c rrei uriliBt.U »<*a -w* W| -■-- 'geett perhaps to ifsue from it only to find refuge in thnt final asylum of the oppressed, where the wrath <( man c. tries n t—can it he that such tu itiuigaif d dffpo ism will he !■ ng permitted to revel in fie wan-oi mss of its own power and naa •Bions? No, it cannot he The day of defeat mav •come aid come eg-in. hut the day of victor- : will also come, and with it the bright d a- of i/eedom and hapless for the oop-e-red and ■down trodden pe pie of the Old Hemisphere _ It has teen well mid, that the great battle o human {freedom ard progress, “though baffled oft is al- ' ways.” I he comt>at=-n s, the time rhe pUce | rulers and ibe ruled m.v change, burthe conflict •however it may he ehe.-ked, will stop not uu-ii the Vietory is obt mod This great r.ru h is already written, as wuh thfe fi gsr of destiny, upon the hia tory oi our age; > nd »he 8tr..ggJi-g off .rts which are upheaving the social and polite- I s. stems of the eiis-ern c -fitment wail go on to their ■■ nsumm -tion Trials and sufferings ..re the s-h.-d ,,f n.lions no^lryehf '*rV* * ,e>s n’ f nd every defeat hut ore- pnies them for n now contest, and s .m.ilsres theTn n,e7Xert-ns- !,nrt ,he very process of prep,, ration aid resist.roe teaches .hem what are their ngh s and how they are to be ncq hired and maia- ( t?in€d' , Now> Rir> what we want is, that freedom I should have a fair battle field; that whenever a sirug- i gle is commenced to overthrow an arbitrary govern- ment, other despotic powers should not be permitted to lake part in the contest,and wi‘h foreign bayonets j decide the issue. Such is our desire, and this prin- ciple of non interference is well-established in the ' code of public law. It lies at the very foundation of national independence I need not multiply proofs or illustrations of the truth of the doctrine. It was well laid down by Mr. Roebuck, in the English House of Commons, when he said, “ The important j principle with which we have to deal, was that in the internal affairs of any country there should be no i external force or pressure.” Its recognition goes i back to the time of the Romans, for we are told that | when certain Carthagenians preferred charges against i Hannibal, Scipio declared that the Roman Senate | w< uid not be justified in intermeddling in the affairs , | of Carthage. No one denies its obligation here or elsewhere. And - even while palpable violations of the principle take ! place, by armed intervention, to repress tha efforts | of freedom, they are attempted to be justified as ex- i ceptional cases, which, admitting the rule, depart from it; only in consequences of some great neces- sity, that universal and eternal plea of arbitrary power. When the allied nations undertook their crusade against France to put down the revolution, before the passage of the obnoxious decree, to which I shall refer by-and-by, I presume there wag not b publicist in Europe who would have hesitated to concede the general duty of nor-interference, even while he defended the invasion, ns a measure of self- defence, agaii st the contagion of democratic prin- , ciples. And signally was this outrage rebuked by j the cor.cequeiices. which for twenty years weighed i upon Europe, and overshadowed it with the French i power, converting its fair plains into tjattle plain# , from Lisbon to Moscow, And thus was Poland ; blotted from the map of nations, while Frederick and Catharine published liogiijj?? uppa lav/ and mo- fJllty, arid rSgffiitcd tie unwelcome necessity, which' the circumstances of that unhappy country imposed upon them, to annex it to the dominions of tha allied powers. And three times was the world insulted by there hypocritical professions, before the whole of old Sarmatia was rescued from the danger of free- dom and independence by partition and annexation. | There is one highly respectable authority, and I i know of no other, Yattel, who holds, that in a state i of civil war, any other power may assist the party, i which it believes to be just. But It is obvious, that : such a principle 'frould open every case to direct I armed intervention, at the will of any foreign go- l yernment; which is only to say, such a party ins | justice on its side, and I will aid it. Now, sir, this ! doctrine is contradicted, as well by reason, as by I the whole current of authorities. Wildman, one of i the most recent, as well as one of the most able, j i commentators on the law of nations, condemns the position of Vattel, into which he says he was led by “a misconstruction of a passage of Grotius,” and “that it is as little reconcilable with reason as it is with precedent.” He examines the cases fully, and shows how erroneous is this doctrine, and thus announces the result. “Butthis restriction of inter- ference in favor of the cause of just ice Js an abso- lute prohibition of interference on the part of those who have no jurisdiction to determine the-justice of the cause. Hence it follows, that no foreign power has any right to interfere in the internal affairs of an. independent State.” Es»Muh this doctrine of Yattel, and the Emperor Nicholas, who no doubt . believes every despotic cause a just one, would have a right to send his armies everywhere, to repress the efforts of freedom. But the cause of Hungary is strengthened, if strength were needed, by the authoratstive declaration of tha / Emperor Nicholas, as to this very principle of non- intervention, in the manifesto he issued when the | Russian armies crossed the frontier. He there ad- mits the right of “ every State to arrange its own t political Constitution, according to its own mind,” and he admits also the duty of other powers to “ re- frain from interfering with any alterations of the form of government which States may think proper i . This iV iissiouis broad enomh ii'irr,,'; BY MAGNETIC T- L£GRA-F FOR THE PU1SLIC LEPOKR, Telkskaph OsJficEs, Quincy QraniceBuildmgti No. 101 Chesnvt Street,North Side, 1 THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS. Gen, Cass' Speech on Non-lnterventloa Washington, Feb. 10,1852. Senate.—The Senate was called to order at hal past 12 o’clock, the galleries being filled to ove flowing, in anticipation of the expected speech fro, Mr Cass upon the non-intervention resolutions ■ Mr. Clarke. _ Mr. Downs presented a petiti n for an approivrl tion in aid of a line of mail steamships between NeJ Dr leans and Yera Crux, by the way of Tampico. 1 A large number of petitions were submitted. Among the i eat, several, by Mr.*Shields, for grant- ing the right of way, and donations of land for rail- road purposes. Mr. Shields presented a petition from a man wh\ bad lost his coat during the fire in the Capitol, ask* ing that be be remunerated fi r the loss. Referred t. the Committee on Contingent Expenses. Mr.Fisk presented peti ions, signedbyihe office! of the Albany banks and the members of the New York Legislature, in favor of a mint in New York City. Mr. Pearce, from tha Ordnance Committee, re ported a bill directing the payment into the treasury of all moneys collected in California by militar contributions or otherwise, prior to the admission c 'California into the Union, with amendments. Mr. Gwin gave notice of his opposition to th/ •aw, and of several amendments he intended to offer1, The bill making land warrants assignable, at amended by the House, was referred to the Com, fnittee on Public Lands. Air. CU-rke’s nen-intervention resolutions came ■Jte.and. Mr. Cass having the floor, delivered tin following sp?fch*•' SPEECH OP GENI5R.VI, CASS. Mr. President:—The substj vU® I Dro’’',ie for th< of tltf Hon Senator from Rhole Island , ac V* aI v ,eaves the fiold of discussion as broal “"’-i coind it, and that is broad enough to embraot the questions which so strongly excite the inte- rest of the American people at tha present moment- prising out of that flagrant act of arbitrary power! "W which independence was wrested from Hungary! interest rendered yet more powerful by the pre- sence and the e nqueues of that remarkable m m1 who is now tel:ing through our land, in burninl JVords. the story of his (Country’s wrongs: word? mat fall on ready ears and go to kindling hearts. fvJV objections to the original proposition are not to f*1® great truths it enunciates; truths drawn from our ®Wn State papers of the best days of the Republic—' .(?$ Atl'S&ys t{barrier against interest and i ambition, but ralbir let us be thankful that It is so I often appealed to and so often effectual in restraining I the turbulent passions of our nature. And such is i oice of public opinion, in this the dty of its «‘,renf»th, that even when the provisions of interna- 1 tiona] law are evaded or neglected, iejs obligation! ’ are rarely, never indeed, denied; but constructions I for selfish purposes are put upon it, forced and false, it is true, but a tribute to its wor.h, even where its ; injunctions are practically disregarded. Itwellbe- comes us and the principle of our dnstituiions to i profess our fealty to this great public mo- ralists, and not merely to profess it, but prove it by our acts and declarations; and labor to enforce its obligations and its observance. It is a carious sub- ject to trace the changes it has undergone, even in very late yeaie, almost ail of which are marked by the progress of just opinions, and by meliorations, honorable to the spirit of the age. It is a groat en- gine for good, but powerless for evil; a barrier against injustice and oppression, asserting the em- pire of reason over that of force. Tbeiime ties come when we have as much right ; and as much power, do speak au horitatively on this ; subject, as any other nathm on the face of the globe. I All we want, while professing the duty of obedi- ence, is that other nations should equally obey it. There is none so high as to be above its obligations, none so low ns to be beneath i's protection. We believe in the right and in the capacity of min for sell-government. Not that he is everywhere pre- pared for institutions like ours. We know, while we regret, that he is not. But we believe that hp is •every where fitted, even now, fir taking some part in the administration of political affairs, greater or less, t in proportion to his experience and condition, and I that everywhere, with time and practice, he may improve himself and his government, till both be- come as free ss the state cf society will permit. And certainly the expression of the warm hope that Jhis time will come, and come speedily,is consist- ent wiih every respect for other Powers. We claim no right to inteifera in their internal concerns. W hile we are firm believers in our own political faiih, v, e enter jnto no crusade to establish it else- where. Propagandises is no part of our creed, un- less it be that pr-p:gandism which works its own way by the force of example; thus, inviting the np- jpresstd nations of the earth to do as we have done, and to lie as free and happy as we are. But we cannot be indifferent to the condition of the human race, however widely scattered. A desire for its improve merit, morally and materially, is a sentiment natural to man. And an American can hardly shut himself up in his own selfish egotism; thanking God, in the spirit of the Phirisce, that his country is better off than any other, and ind-fferent to the oppression, degradation and misery which centuries i of bad government have emailed upon so large a i portion o< the earth. Unless the magy ware made ' for the few, the governed fi r the governors, our sympathies thouid be excised, as were those of I Washington, for every people unfurling the ban- ner of freedom, and a G d-speed them be uttered; not only in the effort to improve their poUcic.il sys- tem, but m the greater effort to maintain it, by improving tho condition of the great body of those for whom governments are instituted. And may we not a iy, as an English Parliamentary orator said- very recently for his eoun ry, “that the spirit of our country is for freedom everywhere?” And may vve not echo his sentiment and declare, I “that they would not rest satisfied with seeing the ultima ratio of European policy lodged in the hayo- »«t oi ihs barbarian?” Even to the most suporfi- ) Clal observer, the signs cf the times are as por'en- 1 tons as they are interes ing. The accumulated op- j pressions of ages, and the capacity < f endurance, ' atretched to its utmost tension, now meet face to face with existing power, in a struggle for life and deam, aid the contest will go on; though the-e to© iful intervals o( apparent repose, still it will • one or n,*i0r ,s finally vanquished. Why, mi; is it in human nature, is it in the ordina- tion of a just G- d, That such ty anny as that, which recently made prisozifr the mo*bar of the illustrious osilaj now exciting tho sympathies uf the American people, fcnd was reported by,hit act to have sene tier to the grave, th ugh the report, I believe, was tmfounded—and such a cot summation Of a deed of barbarity is therefore on- charge the less in the cata- losue of Austn n cruelties—ai d such tyranny as Unit Winch sent his ste ers to a burgeon—an Austrian £ . ■ . he whole ground of national immuorty; but it is ccompanied 'vith a reservation, that is the word, ; That in c»»- .he reaction of revolutions near him houid tend a endanger his own safety, or the poli- ical equilibrium on the frontiers of his Empire, dis majesty reserved to himself a full liberty of ac- ;ion.”. Dari was the oracle of Delphi, but still darker is tii“ oracle of Russian power. We have all heard of the political equilibrium of Europe, .otherwise known as the balance of power, that fer- tile source of war and oppression. But the politi- cal equilibrium on the frontiers of the Russian Empire, is a new element in the public law of the world, and I dismiss it for the investigation of some future Grotius. As to the reaction of a revolution, as contra-distinguished from its direct action, so as to be dangerous to neighboring States, I am umbie to comprehend it, and take refuge in my ignorance. 