own labor and resources, the  better soldier, the better
 man  he becomes.  By self-dependence, accompanied by the strict
 discipline of camp life, he is much more likely to learn the habits of
 economy, prudence, carefulness, temperance,  sobriety, and  secure
 cleanliness; in  short to acquire those habits that characterize  the
 true  soldier.  Who can estimate the value of such  habits  to  the
 volunteer on his return to civil life ?  How fruitful of good  to  the
 nation is example  after such training!  The soldier never  should
 have  at one time,  in his  immediate possession, more clothing than
 what  he wears, and what he can easily carry in his knapsack.   Sup-
 pose he wears out more than the government allowance for the year,
 which I believe, with due care and economy, need not be;  far better
 that the  soldier shall purchase any such needed extra, with his own
 earnings, than be supplied by charity; on the principle that one values
 what  he earns or produces, and consequently is more  likely to make
 better use of it.  Apply generally one  single illustration.  A soldier
 with three shirts will always have two dirty ones.  With only two, he
 will improve the first opportunity of time and weather to wash, and
 consequently always have one clean at his hand.   The same in
 regard to repairs, &c.   Other points  are involved  in  the possession
 of more clothing than the  government allows,  selling,  pawning,
 gambling, throwing  away, &c, according  to  the disposition and
 character ; it is sufficient to hint."

   I  might quote  from the letters  of other surgeons
 to  the  same  effect.
   No ! our  men  in  the field do  not  lack food,  or
 clothing,  or money,  but  they  do  lack  noble watch-
 words and inspiriting  ideas,  such  as are worth fight-
 ing and dying for.

   The  Southern  soldier has  what  at  least  serves
 him   as  such ;   for  he believes,  that  he  fights   in
defence of country, home, and  rights; and  he strikes
vehemently,  and  with   a will.
   Our  men,  alas! have no  such ideas.   The  Union 
15
is to most of them an abstraction, and  not an inspir-
ing watchword.  The  sad  truth  should be  known
—that our  army has no conscious noble purpose;
and  our soldiers generally  have not much stomach
for  fight.
  Look  at  the opposing armies, and  you  will  see
two  striking truths.   First, the Northern  men  are
superior   in  numbers,  virtue, intelligence,  bodily
strength,  and  real  pluck ;   and yet on the whole
they  have  been out-generalled  and  badly  beaten.
Second, the  Northern army  is better equipped, better
clad,  fed and  lodged;  and  is  in  a far  more com-
fortable condition, not  only than the Southern army,
but than any  other in the  world; and yet  if * the
pay were stopped in both, the  Northern army would
probably mutiny at once, or crumble rapidly ; while
the Southern  army would probably hold together for
a long time,  in some  shape, if their  cause  seemed
to demand  it.
  The  animating spirit  of the Southern soldier is
rather moral than pecuniary  ; of the Northern soldier
it is rather pecuniary than moral.
  Of course,  moral  here does not mean  virtuous.
Anger, hate,  revenge,  and  the like, are among the
forces which  intensify  the  morale  of  the  Southern
army, and give to it the snap which is  so lamentably
lacking on  our side.
  Intensify  the morale  of our army by higher  pur-
poses, by nobler motives, and you will see how much 
                         16