1 h;.d supposed, beiore I saw this Imperial declara- tion, that the first frenzy of a revolutionary move- ment was always its most dangerous state, and that reaction brought with it more calmness and secu- rity. What jgind of a reactive power had taken place during the brief interval, between the com- mencement of the Hungarian struggle and the Rus- sian intervention, we are not told, and it would be vale to inquire. But, for myself, Sir, I am an utter unbeliever in any claim, under tire law of nitrons, by which this right of national immunity could be limited, ard where such a claim has been practi-,. cally asserted, it has been so because one party was weak and the other strong. Nations, like individu- als, have an indisputable right of self defence against ur«lawful danger ; and if it should happen that one country is exposed to imminent peril from the proceedin, s of another, whether in a state o'. revolution or of internal quiescence, it has certainly the right to adopt all proper means of protection Butttio dangers of opinions, or in other words, the principles upon which a government should be founded, can give no just cause of offence, unless, in- deed, there is a Quixotic attempt to carry them else- ■where by direct interference. No one accuses Hungary of such folly. She had enough to d r with- out constitute g herself the armed champion of pro- pa? ar-diEm. , , , , But, sir, I dismiss these political subterfuges, as unwi r ihy of serious consideration, and will remark that the power whic h claims aright to act in opposi- tion to sn acknowledged principle of public law, on the ground of a peculiar exception, should establish its case to every reasonable mind. Is the indapen dence itself, which is sougl t, a just cause of offence? Surely rot, for that right is conceded by the yery pn positiplr, and without it there could never be a revolution. Is just offence given by the melioration of existing imditutions? It is equally certain that i another power cannot object to such a change, for in tint case there >u!d be no revolution, which might not bo put dowa by the foreigner, unless the politi- cal system oi the country were stationary or retrograding, which would be utterly incom- | putible with every revolutionary effort. As to Hungary, thq people sought independence, and they sought to introduce free institutions, though I do not understand that it was ever determined wlieher the government should be a constitu- tional Monarchy or a Republic. But the establish- ment of a Republican Government is compitible, not. only with the public law of theworld, but with , the condition of Europe, where such governments . have existed from the earliest f ges, and some of them are yet struggling to maintain their position. Almost in the centre of Europe is the Republic of Switzerland, and the Emperor was, himself, a p-.rfcy to the formation of the Republic of Cracow, in con- tact with his own dominions; perhaps because it yvas a small one, which he could control at pleas- ure. But, Sir, it is useless to pursue this investi- gation. If the Russian Empire was indeed inim- ' 'minent danger, from the improper conduct of the Hunga-ian patriots, it is for the defenders of Rus- sian injustice to show it. What danger does the Empeior Nicholas assume to apprehend in his public appeal to the world? Why', sir, he talks about what is now doing, and preparing in Hungary, as endan- gering his safety, as though the struggling revolu- tionists hadn’t work enough to do without attack- ( ing Russia. She talks, also, about the new State being “ raised on the basis of anarchy,” and “ im- bued vyiih that hostile spirit, which the Hungsrian Chiefs have against Russia,” as furnishing motives for interference to protect “ his Polish and Danu- bian provinces from the scourge of a propogandigm, which mears to convulse them,” &c. But, sir, this is not the only docaraeat which pro- ; fesses to make known the views of the Emperor - Nicholas upon this subject. He had before, at the very commencement of the troubles in Hungary, issued a kind of appeal, or rather an annunciation ■ of his intentions, to the Russi ;n people, in which ] the real spectre thshaunted him is made known With unmist keable precision, and that spectre is the Spirit of Liberty. In this characteristic de- claration, he says “ Insurrection and anarchy, the offspring of i vance, soon crossed the German fron- tier, and have spread themselves in every nation With an audacity, which has gained new force in pro- portion to the concessions of the governments. This desolating plague, at last, attacked our allies, the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia, and to- day, in its blind fury, menaces our Russia, which God has confided to our care.” All this, when divested of its monarchical mysti- cism, and translated into the language of common • se, means, that many of the nations of Europe ■ -—ling for free institutions, with a vigor of i * purpofie'proportioned to the high prize bef\,3 them; fcut'that God’s vicegerent warns his faithful sub- jects against the danger of indulging in any such dreams of freedom; for if they did, they would surely awaken to their own destruction. It is not a little curious, however, *6 find, that in this manifesto, explaining the views of the Russian government at that time, there is no claim whatever to arrest the revolutionary movements among the independent nations of the earth, by armed inter vention. The purpose of the Emperor is avowed to oe, to “ encounter our enemies, from whatever side they may present themselves, and without sp ring our own person, we will knowhow, indissolubly unfed to our holy country, to defend the honor of the Russian name, and the inviolability of our ter- ; rttorjt.” Marching into the' heart of another coun- try, and taking part in an internal conflict there, is a new stratagetic operation in the defence of terri- i tonal immunity. But, I pass from these records of professions and pretei.iioi s to the simple fact, that Russia intervened by an armed force, to put down independence and - free institutions in Hungary : and for no other reason, than because the emperor was determined that- lis people should not have the example before them of a powerful and neighboring naion acquiring freedum i and independence by (heir own exertions. < I am not going’into the history of the Hungarian! effort to break tne yoke of Austrian despotism. Suf- fice it to s-y. that the people of Hungary had en-j jojed their nationality for a thousand years; and,i more recently, while acknowledging allegiance with* Austria to the same common sovereign, have been! connected w ith that country only by this mafia ill bond, and have been wholly separate in political] | riglrs the ad ministration of government Pm causes, ns just, as ever drove a people to arms, tha people of Hungary threw "ff their allegi nee to.tha Austri n Ernper .r and resuming their independence* esc- Wished.a g-.vernment of their own, and fora time maintained it succetsfully, and would have so( maint i1 ec it >£ the end, had not, the Russian saver] eign, miking common cause with his Austrian bro- ther, marched his armies across the front er, and thus extinguished the. liberties and the hopes of Hungary, And we are told by a Bri ish Secretary of State fi r Foreign Affairs, in his place in the House of Commons, and unoontradicted ton—far different from sor.au of the representations or rather misrepre] we circnmsrai ces of Cl arly "$'uoh a : recognition, before an . „«movt.jdme by ilia pre- . existing government, was considered an act of war; ! and even in on- own revolutionary contest, such ! was the view of England in relation to the conduct \ of France; bu m this, as in many other cases, a de- cided melioratio,-' has taken place, and such an act now gives no mat cause of offence. Well, intervened with an iron hand, and why ? All the world knows it, and already history has inscribed it upon pages that neither princes nor their adherents can obliterate. If ever words were used to conceal thoughts, they are so used in Rus- sian diplomacy. Her armies marched to crush the efiorts of an oppressed people; to put down the struggles of alnu st despairing men, who sought, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, “through blood and slaughter, their long lost freedom.” They marched, not to propagate the principles of despotism, but to establish its power, and teu the bearded Musco- vite that there was such a thing ns liberty in the world, and men who perilled life and fortune to ob- tain it. Civilized man everywhere feels and knows that such were the objects; am, public opinion in France, in England and in tiisrcountry, and wher- ever else the tongue or the press wisTres enough to proclaim it, has announced and csidamned this fla- grant usurpation, boldly conceived and executed, but hypocritically defended by false representations. Never was there a more palpable illustration of the remark of Grotius, that “ Some wars are founded upon real motives, and others only upon colorable pretexts;” and especially, if he had added, some upon pretexts, without color. As I do not intend to argue with any man, who believes, after the facts I have referred to, that Russia had any other motive in this crusade than to prevent the establishment of a free government in her neighborhood, I shall as- sume, with every observer of her policy, that such was her reason for passing the frontier, and for re- storing the Austrian tway. Here was a gross in- fraction of the law of nations, striking not only at personal liberty, but at public independence, and especially offensive to the free States of the world, both by the violation of a great principle, dear to them, and by the example of an armed interven- tion to put down all personal freedom in Hun- gary, and to threaten it wherever else its mani- festations might be near enough to Id unwel- c; me to the Russian Czar. Ur «e cir-;'di- stances, what might the other r ,i • he t rth say or do, by which their op ions or im ons glat be made krowu in this grave conjr. are? Was it their duty to look on, not only the wit- nesses of injustice, without the means of redress- ing it, but acquiescing by their silence in this mon- strous outrage and in the pretensions which led to it, till the despotic sovereigns might interpolate this right of interference into the code of public lav/, and thus assume to exercise a surveillance over the other governments of tho world ? The system of j international law would not bo worth the paper on which it is written, if such examples of contempt for the feelings and rights of mankind admitted nei- ther resistance nor remonstrance. “Concession,” says Bentham, in his forcible language, “concea- sion to notorious injustice invites fresh injustice;” and this is nowhere more true than in the career and . induct of nations. And we find that the right of independent, poweis to express their opinions upon grave questions of public law, when that law has Seen violated, has been so often and so openly exercised, that no doubt can exist of the right, and indeed of the duty of thus acting, when the nature of the circumstances require such a measure. These declarations of interest and opinion are more or less formal and imposing, de; ending on the magnitude of the occurrence, and the consequences involved in it. They most frequently relate to subjects directly interest- ing to the parties, and arising out of their intercom- munication with each other; but often to questions affecting nations generally, and where the principles and the facta bear directly or in their consequences upon the welfare of the political world. Of the former, it is not necessary to speak, as they are of daily occurrence in our own history and in that of every other power. But the right to take part in the latter has been so strangely brought into question, during recent discussions in this country, that it may be well “ to look to the lawand the testimony.” It is the interest of each nation that the rights of all should be respected, because the spectator of in- justice ofto day may be its victim tomorrow; and none of the barriers against ambition and tyranny can be broken down without danger to the civilized world. This danger may be greater or less, nearer or more remote, depending on the circum- stances of the parties, but it exists for all, and all are, therefore, concerned in checking or avert- ing it. If one nation issue a manifesto announc- ing what its co equals believe to bo a dangerous innovation in the principles of the public law, and support its declaration by its acts, or endeavor by the acts themselvea to give authority to its.own as- sumptions, is the world to look on, indignantly but silently, until precedent usurp the place of principle, and acquieeenee is appealed to in support of the new pretention? There is not a civilized nation on the face of the earth which has not, time and again, given its opinion upon questions of public law in some form more or less imposing; In correspondence, in protocols, in declarations, in manifestoes, in pro- tests, and in whatever mode national representations oremade and received. Why, sir, Lord Palmerston, directing the foreign affairs of England, nnon this sensations made in this country—that he hirasel| m believed, from information he had received, “ that in this war between Austria and Hungary, there is enlisted on the side of Hungary, the hearts and souls of the whole people of that country.” And well might 'here be this unanimity, when they had to deal with the Austrian Government, which, as an eminent English review remarks, “ never swerved fiom its treacherous and tyrannical policy.” That it adheres to the latter with unshaken tenacity, the deeds of cruelty yet. g< ing on against the unfortu- nate Hungarians sufficiently demonstrate. And that treachery is as active an element as ever in the ad- ministration of the Austrian Monarchy, is shown bv a State paper, which a recent d*rivoe known, though they had then sustained no in- I !;lry’as the treaty had not been ratified; and thi. i '®ry demonstration prevented iis ratification, and av?;J tuem from a perilous contest. No man over “Oudemr.ed the Kxecu ive for laying down, in an au- inoranya manner, our views of the laws of nations “Pon the subject embraced in that treaty, and do unemgpretensions equally dangerous to our rights | toeur honor. It may besaid, indeed,that thednn- in/o nad tn apprehend from such an interpolation lustre i^rue eode of Pul)lic ldw was imminent, and 1 and « p'°n-pt snd energetic measures. It was so, 1 cidee Were’ therefore, prepared to takefar raoreda- | \nJ° * -CP® than wou d be expedient in a les-r press- -xigfncy But the principle remains the same, I IuiITpd cur opinion upon a gre -t question of I tno^-a"’beCiUPa u pretence h’ d been advanced, -“fitibls with the independence of nations, not ii vvhich 811 were interested. And are 1 co- tr«r .1Iltej‘®sted, in »he great right of self- J acdptte' m u',e of establishing, maintaining the ,,, g nS ,he:r governments at pie >eure, wiihout ‘ «ot niVltr,eoco of anv olh6‘" «"rtWy Power ? It is 1 Wild \L°?ble that ,he Russian Emperon even in his Ivt-Ver c dr8,!niS of unlicensed power and amhi'i m. ' P free i®0*1,18"'Plated send mg hU Cossacks to putdown ' in a among us; though heput tfiemd .wn WithinT-ry’ercjH.1 intercourse, and in the pros rerity and tee0 . y and mdepem ence of nations, Uy which the i a>d inJtua, d coteteerce of a country are increased, I WH,.r the maintenance of those great piinciples Protect these righ-s. * I the nl ,?^reo with 0: 6 of the most independent of hi«|J:““Uc men of England, (Mr. Roebuck,) tb it Rons r„c,'ri*MorelionB may justly influence our nc- i'RB irTu ’hat “ should not bind u.i all our feel- I d‘d oi , ■ roterchargs of -'omm.'ditie*., or ihe sor- I Wag-ri^'l0.of profir or f,as H" hO'ieved there that j, t o ting more in Hu hearts of the people than teerst,,,, . d he 6fntin,ent advanced h- Lord Pul P'fisiv0 ’’!i 1 a Rr0i*i country sli uld not -‘b* a or. atf,; mut6 T«ctator of every-hing that goes Ci >r«ur"a’ deeefvee our commendation and con in Jh.oV* not a PaSe modern diplomatic mat ary uch may not be road those outlines T have ai- reody referred to, of national conduct. But a strong' K(J.. saerns to prevail respecting one lataitoh of this jj, *ect, which it is necestary to exomine, not from frrmpp< rt *' d'rives fr"m rcftBOn or authority, but can. tae confidence with which it is urged, at d be- actj ®»if not corrected, it may paralyze ihs national vert in a11 time tf) come. Before, however, I »d- CUSR.'o it, I may be permitted to say, thai the dis- ; thi,?,1/1?8 which have taken place here end elsewhere, I able ■ °ut the country, manifest a very rpreas I °f ihJ#!,*0U8y °f the good faith and suiod Liscreto-c I haX American people. I suppose a man, coulu he n, be found in this brood land, how ever sensitive > y b* on the subject of our foreign policy, who , the a *be Wrath or the power of thr-Russi >n or f r o\y n Emperor, should we asse s* gloat fa itetidp81®0 mt0 history—that the rigsts end inai- the ,.6 of nations have been flagrantly violated - pricpf*0 of Hungary, and should wef decliro t: th*t,, * f Public law which ought to have protected a 0rtun,fe country. Well, then, >f wj faa. no ftar? fromabrond, whore is the d inger.we du' ' tf> Um “ ** at home, sir? We carnot shut our o> : a urrtrr; tJuth. The signs all around us ibSicbre, with avow rP certainty, that the apprehentlon felt am' Oiiew ’'s d‘recled, not to others, but lo ourselves, if thL°^dre! ,h0 ' f he honor and welfare of the counte rs-c aft)i , • . ’^v of the people, and we need net feliutr t, tn, CWB just rights, lest the peoplcW-alo . aeir °Wn trust. Almost seventy years hv e •bi!*cd aWa7 since the auknowledgraer.t (ifrour inde- pepdeiice, and in that time we lave 1«4 but two oilter r tion, great or small, which caa say the e. me ■* own moderation? So much for the effect of a salutary public opinion upon the policy of a country. But to return to the erroneous doctrine, which has been so widely and so confidently spread, and which seeks to deter us from expressing any uPon If16 law of nations, by an apprehension of the consequences, and by which it is mentioned that in all esses where a nation makes suck a decla- ration, it is bound to support its views by war, if these are not acquiesced in, or it will lose its own self-respect, ard subject itself to the contumely of the world. There is not the least foundation in reason or authority', or precedent for sack an as- sumption. It is as gratuitous as it is untenable. ye/ ,b^s position is repeated, here and else- where, from ore end of the country to the other, as though it were written upon every page ftf every trealire on the law of nations, and many a r;:ji who does not doubt our right to express an opinion upon questions of public law, as these arise in the world for consideration, doubts the expediency of exer- cismg.it, lest we snould he driven to war to sup- port it. * Mr. President, I have already said that the parti- cular form in which a nation makes known itr views, from the moat common diplomatic note t the most solemn protest, neither adds to, rcr take from, lis responsibility or obligation. It amiears . be assumed, that there is some peculiar pur .vicious i quality attached to a proiest, which "noetisirUy leads to armed acticn. This is not so. A public declaration, in that form, no more imposes on the nation mslcng it, the duty of vindicating it by arms, than the every day representations which the I usual diplomatic intercourse renders necessary. To be sure the proceeding is more solemn, as toe sub- i jects generally are more grave, and it goes forth to ■ the world, under circumstances of deliberation, which give to such declarations more than usual importance But that they are necessarily followed by war, whenever they- fail in the resultj is contra- dicted by all the diplomatic experience of modern times. A very few references will place this -sub- ject beyond dispute. Before I advert to them, however, let me remark, that I find a part of ray tusk, that of establishing the point that a declaration upon questions of public law is a legitimate mode of national action, an- ticipated—taken out of ray hands by the resolu- tions of the Senator from Rhode Island, (Mr. Clarke,) which practically admit this right by the very enunciation of m my principles ofj the Laws of nations. And allow me further to remark, that if a 1 protest, which is truly an act—aud a solemn one too —of national intervention, as U points toapaaoienlar power and a particular measure, carry witlt it no necessary obligation for armed action, certainly a declaration cf general principlesy common to all nations, cannot impose a higher duty upon the. party making it. When, however, a nation, as sometimes happens, distinctly announces in its protest, that ac- quiescence in its demand, or war, is the only'alter- j native, in such a case it anticipates its court Jn the \ event of refusal, and must go on to its be! L-crent j wrrk. These hostile menaces are, howevoi, rare. I believe that England adopted this decisive step when there was reason to apprehend that e ons of the European continental powers contemplar -I aid- i irg Spain in the subjugation of the American Sates, ' once her colonies. r , a And now for the precedents : In 1788 Fran- a pre- tested against the invasion of Holland by th? Prus- sians.'' Even the old monarchy then advocated the cause of national independence. But the Prussians marched om and put down the liberal party, while France abstained from any further action. I - 18H, Lord Castlereagh protested, in the name of Is a Go- vernment, against the final extinction of si! that , then remained of Poland aa.u nation j but Pol .ad is 1 extinguished, or rather, I trust, the fire of liberty is only smothered there for the present, to break out into a bright flame hereaff‘»r; and England jTwsrii siteat asst inactive. in 1820, Engisntr protested” | against the intervention of Austria in the affairs of j Naples. But this protest did not stop the Austrian army, nor did it induce England to adopt any other i measure. In like manner an English protest was interposed between the French invading army and ! Spain in 1922, and upon that occasion England ad- vanced, in the most explicit manner, the great doc- trine of non-interference, fur which we are now contending. Her Minister said, “ the Britir ,ov- ernment disclaimed for itself, and denied foi these Powers, the right of requiring any changes in tho internal institutions of independent States, with the menace of hostile attack in case of refusal.” But neither the Pyrenees nor the protest stopped the French army. It accomplished its mission, ani the independence of Spain expired, as the last gun, its funeral gun, indeed, was fired from Cadiz. England left her protest upon record, but she has left no other memorial of her disapprobation. Both England and Franceprotested againstC.c oc- cupation of Cracow, but wiihout eff ect and wiliout war. So much for precedents; and many more could be found were it necessary ; and now for authority. Lord Palmerston, whose experience in diplomatic quesiions will not be doubted, and who certainly was jealous enough of the honor of his country to take care she should not be placed in a false position, said, in the debat? in the British House of Commons on the subject of the invasion of Spain, that the Brit- ish government had protested against it. “ But it is one thing,” he continued, “ to express an opinion, _ r‘»od_^r,'ot h or I n H rmt It i vo 11 i A nmODO/linoH In onm c* I the throe powers to undo what they hid done.” Bat according to this new reading of the duties of nations, when England declined-to prevent by arms, what she could not prevent by protest, she wasff rithless to her own self-assumed obligations, and was dis- honored in the eyes of the world. Whether this claim of representation or remonstr mce is derived, as it sometimes is, from special treaties, or at other times from general principles, its obligations and its conseouences are the same, and by what aerfi it sha.l be followed, or whether by any, is simply a question of expediency, involving no considera- tions of duty or of honor. “Manifestoes,” says Bentham, and such declaraJ lions are a kind of protest, “are in common us>ige. A manifesto is designed to be read, either by the subjects of the State complained of, or by other States, or by both. It is an appeal to them. It c tils for their opinion.” Such is the view of a man of a vigorous intellect, though with a quaint style which" marred his usefulness, and who devoted a long life to all the kindred pursuits, bearing upon general i s well es upon municipal law. He says that these declarations are appeals to opinion. A new school of expounders has arisen, which denounces them as appeals to force. One of the most eminent and en- lightened political writers of Genz, while deploring the original partition of Poland, and the absence of any opposition to that iniquitous mea- sure, remarks, “ But that no public demonstration, no energetic remonstrance, no audibie disapproba- tion rhould have followed—these manifest symptoms of general relaxation and decay of strength will not escape the observation of the future historian.” We carnot mistake the views of this statesman. After regretting that neirher France nor England inter- posed efficiently to prevent this deed of shame, he regrgts that no marked testimony of disapprobation was put upon record, to carry down a cotompora- neous condemnation of such a flagrant outrage to fu- ture times; and this is the universal judgment of the .presegJJday. Ourcw'n history presents a memorable example of the exercise of this right, to declare a principle of national law. Mr. Monroe’s views, on a similar question, solemnly announced to Congress and the world, form a well-known part of our political his- tory. He denied to the European powers the right to intermeddle with the new government of this hemisphere, and also the right to establish new colo- nies in any part of America. He did not, he could not, pledge his country to go to war to maintain this poEiuon. He wisely said nothing upon that sub- ject, leaving to the future the duties it might bring with it. His declaration i« yet upon record, neither repealed nor disavowed, but remains as the expres- sion of the sentiments of the United States upon this subject, And though it has not been wholly effica- cious,it has no doubt contributed, with other causes, to Use stability of the independence of the American States, and to check the spirit of colonization. The conduct of France in the La Plata, certainly viola- ted this principle, as the presentions of England unon the Musquito coast yet violate them, bat there has been no war to assert them. But it is easy to see, that with or without such a national declara- tion, our own interest would dictate to us to watch with jealousy European ambitious designs upon oilr government of the New World, and to meet them with firmness. I trust that England will be come sensible that she is making a d rngefous ex- periment up n the intercourse of the two bouatries and especially upon the forbearance of ours, when the pu -sues measures incompatible with her own conventional obligations, na well as with the princi- ples laid down by Mr Monroe, to which she yield-d her astsnt. If the maintenance of national iudepen dence, on-this side of the Atlantic, is derr to ue, and the interest we feel in it allows us to express our opinion upon ve just inviolability, I see no reason which forbids us to extend the suns views else- where; kb we li >ve material into ests, i s well as natural sympathies, connected with tlje immunity of all nations; and the couise we shall a iopt is there- fore a question of expediency, and not of principle. Cer-aii ly, solemn public declarations of this na- ture should not— wj uld not, indeed, be often made; for their frequent occurrence would impair, if not destroy, their mcr >1 effect They should be reserved for tho.