 stronger is  a virtuous  than a vicious cause,  when
 men are made to feel that it is so;  and how much
 more hardy and plucky is  a Northern than a Southern
 man.
   Our men are in a false position; not strategically,
 but morally.   The assertion, in all  our mouths, that
 the war will,  somehow, destroy slavery, is too abstract
 for them.  Men do  not  go to the death on abstrac-
 tions.  Put  it in the concrete,  that the war shall
 destroy slavery, and  you  give the  soldier a  conscious
 noble purpose—that  of  helping  to emancipate four
 millions  of men,  women and children from  cruel
 bondage.  The danger to the Union, if no higher con-
 sideration, justifies such  a policy.  As for the power
 to enforce emancipation, we shall  not know whether
 we have it,  until we try.  As for the right, if we
 may block up harbors,   and destroy  one  source of
 our national  pride, we may set men free, and  destrov
 the only source of our national  shame.
   Let  then  indignant  and fiery words   go  forth
 from the White House,—" death  to   every resisting
 rebel!  freedom  to every  friendly bondsman!  honor
 and promotion to  whoever brings  to our side most
 helpers from   the  other."   Let  these be adopted at
 head-quarters, and repeated by generals, and colonels,
 and  you will see  an answering spirit in the ranks
 showing  what Northern  men  are, and  what they
 can do ;  especially when  they hear, (as they would,)
the echoing cheers and blessings  on the new policy, 
17
from  all  the women, and  all the male men of the
North.
   Try to  look a  little at the matter, Madam, I pray
you, from my point  of  view, if only for a moment.
   In wars carried on by regular  armies moral consid-
erations are of little weight; and they become lighter
as  discipline rises.   Hence  the  seemingly impious
proverb that God is always on the side of the heaviest
battalions.
   Men shrink  instinctively from  danger, and  fear
death.   All wars  and fighting are  carried  on in view
of this.   But training enables  the  veteran to  over-
come fear, so that  the commander may count almost
as surely  upon his men marching up to the  cannon
mouth, as though they were machines, let the cause in
which  they  fight  be what it may.   If he has ten
thousand  men, and his enemy only eight, the chances
in his favor are as ten  to  eight.
   Not so with contending  peoples; not so in irreg-
ular campaigns;  not  so  with half disciplined  armies.
In these, the moral nature resumes its sway; and that
side is  strongest, (almost irrespective of numbers,) on
which  the passions are  most thoroughly  aroused.
   A people deeply excited, intensified (so  to  speak,)
into disregard of  danger and death by hot religious
zeal, by fiery patriotism, or  by any elevating passion,
is  unconquerable by any amount of numbers, by any
length  of  persecution, by any  thing, in  short,  save
battalions made  up of old callous military machines.
             3 
18
  History  is  full  of examples where people  with
nothing for defence save their passions, have success-
fully  resisted  invaders  who had  every thing  but
passions.
  In  our war the  passions go  for  much;  the disci-
pline  as  yet for  comparatively  little.
  The North and  the  South stand in hostile array.
Their troops are about equally well, or rather equally
ill disciplined.   The  Southern leaders, playing their
old game of brag,  by the help  of men in  buckram,
and of paper  battalions, display a long front, and  a
vast force.   But history will probably  show  that  the
North has five-fold more men, ten-fold more  material,
and a hundred-fold more  of warlike  power and re-
sources.  And more even than all this,  the North has
one immense advantage,—an advantage which might
have settled the war long ago, and spared much blood
and treasure, to wit: that in the very midst of the
enemy's  country, there were  at least  four  millions
of people, (one-third  of the whole population,) who,
if  not repelled  by  her, would  have  risen  up and
hailed her soldiers as friends and saviours, and utterly
paralyzed and crippled the South.
  Now why is it that with  this overwhelming force—
with these immense advantages—the  North  has  not
already  overrun and  vanquished  the South ?
  Is it not  partly, at least, because  the heart of the
army has not been  impassioned  by earnest  and high
motives,  as  it might have been I 
19
  I have seen men so impassioned and intensified in
Greece, in France, in Poland.  I have been among
our troops, and have failed to find the men so earnest
for  work, and fight,  as to forget  about pay,  and to
rise above the instinctive  dread of danger.   There is
courage  in  them, doubtless, as there is heat in iron;
but it is latent as yet.
  The North, if  let  alone long  enough by selfish
powers abroad, and  juggling  politicians at  home,
will surely conquer.  But, alas!  she will  conquer
in virtue of being the richest and strongest, while my
heart yearns  to have her conquer in  virtue of her
cause  being  the best, and her men  the bravest.
  Our cause  will be  the best, and our soldiers  will
be  the bravest,  when we  write emancipation  on
our banners;  and this war, forced upon us by our
enemy, will  be justified  and sanctified by the noble
end  to which we shape  it.
  In   the  vaunted days  of  chivalry,  brave  knights
went  up  and' down  on the earth, seeking glory by
fighting  to redress some  foul wrong,  or to  set free
some   innocent  captive.   One  would  think  that
chivalry  had  died out from  the race, or  from the
land ;  for here stand thousands of really brave officers,
all girded for battle;  before them are foul wrongs  to
be redressed, and captives pining to be free.   Would
you not think that some swords would leap from their
scabbards, and  that,  with  orders, or without orders, 
20
 some young men would find  or make opportunities
 for doing deeds worthy of Christian knights]
   I am glad to have known one act of heroism;—to
 have  seen one who, leaving what  is dearest  behind,
 and taking life in hand, has gone boldly into the land
 of bondage where the  captives  are most numerous;
 there, alone and unaided, to do such works  of libera-
 tion  as  a cool head and  brave heart may  find to
 do.   That one, however,  is  not  of  our  race  and
 color.
   It  must be confessed  that there is a lack of ardor
 and  earnestness in our army for  anti-slavery work.
 Some explain it in one way,  some in another.   My
 way  is this.   Instinctive feelings work blindly,  and
 impel men to action  long  before they are conscious
 of purposes.   The fact of human slavery in the midst
 of freedom, bred  this strife.  But down at the very
 root of it the blind instincts of conservatism  and of
 democracy, are fiercely contending.   The strife would
 be short were it not for the prejudice  of race, which
 strengthens  conservatism, while it  ties one hand of
 democracy.   Most of  our  regular land  and naval
 officers  are conservative; so are many of our volun-
 teer   officers;  and so is  the  great majority  of the
 army  of  political  office-holders, whose chiefs give the
 watch-words of the war; but who give no such words
 as stir the hearts  of the people, and of the soldiers.
  Such men  have, and  must have,  though  uncon-
sciously,   a  sympathy  with the aristocracy  of the 
21
South, and they  hesitate  to strike  vehemently at its
stronghold, and smash it in pieces.  They have no
enthusiasm  for such  work,  and  of course  inspire
none  in  the army.   The  task is reserved for  democ-
racy ;  not  such as  we  have  had,—but  for  true
democracy, when it shall strike in  and  save  a  per-
ishing country.  God  grant  it may strike in time to
save  it  and  the cause of human  freedom, without
which it is not worth  saving.
   But to return to the matter of contributions.   You
ask,  thirdly,  if  it  has been  right and  necessary  to
ask public contributions for the aid, of regimental and
general hospitals, how long  must we continue to call upon
the people ?"   In regard  to  this, I differ with most
of my colleagues of the Commission, some of whom
have better means perhaps of judging than  I have.
   I  was reluctant to have the Commission  appeal to
public charity, even for the hospitals, knowing  that
the Government ought to do, and wished to  do all
that was necessary for the soldiers ; but  I saw that
the system of  supply  could not  be perfected  rapidly
enough to meet the exigency;  and I yielded  to the
necessity  of  the case.   In  the  circular  however,
which I sent  out with the  appeal  of the Commis.
sion to the Loyal Women of New England, I stated
that,  in  my opinion, it would  not be  necessary  to
ask for aid longer  than  this  winter.
  That appeal has been  answered most  nobly.  Be-
sides  the vast  amount of clothing and  stores which 
22
have gone  from towns  in  New England,  west  and
south of Boston, and besides that which has been  sent
by kindred associations, the Boston  Branch Office of
the Sanitary  Commission alone, has forwarded more
than a hundred thousand  articles of good clothing.
Among these were  33,939  pairs of socks, and  7,752
shirts.  The  cash  value of  the whole being  over
$ 103,000.  But the moral value is beyond estimate.
  There  is not in  all history  an instance of more
pious and  patriotic  offering laid upon  the altar of
country,  by women  of any land. The Roman women
and maidens,  in the  hour of public danger, brought to
the iEdiles their trinkets and jewels, but ours  bring
the  fruits  of long  days and  nights of patient  toil
by their  own hands.
  I  do not  think  they should be urged to further
contributions ;   because  the  Government  has  the
means, and has now the experience and the  organ-
ization necessary to provide for all the wants of the
sick ;  and it  would  be  a  misdirection  of  public
charity to  do  what  the  Government  can do,  and
ought  to do,  and will do.   I  never  felt the force of
the  argument,  that calling for these  contributions
would  keep alive the patriotic  fervor of our women.
I knew that  it was only necessary that the  country
and  the  cause  should be worthy of the devotion of
our women,  in order to secure it.
  Besides, this  chronic  state  of war is  going to  fur-
nish an extra amount of charitable work to be done 
23
at home.  As for the expeditions about  to depart, the
government is abundantly able to provide every thing
necessary, and to do  it more  cheaply, systematically,
and  effectually than  we can  do it.
  The testimony of many of our best army surgeons
goes to show that no more  contributions are needed,
even for the sick.  The Hospital funds,  now generally
organized, suffice  to  provide  comforts,  and  even
delicacies.
  As  there  are  many of  our  women who  do not
understand this,  let  me  explain  it.   When soldiers
report themselves as  sick and unfit for duty, they are
put on the sick  list, and if really ill, they are taken
into the hospital.  Of  course they do  not then want
their ordinary rations, their bread and beef, but the
value thereof is drawn in money,  which goes to  form
a hospital fund; and this is  used to purchase  such
things as sick men need.  By a  liberal construction
of the army regulations, it may be applied to purchase
of clothes.
   Some of our regimental  surgeons profited by this
system at the outset,  and  those who were  skilful
administrators soon got together a fund sufficient for
all wants. When for instance a man like  Dr. Luther
Bell directed the organization of Regimental or Brigade
Hospitals, every thing necessary was  provided; but
in  other regiments there was lack and suffering for
a long time.   This  explains the extraordinary  dis-
crepancy in the accounts which were sent home ; one 
24
saying nothing  was wanted ;  another saying  every
thing was wanted, and both telling the  truth.
   It  is  true  there  has  been  some  difficulty  in  so
administering  the hospital  fund as  to carry  out  the
benevolent  purpose  of the  Government, but this  has
been mainly overcome.  One of our best Massachusetts
regimental  surgeons, in answer to  my  question,