-e extraordinary events, affecting the honor and stability of all nations, which stand prominently forward in the history of the w >rld; 'fliaraatariit.ios ir.deed < f the age In which they occur. Let no mas therefore, object, th f such a conservative rented y for once the epithet, is a just otic—will le >dLi abuse, or will destroy irself by tm frequent application. We ought neither to mistake our position, nor ne- glect tie obligation it brings with it Wo have, at length, reached the condition of one of the great powers of the earth, aud yet we are but in the in- fancy of our career. The man yet lives who was living when a primitive fbrest extended from the Allegheny to the Rocky Mountains, trodden only by the Indian, and by the animals, his co-tenants of a world of vegetation, whom God had given to him for his support. Then, a narrow strip upon the sea- coast, thirteen remote and dependant colonies, and less than three millions of people, constituted what is now this vast republic, stretching across the con- tinent, and extending ulmoatlfrom the northern Tro- pic to the Arctic Circle And the man is now living who will’livo to see one hundred and fifty millions of people, free, prosperous and intelligent, swaying the destinies of this country, and exerting a mighty -to*'**” — tl,c wi.rkL Aoid_Wkv uitL- 1 Mr. President? Is it not likely to be more bene- 5ficially exerted than the influence now exercised by ' the despotic powers of the earth ? No one can doubt J this! Why, sir, even Vattell, enlightened as he was, tells us that “ the law of nations is the law of c sovereigns ; it is principally for them and for ; their ministers that it ought to be written,” &c. - The age got far beyond this degrading doctrine. a That b.w was made for the great civilized commu- f aity of the world, and its obligations and their vio- • laticns will be judged by this high tribunal, and its 1 voice will become, from day to day, loader and more efficacious. Let us aid it by the expression of 1 our views, whenever questions arise interesting to all the members of the great commonwealth of . nations. There are no considerations of right or expediency to restrain us from such a course; for, as I have shown, we are just as free to act j or forbear, after such a declaration, as before. '■ But it has <>e«n asked, why proclaim your opinion, I unless you mean to maintain it by the strong hand ? i( For the same reason that countless representations and remonstrances have been made by Independent ji Powers, when they had reason to apprehend the I adoption of measures hostile to the just principles of I national intercommunication. To mark their dis- approbation of the act and of the doctrine, that their suencemight not be construed into acquiescence,and that when, in the mutation of political affairs, the proper time should come, they might interpose effect- ! ually, if they should desire it, andnotbe precluded by i the success of violence nor by the lapse of time. I That the power itself, contemplating the step, might ■ pause and review its position and its pretensions, I and the consequences to which it might be led ; not ! knowing of course what measures might follow these : appeals to its sense of right, should they fail to be j effectual. And above all, that the pubhc opinion of i the world should be rightly instructed p ad brought j to aid these peaceful efforts to preserve the rights of i mankind. And let no man underrate the power of i | this mighty engine for good. It will go on, from j conquering to conquer, till its influence is every- where established and recognised. Lord Palmer- ston, when interrogated upon this Hungarian ques- tion in the House of Commons, and speaking upon this very point, foreshadowed the objection which meets us in this country, aye, and overwhelmed it; that there is no use in these public declarations, for they may be thrown back by an arbitrary power, which may say, using the language of thatsta’esman, “ Your opinions are but opinions, and you express . (hem against our opinions, who have large armies at our command to back them—which are strongest, opinions or armies?” “Sir,” he continues, and I recommend the noble sentiment to all who doubt the progress of the age, “ Sir, my answer is, opinions are stronger than armies. Opinions, if they are founded in truth and justice, will in the end prevail i against the bayonets of infantry, the fire of artillery I and the charges of cavalry.” And he adds, “ UhC armed with opinion, if th it opinion is pronounced with truth and justice, we (the people of the United i States as well as the people of England) are indeed | strung, and in the end likely tom ike our opinions | prevail.” Such sentiments as these, uttered insuch a I place, were not less honorable to the speaker than to the administration,whose organ he was. And who can say how often the designs of ambition and injustice j have been stayed or abandoned by energetic repre- ] sentatioi s, and by the manifestations of public dis- j approbation ? I nave referred to some cases where they failed, but the class of those where they have been successful is vastly more numerous ; a tribute to the efficacy of amicable represen tat ions, and an encouragement to make them. It has been said in condemnation or in reproach of the effort, that there are many other suffering people and violated prin- ciples calling equally for the assertion of this right; and why, it is asked sneeringly, if not triumphantly, why do you not extend your regards and your action to all such cases ? And" as that is impossible, with I any useful result, as every one knows, tye are ihere- t fore to sit still and do nothing, because we cmnot i do everything. Such is no dictate of wisdom or duty, either in political or ethical philosophy. The prudent statesman looks to what is practicable, as well as what is right. The principle embodied in the substitute is general, and applies to all cases of armed intervention in tne internal affairs of,other countries; and if our discussions and our immediate action have reference to the attack upon Hungary, the reason is obvious and justifiable. Tjrereare con- ditions of the public mind, arising out of passing events, favorable to the consideration of particular questions, while others are cast into the shade, and command no attention. The former is the state of things in relation to Hungary—to her rights and her wrongs—vnd the principles thus brought up are at- tracting the attention of the world, and are discussed in conversation, in legislative assemblies, in the public journals, and in diplomatic correspondence, and they thus commend themselves to general con- sideration. And the facts have been of a nature to impart deep interest to the whole subject; and, with- out some degree of interest, it were vain to en- oettvrr to engage (he nob'w nttyMlwr,. Mr. President, wTiST eahthfy tribunal has a better right than the Congress of the American people to pronounce the opinion of the people mpon saob subjects ? 1 do not speak, lest I should be accused of patriotic exaggeration, of those qualities, intel- lectual and moral, which are found here, and which are essential to a sound decision; but I speak of its representative capacity, as the depository of much f tbs power of a paop'e, whose interest and feel- • ’■ “n-r the broadest. principles of freedom and independence. CUhar legislatures do not hesitate to speak out boldly and firmly. For several years, the Chamber of Depu- ties of France remonstrated, in their annual speech from the throne, against the annihilation of Poland, and in 1840 in this emphatic language; “In all the questions that divide the world, France invokes but justice; she demands only the respect due to all rights. Can she cease to recall to Europe those .of the ancient Polish nation, and the guaran- tees that repeated treaties gave to a generous people, whose misfortune time seems only to aggravate.” It is well understood that the government of Louis Phillippe Was opposed to these declarations, and that they gave serious offence to the Russian Empa | rcr, who recalled his ambassador from the French [ court. But no counsels of timidity prevailed with j the members of the Chamber. They put their re- j ! monstrance into the most solemn form, and spread it j 1 on record before the world, uaawed by apprehen- | siona like those which there seems to be at systematic effort to excite in the hearts of the American people I But it cannot be done, Mr. President. You may | pe suade and convince our countrymen, but it is out of the power of mortal man to drive them from the maintair.ance of their rights, by any consideration conceded with the danger of -their assertion. When I hear a good deal that is said at this day, I become more and more convinced that the men of the Revelation were peculiarly fitted for the work of the Revolution. They sought security and jus- tice, rot in precedent, but in principles; ami well is it ihat they tid so, for the history of the world is filled with precedents of tyranny and oppression, while it does not contain a single example of a gov- ernment like ours. Its establishment is a tribute due to wisdom, patriotism, and valor, not to antl- i quated notions,-with nothing torecoramend them but their 1 believe if we had the w. rk of therevo" lution and of the formation of a government thrown upon as we should not do half as well as our fathers did. i The English House of Commons have, in different I ways, and upon many occasions, expressed their ) opinions upon questions of international law, by di- 1 reot addresses to the Crown, or by votes upon the conduct of ministers; and it will be a new doctrine there, that suchprores-dir.gs give just cause of offence to other powers, or that they necessarily commit a nation to support them by war, when they fall, as a remedy of peace, I shall not turn oyer the pages of English Parliamentary History to seek examples of this nature, for they are familiar to all who are con- i versant with the British political annals. But there Wes a declaration made by Lord Palmerston, upon ! one of these occasions, so just in itself, and so appli- cable to this country, that I am tempted to refer to it, end commend it to the attention of all those who desire to inculcate the doctrine, that we ought to 1 i live in a state of Chinese isolation from the poliucal ■ affairs of the world, indifferent to events, and to their effects upon the welfare of mankind. The j British Secretary of State measured the duty of his country by a far higher standard. “He was not pre- 1 pared,” he said, “to admit that thvindependence of constitutional states, whether they were powerful, like France or the United States, or of less relative political importance, such as the minor States of Germany, ever could be a matter of indifference to the British Parliament, or, he should hope, to the British public. Constitutional states ho considered to be the natural allies of this country; and whoever ~ might be in office, conducting, the affurs of Great Britain, he was persuaded that po English Ministry would perform its duty, if it were inattentive to the interestsof such States.” As to.the feeling of the BritUh Parliament and public. Lord Palmerston speaks as o«s having authority, but as to the people of the United States, no authority is necessary t<> speak for them, because their feelings are open to fill the world. And is the American Congress the only free Legislature where such sentiments find no re- sponse, and the rights and law of nations no effectual support ? Mr. Canning, upon a memorable occasion, not unlike the present, in its relation to the indepeu- de. ce of nations, truly remarked, that “those permNis i seem to me,to imagine that under no possible cireiKi - Btai.ce? can an honest man endeavor to keep his i country upon a line with the progress of political knowledge, and to-adapt its course to the varying circumsiances of the world. Such an attempt it branded ss an indication of mischievous intentions.» ■ How accurately does this eminent man, in describing the opposition that liberal efforts encountered in England, point out the very opposition that similar efforts encounter here, and the reproaches they bring with then.? He was for “pressing generous and noble sentiments into the service of his country ’ We are rebuked for adyo jating such sentiments, and the evorlas ine fear that some terrible calamity is t befall us w id.in the course of the next ten cenuries h we depart one inch from the trodden path, paralyses many a clear head and many a sound heart; and sends them tor refuge to the stand still policy, a pobcy unfitfor theage, unacceptable to the American people, and unworthy of our country and its insti- tutions. It is far better to keep on the line of poli- tical knowledge, i s Mr. Canning terms the adapt*- | tion of the feelings and policy of a nation to its true j position, than to stand still upon the line of prece- dents. and to let the world get far abeid of us, for- getting or fearing—in the language of a statesman, transferred from this chamber to the direction of our foieign affni s, rtie equal of Gaining in genius and mental vigor—forgetting or fearing “that we are in an age < f progress.” And we may well look round i ajul afrke.ch other—an ora of‘he ntihicat. moi te-» 1 has anticipated the judf husto by one uni- versal tribute of rcspa-t ft>r his st view anc. hie worth—we may ran each other, aa he risked the tegis- lators of a former day, “Ate the representatives . alone to be isolated fiom the common atmosphere of the world?” If we commit this error we shall be isolated from the feelings and confidence of our fel- low-citizens, and find, when too late, that we are unworthy exponents of their sentiments. Many ob- jections, more or less plausible, have been presented to deter us from any action in this matter, but not one of them with more confidence or pertinacity, t nor with less regard to the true circumstances of our position, than that which warns us that by such a proceeding we should violate alike the traditions of our policy, and the advice of our wisest statesmen, and especially the injunctions of Washington and Jef- ferson. Never were just recommendations more iru tiropr lately applied, than in this attempt to apply the views of those great men to the circumstances in wh5eh we are placed. Non-intervention, it is said, was the policy they maintained, and the legacy they bequeathed to us; but is ir poss ble that a single American can be found who believes that either of those patriots would con- demn the declaration of his country’s opinion upon a great question of public law, because they con- demned its interference with the affairs of other na- tions 1 Why this is our affair, sir; an affair as in- teresting to us as to any other community on the face of the globe; one which involves the safety o, independent States, and the true intent and obligation of ifce code that regulates their intercourse. Wlmt did Washington say on this subject ? These are his words •—“ It is our true policy to steer clear of per- I manent alliances with any portion of the foreigto world. Honco, therefore, it must be unwpe.in.us to . implicate ourselves by artificial ties in tna ordi.-ur-y, vicissitudes of her (European) politics, or the ordi- nary circumstances or collisions of her friendships and enmities.” These sentiments speak for them- selves, and are commended no less by the authority that uttered them than-by their own justice to the American people. Ingenuity itself cannot torture them into the service of the opposition to the present | proposition; one which seeks no “alliances,” and ' asks for no “artificial ties.” It limits itself to a j simple declaration of opinion. But if the language | employed by Washington required any special key . for its true cons ruction, it would he found in the | history of his administration, and in the peculiar dif- ' Acuities it hucountered. It is well known that the j early events of the French Revolution excited a powerful feeling in the United States, and this feel- j ing displayed itself in strong attachment to France, and in hostile demonstrations against England. The aid we received from the former power in our revo- lutionary struggle, and the efforts of the French people to break the iron yoke which had pressed upon them for centuries, joined to the bitter recol- lection of the conduct of England durirg our struggle with her—to her retention ol the western posts—and to her notorious violation of our maritime rights, sufficiently account for this feeling; and its mani- festation greatly embarrassed the administration of General Washington, and rendered it very difficult ■ for him, even with the weight of his character, which was a powerful coadjutor in the work, to preserve that line of neutral policy he had wisoiy adopted. And the original treaty of alliance with France hed imposed upon this country a serious bur- then, by guarantying the possession of her West In- dia islands, thus involving us, as she contended, in her oontroveisy with England. And these were the evils that Washington had encountered, and against the recurrence of which he warned hi* countrymen. But who demands an alliance with any power in Europe? or who has the least desire that we should form any other treaties than these wuicb regulate our commerce and cur usual intercourse ? And the authority of Mr. Jefferson has been invoked with bs little reason, in condemnation of this measure. “Peace,” said that patriarch of the Democratic faith, “ Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none ” Why, sir, there is no rwm for argument between the man who gives to this language of Mr. Jefferson if> true and natural import, and him who applies if, to the 1 assertion of a great national right. They have no | common ground to stand upon. When the deolara- ! tion of an important principle, common to all na- tions, and made in connection with none, is shown to be an entangling alliance with one of them, then 1 this sentiment may be appealed to and the people warned against its violation. Mr. President: The wonderful advance of skill and science has brought Europe nearer to us now, than was Savannah to Philadelphia at the adoption of tl.e Constitution. And similar causes are proba- bly destined yet more to diminish the distance; and the increase of the moral and material interchange, consequent upon the progress of the age, has not been less remarkable than the increase in the facili- ties of intercourse. We cannot be insensible to the I onward march of events in the old hemisphere, nor | indifferent to their operation upon the great mass of the people. Undoubtedly, Europe, to some extent, has peculiar interests and a peculiar policy, with which we have no concern. Dynastic laws, the balance of power, the influence claimed by five great States, these and other maxims of policy give rise to questions with which we have no desire to intermeddle. But besides these, there a. ? great principles of the laws of national intercomiaunioa- tion often coming up for discussion and de.ssion in Ttliirnno nTid wTiif>h sifffict the interest and thrf safety 1 9* aJl tne_ independent States cf the world. The former we- may regard merely with the natural in- terest which is feit in passing events; but tire latter we should watch with sleepless vigilance,, taking care that no innovation bo estabRshecr jn thp public law, without cur consent, to which we should be called upon to submit hereafter, oq the r-fhpd of its toeBear.-:' "1 by time Cxi ae.-pvlcamtec; as ihe right to search our vessels would have been c*ftylished had we not resisted the claim at its very inception. Mr. President; Near the commencement of the * tench Revolution, two decrees were passed by the Convention, t ne of which attacked the independence m nations, by inviting the people everywhere to throw off easting monarchical governments, and Promising intervention by an armed force; while the other went back to ages of barbarism by proclaiming that no quarter should be granted to any garrison Which did not surrender within twenty-four hours. Uionid any nation, rejecting its own duties and set- iiug at defiance the rights and opinions of the world, attempt to establish such principles at this day, by promulgating them in solemn legislative acts, as fules of conduct in all future times, is there any man to this broad land who wouid invite our sab mission them, even by silent acquiescence, instead of tebukirg them in an authoritative manner as indefensible innovations into the laws of nations ? Whether the administration of Washington took ground against the quasi manifestoes, eiihor by di- plomatic representations or otherwise, I do not know. His was a peri', d of difficulty, and that was the ’time of our weakness. Now has come, and still more is coming, the time of our strength, end with it a new Position, and, if not new duties, more powerful mo- tives for decisive action. No man can fail to see that the principles of the first of these French decrees and °* ’he Russian ukases, for such in effect they are,- give to foreign powers the right to interned- in tne internal affairs of this country, whenever atiy of them believed or affected to believe, that cir- cumstances existed here, condemned by that system cf supervision thus sought to be established. Rumors nave recently reached us which may warn na to be ready to take our part m the assertion of great rights, intimately coni ecttd ■< Uh the spirit of our institu- :}°n*. It is said, and witha gfioddealof confidence, “Daf the great European continental powerS-have re- “jenstraud with England s gainst the refuge she has cflered to political exiles, and in a tone which indi- caies that what is refused to diplomatic rapresenta- ri «?* may be demanded with hostile menaces. It is Difficult to believe that the folly of power and de- spotism can go so far, and yet a similar demand on turkey shows that if it do not, it is not because they th* [es,rain«d by a sense of right, or by a regard to Dc independence of other powers. The liberty of ®scape is to be wrested from the unfortunate patriot, ;*nd the liberty rf the dungeon and of death only al- jowed to him. Europe is to become one vast pri11- :1Cfll controversies of the world, which it is bound exert for the welfare of all. While we disclaim ™ny crusading spirit against the political institutions U other countries, we may well regard with deep •merest the struggling efforts rf the oppressed, ntough the world, and deploro their defeat, and re- joice ,n their success. And cm any one doubt that evidences of sympathy wtqrh are borne to Eu- ■ " ■■ ■ - rr’i' jfi. i i »» rope from inis great K.-public will ct: vr the horns I ever when they do not aid the ptl-;ioFCB 0f the I down trodden raa see to raise Uhemsolves, if not to • i c., nt least to protection ? Whatever duties may be ultimately honosed on ns by th it d irk future which ovenhi-dows Europe, and which we cannot forsee, and ought not to undertake to define, cir- cuvnsiar ces point our present policy, while at the same lime they call upon us to exert our raonl in- fluence in eupprrt of the existing principles of pub- lic law, placed in danger, not merely by the nmbi- tion, but still more by the fear of powerful monarchs; the fear Jeit the contagion of liberty should spre e People of the United States. Two years ago. by God’s providence, I, who would be only an humble oitinen, held in ray hands the destiny of the reigning house of Austria. Had 1 been ambitious, or had I believed that this treacherous family were so basely wicked as they afterwards proved themselves to be, the tottering pillars of their thione would have fallen at my com- mand, and buried the crowned traitors beneath their rums, or would have scattered them like dim before a tempest, homeless exiles, bearing nothing but the remembrance of their perfidy, and that royalty which they deserved to lose, through their own wickedness. I, however, did not take advantage of these fav- orable circumstances, though the entire freedom of my dear rative lapd was the only wish of ray heart. My requests Were of that moderate nature which, j in the condition of Hungary and Europe, seemed 1 best fitted for my countrymen I assed of the king, 1 not the complete independence of my beloved conn try—not even any new rights or privileges, but simply there three things : First—That the inalienable rights sanctioned by a thousand years, and by the constitu'ion of my fatherlend, should be guaranteed by a national and responsible administration. Second—That every inhabitant of my country, without regarding language or religion, should be j free and equal before the law—all clashes having I the seme privileges and protection from the lav. i Third—That all the people 0f the. Au-tnan Em- j pire who acknowledged the s-itne person as emoeror j whom wo Hungarians recognised as king, and the same law of succession, should have restered their i ancient constitutional rights, of which they had unjustly b-en despoiled, modified to suit their i warns. and the snirit of the ago. AiiD'I.rBC bcmaiiU MU »«.» - b> <»- ■ - concession, but simply a fresh guarantee. In the arrangement made with our ancestors, when, by their tree will, they elevated the house of Hipshurg to the throne, a condition was made that the King should preseive the independence and ccmstiHV.ioa of the country. The independence ar.d this oonati tution were the very vitality of our national being During three centuries t welve Kings of the house o Hapsburg had sworn, in the pretence of the sterna God, before ascend me the throne, that they would preserve our independence and the constitution; and their lives are but a history of perpetual and accursed perjury. Yet such conduct did not weaken our fidelity. No nation ever manifested more faithful- ness to their rulers. And though we poor Hun- garians made endless sacrifices, often at the expense of our national welfare—though these Kings, in times of peace, drew their support from us, and in times of war or danger relied upon the unconquera- ble strength of our army—though we ever trusted in their words—they deceived us a thousand times, and made our condition worse. White other nations ware able to apply all their energies to promote the general welfare and to de- velop their means of happiness, we had to stand on guard, like the watchmen mentioned in Scripture, lor three centuries, to prevent our treacherous Kings from destroying entirely the found.ii.ion of our national existence—our Constitution and inde- pendence. I, as the representative of my countrymen, asked nothing more ihan a Constitutional Ministry, whose responsibility would prevent the King from violating his oath. The second demand was still less for any political right. We asked for nothing more than a reform in the internal administration of the State—a simple act of justice which the aristocracy owed the peo- ple. And in this how much the King would have gained ! The strength of his throne would have been increased tenfold by thus winning the affec- tions ot his faithful people. The third demand was prompted by humanity and fraternal feeling It was the proper and holy mis- sion of out nation, as the oldest member of the em- pire, and possessing a constitutional form of govern- ment, to raise its voice in behalf of those sister nations under the same ruler, and who ware united to us by so many ties of relationship. Dovers of freedom, we would not ask liberty for ourselves alone ; we would not boast of privileges that other* did not enjoy, but desired to be free in fellowship with free nations around us. This motive was in- spired by the conviction that two crowns—a consti- tutional and a despotic crown—oould not be worn by the same head, no more than two opposing dis- positions can harmonize in the same breast, or that a man can be good and evil at the same time. The King atd Roval family granted these re- quests appealing to the sanctity of their oaths as a guaran'ee of their fulfilment; and I, weak in my- self, but strong through the confidence of my coun- trymen and the noble sympathy of the Austrian people, proclaimed everywhere, amidst the raging storm of revolution, that the house of Austria should strnd ; for, by the blessing of the Atmignty, it had begun to move in the right direction, and would be just to its people.” It stood, and stood, loo, at a time wnen, whatever might have been the fate of Hungary, the revolutionary tempest, under my direction, would h->ve blown away tins antiquated and helpless dynasty, like chaff before the winds of ll not only preserved the house of Austria, but placed in its bands the materials of a long ancrglo • riou* lutnre—the foundation of an indestructible power in the affection of thirty-two millions of peo- ple. I tendered them the fidelity and assistance of my own heroic Hungary, which alone was able to defend them egainst the