  "Would  you  advise that the people  of Massachusetts  should be
called upon for further contributions, even for the sick and wounded,
in regimental or general hospitals ?  says: In answer to this question,
as regards regimental hospitals, I must  say, No.  I  apprehend that
there is too much sympathy of a certain  kind ;  shall I call it morbid ?
for the ' hard fare' and destitute  condition of our soldiers. I  verily
believe that a  large  proportion  of  them never ' fared' better in
respect of  clothing, food, money, ' comforts,'  etc..  or ' enjoyed them-
selves more,' as civilians,  if half so well.  There are hardships and
trials ;  often, doubtless, of great severity, and which try souls as well
as bodies ; but they are incidental to the condition, circumstances and
life of  the soldier, which no amount of contributions  can prevent or
alleviate.  The answer to this query, however, as applying to regi-
mental hospitals, is  resolved in  the  answers  to  the  two first.   In
regard to  general hospitals, I am  not  particularly informed; but it
seems  to me  that  under judicious management, the hospital fund
ought to supply every needful comfort for the sick, while government
provides amply, according to the supply table, in bed and bedding, and
other material, with the necessary furniture, etc., for the establishment."

   Again he says :—

  " At present, and for the future, there should  be  no  difficulty in
securing the full benefit of the hospital  for ' the  benefit of the  sick
and wounded,'  as it  is managed by the brigade commissary, and not
by the  regimental quartermaster.   The failure hitherto has arisen, 1
am disposed to think, from ignorance of duties, rather than from any
design  to  deprive the hospital of  it.  So far  as  1 am able to judge,
the 'clothing' for field hospitals, consisting of bed and bedding, as
provided  by government, is  sufficient.   More  of the  kind  might 
25
add  temporally to comfort, but this  extra, in  case of a change of
station, could not be transported;  and here I will  say, that a great
deal of material  has  been sent to us for  hospital use, which  was
entirely unavailable; and we have been under the necessity of send-
ing it to some  one of the stationary hospitals, where alone it could
be of any essential service.   Once more in regard to  the hospital
fund, there must be either ignorance, carelessness, neglect, or culpa-
bility, where those sick soldiers are to be treated, if a hospital fund is
not created; and  when created, if  its  money-value is  not  obtained
and made available for their ' comfort.' "

   This surgeon's letter is so full of common sense, and   .
really kind feeling, that  I will quote another sentence
or two,  although  not immediately connected with this
question.   He says:—

   "I most heartily desire  that the volunteer service could be made
to  conform more nearly to that of  the regular.   This, I suppose,
must be the work of time.  But they ought to act upon the same
basis now in every minute particular.   In  the  regular service, there
is taken from  among  the  enlisted  men, a tailor and shoemaker for
each  company, and  a barber for a  regiment; these  receive their
regular pay as soldiers, and perform no other duties but the practice
of their respective trades.   For the service thus rendered, in repair
of clothes and shoes, and shaving and cutting hair,  a certain amount
of compensation is paid by the soldier who receives it.   This operates
well for all concerned.  It is  a motive for the performance of the
work, and  for doing it  well.   It  enables  every  soldier to  practice
economy,  and to  exercise care in the preservation of clothes and
shoes.  For want of this arrangement in the volunteer service, coupled
with the idea of ample supply from the free gifts of the benevolent,
there is much needless waste in the  regular service, the  soldier, at
the end  of his term  of enlistment, (five years,) generally finds, on
final settlement of his accounts with the government, a considerable
balance in his favor, in the item of  clothing alone.   Why cannot this
obtain among the  volunteers ? "