assaults of the wond. I afforded them the glorious opportunity—more glori- ous than had over been presented before—of estab- lishing R» impregnable barrier to protect freedom, civilization and progress, against the Cossack power, which now tureatens Europe. To attain this honor, this glory, one thing only was neoes- g8ry—that they should remain faithful to their oaths. Bu. when was it that Austria was not treacherous T We look in vain for ns much honor as is found even among robbers in the Hapsburg family; . , On the very day they signed the grant of those moderate demands of the Hungarian people, and solemnly swore before God and the nation to main- tain them, they scorotly resolved and p anned the most cruel conspiracy against ns They determin- ed to break their oaths, to desolate the land with in- surrection, conflagration and blood, till, feeble ana exhausted under the burden of a thousand miseries, Hungary might be struck from the roll of living na- tions. They then hoped, by the power of the bayo- net, and, if necessary, by the arms of Russia, to I erect a united and consolidated empire, like the . Russian, of tuxteen various nations ; they hoped to i realise their long-conceived purpose of making themselves an absolute power. . Never were so many hellish arts used against a ration before. Not suspecting a counter-revolu- tion or an attack, we were not prepared to defend ourselves, when suddenly wo were surprised by danger. The perfidious Hapsburg, destitute of all shame, and rejoicing in the anticipation of_M easy vistory, hesitated not to disclose before ihe civil- , iz-d world theft horrible plans—to subjugate us by the force of arms, to excite hatred of race, to call in the aid of jobbers, incendiaries, and reckless in- this crisis of great danger, when manv of onr ablest men even were ready to yield themselves to this decree of destruction, I stood among those who called the nation to arms. And confiding in a just God, we cursed the cowards who were preparing to abandon their native land, to submit to a wicked de potism, and to purchase a miserable existence by caorifioing liberty. I called the nation to arras in self defence. I acted not with blind presumption; and emotions tf despair found no place in my breast —for he who despairs is not fit to guide a people. I estimated the valor and power of my country, and on the verge of a I had faith to pro- I raise vie ory, if Hungary would remain true to her- self, and fortify her breast with the impulsive fire ci a strong will. To sustain the stern resolution to combat such aa 1 enemy, we were supported, first, absva everything, 1 by our unshaken confidence in God, whose ways are past finding oat, but who supports the right, and Mosses the cause of an honest people fighting for 'freedom; secondly, by a love of country and the holy desire of liberty, which makes the child a giant, and ' iuciet-oes the strength of the valiant; and, thirdly, by your example, noble Americans?—you, the cho- sen ration of the God of Liberty ! My o miitrymen —a religions, a God venerating people--in whose beaus burned the all-powerful feeling of patriotism, 1 were inspired by the influence of your sublime ex- j airinie . Free citizens of America! from your history, as from the star of hope in midnight gloom, we draw cur confidence aid resolution in the doubtful days of severe trial. Accept, in the name of my country- men, this declaration a-s a tribute of gratitude. And you, excellent people, who were worthy to be cho- sen by the Almighty as fan example to show the world bow to deserve freedom, how to win it, and how to see. it—you will allow that the Hungarians, though weaker and less fortunate than yon, through the decaying influence of the old European society, aie not un worthy to be your imitators, and that you would be pleased to see the stars of vour glorious flag i emblaze, the double cross of the Hungarian coat-of- arms. When despotism hurled defiance at us, and , began the bloody war, your inspiring example up- ' heaved the nation as one rnsn, and legions, with all the means of war, appeared to rise fiotn nothing, as the tender grass shoots up after spring showers. Though we were inferior in numbers to the ene- my, and could not compare with their well trained forces—though our arms were shorter than theirs— yet the heroic sons of Hungary supplied the want of , numbers by indomitable bravery, and lengthened their weapons by a step furihar m advance. The world knows how bravely the Hungarians fought. And it is not for me, who was identified with the war—who, obeying the wishes of the na- tion, stood faithfully at the helm of government—to extol the heroic deeds of my country men. 1 may mention, however, that, while oveiyday it became more evident that the heart of Europe beat to the pnlsationsof the Hungarian struggle, we maintained the unequal conflict alone, cut otf from the rest of i the world and r,ll external aid, till a year ago we laid the haughty power of the tyrant boar a of llapshurg in the dust; and had it not been for the intentional . and tinitorous disregard of my commands by one of our leaders, who aberw&rda shamefully betrayed the country, not only would the imperial family have been driven from Vienna, but the entire Auunau nation weuld have been liberated; and though'by such treason this base family save themselves from inettrui they were so %r humbled m March, 1S49, il at, not, k cowinghdw to be just, they implored f< reign aid, and threw themselves at the feet of the Czar. The Emperor hoped that the Hungarian people could be terrified by his thirateninga, and would prefer slavery to death ; but he was deceived. Ho sold his own liberty to Russia for aid to enslave lus people. TWie choice of s coward is to purchase a n.iseiabfe, ephemeral existence, even though at the cost of fcis honor ai d independence. The Austrians fouglt ■'against us not only with arms end by the aid ot traitors, but with studied and unceasn g Blander. They never ceased to Impeach cor motives and falsify onr conduct, aid vaunt the pjerended justice oi Jheirown causa before the judg- ,n’ec: seat of pub ic opinion. Efforts tV • e oou- B’at.iiv msec to Jeoken. nri-ong tr.e people of Hun'- p.f.iy. etd eincrjk the nation* oi the world, that i.\ meiiij and iar« w bien springe from a righteous 5 cause.. fj. Free t neofNerth America! yon have given, ! ’n epife of these slai dots, the fullest sympathy for the cause of rr.y country. We h*d no opp irtuaity to explain to yen our motives and conduct, and re- fute the libels aga n'tiiaj but we said—and how truly your noble and magnanimous cououot shows j it!—n a euoh a nation knows how to defend a just I ana holy cause ai d will give us its sympathy; and > rhis conviction inspir'd us with more confidence. I Oh that yon had been a neighboring nation! The . Old World would now be free, and would not have to j encore sgoin those terrible convulsions and rivers ( of biood which areinevitab'e. But the end is with rtirl vu.il a.ici rr:_ ryo great nnu ireo pcvjno • — TOy o Gadioia almost unprotected.^ Poland. if would have caused a general insurrection, a,.,j time heroic hut unfortunate nation would have revenged herscif by throwing the Russian empire into a state of revolution. Bat we acted in de- fence only, and wo deemed it a sin to preoipita.a other rations into a terrible and uncertain war, and we checked our sympathies. Besides, we avoided giving the Bmpe.ior of Russia a pretence for a war of retaliation against us. Oh, u was foolish—for the despotic hypocrite made a pretesoa; he called cur own struggle the Hungarian- Polish revolution, though the whole number of Foies m our armies did not exceed fou, thousand. We doubted not that the European powers would negotiate a peace for us, or that they would at least, prevent the Russian invasion. They said they pitied us, honored our efforts, and condemned the conduct of Austria; but they could not help ns, because Europe required a powerful Austrian em- I nirc ai d thev must support It, in spite oi its evils, Russmn’central ana eastern iEurops. What a mistake ? What diplomacy . Is j Tt not as clear as the sun that the Czar, in aiding I Austria, would do it m such a manner as to obtain j the greatest advantages for himself ? naa it not manifest which had always,through the help of Hungary, strength enough to oppose Russia, would, when she destroyed Hungary by Russian bayonets, no longer be an independent power, but merely the av ant garde of the Muscovite? Yet Europe permitted the invasion ! It is an indelible mark of blinidness and shame. It is aver thus in the imbecile Old-World. They treated us just aa they treat Turkey. They assert always that the peace of Europe and the balance of power require the preservation of the Turkish empire-tnat fur- key must exist, to check the advance of the Oos- 1 sack power. But, notwithstanding this, England and Franee destroyed the Turkish fleet at Navar.no -a fleet which never could have injured them, but | which might have contended with Russia in the Hlaok Always the same worn-out, old, and fatal system i of policy !—while Russia, ever alert, seizes pro- vinoe after province from Turkey. She has made herself the sovereign of Moldavia and Walsaohia, ; and is sapping the foundations of the Ottoman em- pire Already Turkish officials are more dependent \ on the lowest Russian agents than upon taoir own Grand Vizier. Oh, that Hungary had received but a slight token of moral support from the European powers—from these powers whose dreams are troubled witn fear j of the advance oi the Cossack ! Had only an Ea- rl sh or a French agent come, tons daring our strug- gle. what might he, r.Ot have done ! Ha, too, would havc seen and estimated our ability to sustain our- selves—be would have observed the humanity, the love of order, the reverence for liberty which char- acterised the Hungarian nation. Had these two powers permitted a few snips to come to Ossore, laden with aims for the noble patriots who had asked in vain for weapons, the Hungarians would now have stood a more impregnable barrier against Russia than all the arts ol a miserable and expen- sive diplomacy. , , ... ■ghero was a time when we, with the n»n*hWing Poles, saved Christianity in Europe. And now 1 hesitate not to avow before God, that we alone— that my own Hungary—coni,d have saved Europe from Russian domination. As t ie war tfi Hungary advanced, its character became changed In the and, the results it contemplated were higher and far more important—nothing less, in fact, than univer- sal freedom, which was not thought of in the begin- ning This was not a choice; it was forced upon us by the policy of the European nations, who, dis- regarding their own inteiests, suffered Russia to in- vac o and provoke ua. ss, we were martyrs to the cause of freedom, and this glorious but painful destiny was imposed upon us. Though my dear native Hungary is trodden down, and the flower of her sons executed, or wandering exilr-e, asd I. her Governor, writing from my prison in this distant Asiatic Turkey, I predict—and the eternal God heats my prediction-that there can be no freedom for the continent of Europe, and that the Cossacks from the «! or<« of the Don will water tiieir steeds in the Rhine, unless liberty be restored to Hungary. It is only with Hungarian freedom that the European nations can be free; and the smaller nationuiities especially can have no future without us. Nor could the united Ru»so-Austrian forces have conquered my heroic countryman had they not found a traitor to aid, them in the maa whom, bo Having in his honesty, and «n account of his skill, I raised from obscurity. Enjoying my confidence, the confidence of the nation and the army, I placed, him at the head of «ur forces, giving him (fee most glorious part to perform ever granted to man. What an immor ality was in his reach, had he been ho- nest ' But he betrayed his country. Cursed be his name forever ! I wbl not open the bleed mg wounds v by the sad remembrance of this event, and wol . merely mention that the surrender at Vilagoe was : the crowning act of a long system of treachery se- cretly practised—by not using the advantages which victories put in hie hands— by not fulfilling my oora- Tre'-dr, under cunning pretences—by destroying’ r-Mr.p«l fet-l-ng in the army—by weakening its confidence—and by the destruo ion, through unn«- Free- rriizeas of America! you inspired my counfryi; v. to noble deeds; your approval imparted confident; i; your sympatny consoled in adversity, gave a ray "f hope for the future, and enabled ns to bear the weight of our heavy burden ; your fellow- feeling will sustain us till we realise the hope, the faith, “ that Hungary is not lost forever.” Accept, in the name of my countrymen, the acknowledg- ments of our warmeat gratitude and our highest re- spect. I, who know Hungary so well, firmly believe she is not lost; and the intelligent citizens of America have decided, not only with impulsive kindness, but with reason and policy, to favor the unfortu- nate but not subjugated Hungary. The sound of that encouraging voice is not like a funeral dirge, but as the shrill trumpet that will call the world to j judgment. Who dees not see that Austria, even in her vic- tory, has gi ven herself a mortal wound ? Her weak- ness is betrayed. The world no longer believes that Europe needs the preservation of this decaying empir,. It is evident that its existence is a curse to mankind; it can never ptomote the welfare of society. The magic of its imagined power is gone ; it was a delusion which can deceive no longer. Among all the races cf this empire—not excepting the hereditary States—there is none that does not despise the reigning family of Hapsburg. The power has no moral ground of support; its vain dreams of a united empire—for which it has com- mitted the most unheard of crimes—are proved to : be mere ravings at which the world laughs. No ; one loves or respects it; and when it falls, not a | tear of regret will follow it to the grave. And fall it surely will. The moment Russia withdraws her support, the decayed edifice will crumble to dust. A shot fired bv an English or by an American ves- sel from the Adriatic would belike the trumpet at the City of Jericho. And this impious, foolish Go- vernment thinks to control fate by the hangman’s cord. How long will Russia be able to assist ? This Czar—who boasts that his mission is to be the scourge cf all the nations striving for liberty—will not the Almighty, whose vicegerent ha profanely assumes to be, blast the miserable boaster ? The very chaiBOter of his Government is a declaration of war against the rights snd interests of humanity, and the existence of other nations ? Will the world, suffer this long? Not long. The Hungarian nation, in her war, has not only gained a consciousness of her own strength, but she has forced the conviction into the minds of other nations, that she deserves to exist, and to be inde- pendent; and she can show justly that her exist- ence and independence are essential to the cause of liberty in Europe. No, no! Hungary is not lost! 1 By her faith, bravery, and by her foresight, which teaches her to abide her time, ehe will be yet among the foremost in the war oi universal liberty. You, noble Americans, we bless in the name of the Gcd of Liberty ! To you, who have summoned the murderers of my countrymen before the judg- ment-seat of the world—to you, who are ihe first judges of this court—I will bring the complaints of my nation, and before you I will plead her cause. When the House of Hapsburg. with fhe aid of a I foreign army, invaded my country, and bad des- troyed, by their manifesto of the 4th of March, 1819, the foundation upon which the union with Austria rested, there remained for Hungary no alternative than the Declaration of Independence which the National Assembly unanimously voted on the 14th April, 1640, and which the whole nation solemnly accepted, end sealed with their blood. I declare to you. in the moist solemn manner, that all which has taken place, or that may hereafter take place, proceeding from individuals or govern- ment, contrary to this declaration, which is in per- fect accord with the fundamental law of Hungary, i* illegal and unjust. ! Before you I assert that the accusation that the Magyar race was unjust to the other races—by means of whieh a portion of the Servians, Wallaohians, Slavonians and Germans dwelling in Hungary, were exoit ed against us—is an impious slander, circulated by the House of Hapsburg, which shrinks from no crime to weaken the united forces of our army, to conquer ore i ace after another, and thus bring them all under the yoke of slavery. II is true, eorna or our race in Hungary had reason to comp’ein ; but these subjects of complaint were the inevitable consequences of the pre-existing state of things and the Austrian interference. But the Croat ians had no reason to coir:plain. This race of haf a million, in a separate province, had a National Assembly of its own, and enjoyed greater privileges than even the Hungarians, They eon- ■ tributed proportionally but half as much in taxes; i they pcssessrid equal rights with Hungary ; while the’llnrgari&n Protestant.*, oft ftoeount of ths;r re- ligion. were not suffered to own lands in Croatia. Them grievances and curs were the same in the perpetual violation of the Constitution by the impe- rial Governm ent. But their own peculiar grievances arose Horn the evils of former times, and from the Austrian system of government, winch forcibly placid the Solavoninn, Servian and VVaHaohian boundary districts on the German military footing. The moment, however, our people became Dee, end enjoyed their political ngh>«, thsv beaame just, and placed all things upon a basis of freedom and perfect equality. But some of those races, blisded by the infernal slather* and suggestions of Austria, -- n.rainet us. This people, who for can- In Amcma, people of different languages dwell • but who eayE that itia unjust for Senators and Reo- resentaaves to use the English language in th«ir Go^fuAienr?*0 “ th® oflioial »or the original settlors had s’amocd their lan ;Uhge in the country; bat in Hungary P, ;av was wcentaiy to make f.s Magyar the oflioial language |/le u9e 0! the Lam tongue—a bad,relic of ths mid ',e v-!,ioh the clergy and ansioorasy ore. iervcu amometfiieg preoious, imitating the ancient despot*, who caused the laws to be written in email letters and placed dfe high towers, that the people might not understand their rights—had been re tailed among us. It was necessary to have a living, spoken, popular language, and what other could we have than the noble Magyar ? How often have I, and other leaders with me, said to my countrymen that they must be strictly just, and seek their future greatness not in the pre- dominance of one race, but in the perfect equality of all! My counsel was adopted and made the basis of the Government. The same freedom, the same privileges, without regard to language or re- ligion, the free development of each race under the protection of the law, were accorded to all. We not only guaranteed the right to use any language in the churches and schools, but we afforded aid for the education and development of each nationality. The principle we announced was, that either the St-te should protect no religion, no nationality- leaving all to the free action of the people—or that it should protect all alike. In the general administration the predominance of our language, and consequently the race that spoke it,-was a necessity ; but in the administration of county affaiis, which in some respects resembled that of the individual States in North America, the use of each language was granted. In the courts, in the trial by jury, in the right of petition, in the repnblication of all laws and ordinances, the va- rious races had the right to use their own language. In one word, nothing was left undone which could tend to place all on a fooling of the most perfect equality. True, we did not—as Austria has done for political pmposes solely, to enslave all the peo- ple and make the brave Hungarians a subordinate nation—make a territorial division of the lands. We respected rights, and wished to progress, but were too honest to commence a system of spolia- tion. And who has been benefited by this policy of the Vienna bureaucracy? Not even those on whom the pretended favors have been conferred. When those races clamored for national rights, I boldly denier.ded what was wanting, and what could be granted without injury to the country. No one answered but wreckless men, who spoke of territo- rial division. The Servans desired to have the oomitat Bacs and the three counties cf the Banat,as a separate Servian State. The Wallaohiana wished to have Transylvania. They (the Servians) did not consider that they owned no separate portion ot the land in Hungary, and that in the Baos aad the Ba- nat were Waliachians, Germans, and Magyars, who could not be made subordinate to the less numerous Servians. So, also, in Transylvania, there were Magyars, Seklers and Saxons, who would complain of such a connexion with Wallaohia. As there were various races, speaking different languages in Hungary, and divided into as many municipalities, who could blame us for laying the foundation of government in a just equality to all ? Croatia alone was a separate territary; and how often have we said to her that if she would remain in union with us, we would give her the hand of brotherhood | but if she wished to separate, wo would not hinder her ? We could not, however, permit suoh a division of Hungary as would have destroyed her as a nation. It was Austria th&t sowed the seeds of division and dissolution. Citizens of America ! to you I declare honestly that my aim in the federation of Hungary with smaller nations was to secure the nationality and in- dependence of each, and the freedom of all; and had anything been wanting which could have been justly granted to any or all of the races in Hungary, the Magyars had only to know it and it would nave been performed with readiness ; for Freedom, and not Power, was their desire. Finally, I declare that, by the Declaration of In- dependence by which I was elected Governor of Hungary, I protest, so long as the people do not by their free will release me from that office, that no one can legally control the affairs of government but myself. This protestation is not made in a feel- ing of vanity or desire to be conspicuous, but from respect to the inherent rights of my countrymen. I strove not for power. The brilliancy of a crown would not seduce me. The final aim of my life, after having liberated my dear Hungary, was to end my days as a private citizen and an humble far- mer. My country, in the hour of danger, called upon me to assist in the 8‘ruggle for freedom. I re- sponded to its call. Others, doubtless, were more able, who could have won more fame, but I will yield to none in the purity of mv motives. Perhaps it was confidence in my ardent patriotism and honesty of purpose which induced the people to give me the power. They believed would be safe in my hands. I felt my weakness, and told them I could not promise liberty unless they were united a* one man and would lay aside all person- 5,-. ..,vrVL..c. V-iccViU viitiK, « nation was divided, it would fail. As long as they fol- lowed my injunctions, and were united,they were unconquerable—they performed miracles of valor. The fail of Hungary commenced the day they be- gan to divide. Not knowing the secret causes of this division, and not suspecting treachery, and wishing to inspire confidence, to give skill and all the elements o£ success to our army, and oaring nothing for my own fame, doing ail for the good of mv country, I gave the command of the forces to groom—in vain did all private interests yield to the luf ieec patriotism—in vain anwe the prayer* of a i suffering peucfa—in vain did the ardent wishes of-1 eve»y friend of freedom accompany our effort*—in | ysin did the Genius of Liberty hope for success. My country was martyred. Her rulers are hang- men. They have spoken the impious words that Ihe liberty-loving ne.1 ion “lies at the fist of the ’> Instead of the thankful prayer of fauh, of , hope, ard oflove, the air of my native land is filled with the cries of despair and t, her chosen leader, j em an exile. The diplomacy of Europe ba changed i Turkish hrspitaliiy to n.e and my companions into hopeiese bondage. It is a painful existence. My Voutbfui children have begun the morning of their life in the hards of my country’s destroyer, and I —— but no : desponding does not become me, for I am a man. I am not permitted, or I would say 1 envy the dead Who is unfortunate? I am in Broufsa, where the great Hannibal once lived an exile, homeless like myself, but rich in services performed for his country, while I claim only fideli- ty to mine. The ingratitude of his nation went wuh him in his banishment, but the sorrowful love ! of my countrymen follows me to my place of exile. To thee, my God, I offer thanks that thou didst deem me worthy to suffer for dear Hungary. Let ine suffer afflictions, butsocept them as propitiatory sacrifice* for my native land. And thou, Hungarian nation, yield not to des- pair! Be p atient, hope, and wait thy time! Though all men forget thee, the God of Justice will not. Thy sufferings ere recorded, and thy tears remem- bered The blood of thy martyrs—thy noble sons— Which moistened thy soil, will have it* fruits. Oho victims which daily fall for thee are, like the ever? gre. n cypress over the graves of the dead, the sym- bol of thy resurrect.on. The races whom thy de- stroyer excited against thee bv lies and cunning will be undeceived; they will know lhat thou didst j not fight for preeminence, but for common liberty p —that thou wast their brother, and hied for them Meo The temporary victory of our enemies will but serve to take the film from the eves of the de- ceived people. The sentiment of sympathy for our sufferings will inspire among the smaller States, and faces the wish for a fraternalconfederation—for that which I alwai o urged as the only safe policy and guarantee of freedom for them all. The realization of this idea will hurl the power of the haughty despots to the abyss of the past, andg Hurgary. free, surrounded by Lee nations, will bo gnat, glorious and independent. At the moment when I hardly hoped for further consolation on earth, behoid the God of Mercy freed my wife, and enabled her, through a thousand dan- gers, to reach mo in my place of exile. Like a hunted deer, she could not for five months find in her own native land a place of rest. The execu- tioners of the beardless Nero placed a reward upon her head, but she has escaped the tyrants. She was to me end to my exiled countrymen like the rain- bow to Noah, for she brought intelligence of hope in the unshaken souls of the Hungarian people, and In the affectionate sympathy of the neighboring na- tions who bad fought against us. They had aided i the wife of the much-slandered Governor of Hun- *AUhough the (sympathy of the world often depends upon the result of actions, and the successful are applauded, still Hungary, by her noble bearing and tria's, has drawn the attention of the world. The 8>itip*thy which she has excited in both worlds, and the thundering curse which the lips of millions have pronounced against her destroyers, announce like the roaring of the wind before the otorm, the coming retribution cf Heaven. . Among the nations of the world there are two Which demand our gratitude and affection. Eng- land, no lees powerful than she is free and glorious, supported us by her sympathy, and by the approving voice of her noblest sons aad the millions of her people. And that chosen land of freedom beyond the ocean—the all-powerful people of the united States, with their liberal Government—inspired us With hope, snd gave us courage by their deep inte- rest in out cause and sufferings, and by their con- demnation cf om executioners. The President of the United States, whom the confidence of a free people had elevated to the lofti- est station in the world, in his Message to Congress, i announced that the American Government would have been the first to recognise the independence ol Hurgary. And the Senators and Representatives in Congress marked the destroyers oi my country’s liberty with the stigma of ignominy, and expressed, with indignant feelings, their contempt for the con- duct of Austria, and their wish to break the dinlo- matio intercourse with such a government, Ihsy summoned the despots before the judgment seat ot humanity: they proclaimed that the world would condemn them ; they declared that Austria ana Russia had been unjust, tyrannical and barbarous, and deserved to be reprobated by mankind, while Hungary was worthy of universal sympathy. j The Hungarians, more fortunate than I, who were able to reach the shores of the New World, were re- ceived by the people and government of the unttea States in the most generous manner—yes, like brothers. With one hand they hurled anathemas at the despots, and with the other welcomed tfie humble exiles to partake of that glorious American Hbertv, more to be valued than the glitterof crowns. Our hearts are filled with emotions to see how this j great nation extends its sympathy and aid to every I —: i« an foriiinr.r.eas to arrive m Arne- i I was as -edby ti*c TiostbOicnia engagmueut by he man to whom I gave the power, that he would vae it for the welfaie and independence of the na- ion, and that he would bo responsible to me and {he people for the fulfilment of these conditions. He etrsyed his country, and gave the army, to the • Had we succeeded after this terrible b ow, e should have met his reward. And even now he not freed from his accountability to the nation, 0 more than 1, in the moral right and sense, erase o bo the Governor of Hungary. A short time may ■ averse again the fate of all. The aurora of liberty reaks upon my vision, even at Broussa. 