   The  Commission,  mainly  through  the  zeal  and
eloquence of its able President, set on  foot a move-
                 4 
26
ment  by which  the  women of  the  North  came
earnestly and effectually  to the  aid of the Govern-
ment, in its emergency, and eked out its scanty means
to supply the  wants  of  the  sick  and  wrounded  in
Hospitals.  The Commission showed  the  want and
the way to  supply it.  I think  that the emergency
has passed;  and that the Government can now do all
that is needful  for the soldiers better than the people
can, so long  as it is supplied with money.
   Bear in mind that  the  Sanitary  Commission  was
not formed with the view  of collecting contributions
from the people, and applying  them to  the aid  of
the sick.  It  undertook  that work in a time of press-
ing necessity and has done it thoroughly  and  well.
   You  know that  the  Commission has  other  and
more important duties;  and that for the  means  of
performing these  it must depend  upon  the public.
The Commissioners themselves receive no  pay,  and
want none;   but they have to employ  men who go
about among the troops, and strive to  prevent abuses
of various kinds,  to fight  off disease and  death, or
to lessen  their ravages;  and  these  men  must  be
paid.   This   work  of the Commission can only  be
carried on by contributions from the people  until the
Government shall  take  it up,  and do  it through its
own organization.   The  merchants of  New  York,
Boston  and  Philadelphia  have hitherto mainly sup-
plied the means.  If the women of your place would
help in the  work, and  would join  with  others, and 
27
support in  the field one  of the zealous and able
Inspectors  of  the  Commission,  they  would  do  an
important and blessed work.

  Finally,  repeating  that  I do  not speak  for  the
Commission, I advise  the  loyal women  not  to send
any more  extras of any kind to soldiers  in the field,
and not to  undertake any more work than they have
now in hand,  even for  the  hospitals.
  I  know  this advice will be unacceptable;  but I
know how  zealous, how unselfish, how untiring, is
their patriotism,  (would to  God  that of men were
as much so,) and I know it will  urge  them to work
for  their  country in some way which  is neither of
doubtful value, nor injurious to  more pressing calls
of charity.
  If any have means to spare, they will strengthen
the hands  of the Commission  more, as  I think,  by
sending to the  treasurer five dollars in  cash, than  by
sending twenty-five dollars' worth  of clothing.
  To those who continue to work, I commend the
able and efficient organization at  22 Summer Street.

                Faithfully yours,
S.  G.  HOWE. 
28
                 LIST  OF  ARTICLES

Received from various Societies of  Loyal  Women,  at  the  Boston
  Branch  Office  of the  United States Sanitary  Commission, up  to
  February 1, 1862.
ARTICLES.					Number.	' Estimated value.
Pillows,......					13,287	i $16,688 75
Blankets,					7,113	14,226 00
Quilts, .	•				9,322	13,983 00
Socks, pairs, .					32,557	12,896 82
Comforters, .					7,369	1 11,053 50
Shirts, .	•				1 7,752	9,690 00
Sheets, .					8,854	6,640 50
Pillow-cases, .					15,458	3,864 40
Drawers,					! 4,877	3,657 75
Under-shirts, .					2,704	2,088 00
Dressing-gowns,					! 1,394	1,742 50
Mittens,					3,992	1 1,516 96
Wrappers,					1,539	1,539 00
Towels,	•				| 11,459	1,489 67
Slippers, pairs,	.				1,861	980 50
Hankerchiefs,					3,456	864 00
Cushions,					2,101	798 38
Bed-ticks,					288	216 00
Pillow-ticks, .					331	125 78
Hospital Stores, packages,					335	1,675 00
Sundries, packages,					247	370 50
Bandages and Lint, packages,					505	-
Books, packages, .					313 325	--
Cash,.....						"7S55S-
					137,439	
. .	__._ ___	__	__	____		/ 7t).?J7J-J-
,0  ^