1 have, therefore, entrusted to Ladislans Ujhazi, Obergerpsnn of the Saros coijiitat, and Civil Gov- t 'nor of Comorn, the mission to be my representa- tive, and through mo, the representative of the Hunterian nation, to the people and government of the United States, hoping and believing that sogen- > rous a people will not judge the merits of our cause by a temporary defeat, but will recognise Governor jhazi and his companions with the accustomed kindness. May God bless your country for ever ! May it uave the glorious destiny to share with other nation* the blessings of that liberty which constitutes its own happiness and fame ! May your great example, noble Americans, be to other nations the source of : social virtue ; your power be the terror of all ty- ! rants—the protector of the distressed; and your free country ever continue to be the asylum for the op- ! pressed of all nations. Written at my place of banishment, Broussa, Asia Minor, 27th March, 1850. Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary. I deed, never was able to “understand how any- bidv can more love ambition than liberty. But I i bm Rlad to state a historical fact as a principal i demonstration of that influence which institutions 1 exercise upon the character of nations. We ! Hungarians are very fond of the principle of i municipal self-government, and we have a natural horror against the principle of centralization. That fond attachment to municipal sal out which there is no provincial freedom possible, is 1 a fundamental feature of our national character. We brought it with us from far Asia, a thousand vears aeo, and we conserved it throughout the licissitudes of ten centuries. No nation has per- haps so much struggled and suffered1 from the civil- ized Christian world, as we. We do not com nlain of this lot. It may be heavy, but it is not Worious Where the cradle of our Saviour stood, snd where his divine doctrine was founded there another faith now rules; and the whole of Europe’s armed pilgrimage could no* »vert tois fate from that sacred soot, nor stop the rushing waves of Islamism absolving the Christian Empire oTooMteatine. We stopped those rushmg waycs. The breast of my nation proved a breik water to the-n W e guarded Christendom, that Luthers or Calvins might reform it, It was a dangerous time, the dangers of the time often placed the confi- dence of aft my nation in one man’s hand, and : tlX ConCdence pave t>o wer into his hands to become mbitwus. Bat there is not a single instance in history where a man, honored by his peopie s con- deceived his people by becoming ambi- i The man out of whom Russian diplomacy succeeded in'roahmg the murderer of his nation’s coni denco—ho never had it, but was rather regarded f-lwaye with distrust. But he gained somei victo- ria, when victories were the moment’s chief neces- sivv At the herd of an army, circumstances placed , hi,. ■ -n the uosHkm to rum his country. But hi ttevet" had tlL> people'a confidence So, oven he w LEDGER AND TRANSCRIPT, Philadelphia. TLnrsrtBy, Jen* 8,1£S». BY MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH FUR THE ri BJJt IV;DGKR. Tbleguafh Ofvicks. Quincy Cfranite Buttling-1 A’o. 101 Che.snut street, North huie, \ THE CONGRESSIONAL BANQUET TO KOSSUTH. , Washington. Jan. 7, 185a.—The Congressional banquet to Gov. Kossuth took place this evening, at the National hotel. were about 300 persons present, and the dining hall was handsoinelj sna tastefully decorated with di gs and various devices. A raised table in the middle of the room was appro- priated to Mr. King, the President of the Senate, who presided, with Gov. Kos«uth and Mr. Speaker , Boj d, of the House, at hisright.and the Hon. Daniel Webster at his left. Secretaries Corwin and Stew- art, Judge Wayne, Gen. Houston, Mr. Seward, and other distinguished men occupied seats in the near vicinity. The Marine Band was in attendance and played many popular airs during the evening. After the cloth had been removed, a large number of ladies were admitted to the room. The firs, roast was, “ The President of the United States, ■which was drank with three hearty cheers. Mr. abster responded. He said— , “I am here to-night, Mr. President, with others, Hoads of the Departments, who belong to the Exe- cutive administration of the Government, and who i are confidential counsellors of the President. I rife j in their behalf, as well as my own, to tender to the company onr thanks for the manner in which the Prnsidnit has been received as the sentiment by the meeting here assembled, and to assure you, sir, and all present, that in kindness and good wishes towards the guest of the occasion, and in attachment to the great piinciples of political liberty [applause] and nation." 1 independence [applause], there is no man who partakes in a higher degree than the President cf the United States in the general feelings of the vast community.” [Applause.] j The second toast was, “The Judiciary of the 1 United States. The expounders of the Constitu- I tion, and the bulwark of liberty regulated by law.” I Judge Wayne, of the Supreme Court, responded, j pimply returning his thanks and compliments, aud giving the following sentiment : “Constitutional liberty to all the nations of the errth, supported by Christian faith and the morality of the Bible.” The third toast was, “The Navy of the United j States, the Home Squadron everywhere-—the glory Which made It so was illustrated when its flag iti a foreign sea gave liberty and protection to the Hun- garian chief.” [Great applause.] Mr. Stanton, £ Term., briefly responded, He said that our Navy was not only the principal defence of liberty, but when needed could strike a blow for . liberty. [Applause.] T .. , ! The fourth toast was, “The Army of the Unit i t ; States—in saluting the illustrious exile with mag- . nanimous courtesy as high as it could pay to any ! power on the earth, it has added grace to tire glory ■ of its history.” , I Mr. Shields responded. He regretted that the | illustrious chief of the army was not hero to respond, but in the name of the army he returned thanks lor tiie toast and the enthusiasm with which it had been received. The army was worthy of the toast, j having brought us safely through three wars. The voice of the cannon in saluting him ( Ko • ■ ruth) was the voice of 25 millions of freemen. [Ap- plause.] It was not a salute to Kossuth, merely, bu- to the great principles lie advocates, of nationality and human liberty. [Applause] As an Irishman, by birth J and an American citizen, by adoption, ho would feel himself a traitor to both countries it no did not snstaindovvn-troddennatioaality everywhere. 1 [Applause.] The army that had sustained itself in i thiee warsrgainst the most powerful nations in the world, would, if the trying time came again, main- tain the same flag, the same triumph, the same vic- tories in the cause of liberty- [Much applause.] Mr. King, in giving the next toast, said it was one to which every generous American would cor- dially respond. He, in common with others, while the Hungarian struggle was going on, rejoiced in her success and mourned her temporary defeats. V\ o honored those who struggled and were prepared to sacrifice all for libeity. We followed our illus- trious guest in his mournful exile, were the firs- to cull on him to return, and were the last to receive him with open arms to the land of liberty and of hospitality. The toast I give is, “ Hungary-repre- sented in the person of our honored guest—having proved herself worthy to be free by the virtues and valor of her sons, the law of nations and the dic- tates of justice alike demand that she shall have fair- play in her struggle for independence.” [Most en- i thusiastic applause.] , , , Mr. Kossuth arose when the cheering had sub- sided. and bowing feelingly,spoke as follows; Sir—As once Cyneaa, the Epirote, stood among the Senators of Rome, who, with an earnest vyord of self-conscious majesty, controlled the condition of the world migldjt kings in their am- - bilious march, thujHull of admiration and of rave- iSSoSSfS mournful monument ol the ftagl'-y W - -. Ihii-pi —yours as a sanctuary ot eternal rights. 1 idd tamed with the red lustre o congest now dark* ned by oppression s glooinyh “ & beams with freedom s bright ray. Th oro. the world by its own centralized glory —J0®”_p tccts vour own nation against absorption even by iuelf.Vhe old was awful with unrestricted power— yours is glorious with having *o. At the view of the old, nations trembled—at the view of yours, humanity hopes. To the old, misfortune was iKly Introduced with fettered hands to kneel at the triumphsnt conqueror's heels—to yours, the triumph of introduction is granted to unfortunate exiles, in- vited to the honor of a seat; and where kings and Ca> sars never will be hailed, for their powers, might, am wealth, there the persecuted chief of a down-trod den nation is welcomed as your great Republic a guest, precisely because be is persecuted, helpless, and poor. In the old, the terrible vevictis was the rule—in yours, protection to the oppressed, maledic- tion to ambitious oppressors, and consolation to the vanquished in a just cause. And while out of t. e old a conquered world was ruled, you in yours pro- vide for the common confederativa inteiests of a ter ■ ritory larger than the conquered world of the pin There sat men boasting their will to be the sovereign of ihe world—here sit men whose glory is to ac- knowledge the laws of Nature and of Nature’s God, and to do what their sovereign,,the people, wills. Sir, there is history in these parallels. History ot pist ages, and history of future centuries may he often recorded in few words. The small particulars to which the passion of living men clings with fer- vent zeal, as if the fragile fingers of men could ar- rest the rotation of destiny’s wheel; these particu- . tors die away. It is the issue which makes history, and that issue is always logical. There is a neces- sity of consequences wherever the necessity of po- sition exists. Principles are the Alpha, they must finish with Omega, and they will. Thus history mav be roften told in few words. Before yet the heroic struggle of Greece first engaged your coun- try’s sympathy for the fate of freedom in Europe, then so far distant, and now so near, Chateaubriand happened to be in Athens, and he heard from a mina- ret raised upon the Propylemus ruins, a Turkish pi it st in Arabic language announcing the lapse of ; hours to the Christians of Minerva's town. What , immense history in the small fact of a Turkish Itnaum j crying out, “ Pray, man, the hour is running fast, j and tne judgment draws near.” Sir, there is equally ; a history of future ages written in the honor be- | 1 stowed by you on my humble self. The first Governor of independent Hungary, driven from ; his native land by Russian violence; an exile j 1 on Turkish soil; protected by a Mahommedan Sul- . tan against the blood-thirst of Christian tyrants; cast back a prisoner to far Asia by diplomacy; res- cued from his Asiatic prison by America crossing the * Atlantic, charged with the hopes of Europe's op- | pressed nations; pleading, a poor exile before the i people of this great republic, his down trodden country’s wrongh, and its intimate connection with the fate of the European continent; and with the.j boldness of a just cause, claiming the principles ot j i the Christian religion to be raised to a law of na- lions- and to see not only the boldness of the poor 1 exile forgiven, but to sea him consoled by the sym- j I pathv of millions, encouraged by individuals, asso - > ciations, meetings, cities and States, supported by operative aid, and greeted by Congress and by the - Government as the Nation’s guest; honored, out of generosity, with those honors which only one man before him received—8r.d that mm received them out of gratitude—with honors such as no potentate ever can receive, and this banquet here, and the toast which I have to thank you for: oh! indeed, s.r, there is a history of future ages in all these facts Sir though I have the noble pride of my pi inciples, and though 1 have the inspiration of a just cause, still 1 have also the consciousness of my personal nu- ' mility. Never will I forget what is due from mo to I (he sovereign source of my public capacity. 1 hts . owe to my nation’s dignity, and, therefore, resP“cc; ! fully thanking this highly distinguished ; s.-embly . - ■' I rny country’* name, f have the boldness to »ay, that ! Hungary well deserves your sympathy—that Hun- g iry has a claim to protection, because it has a claim I to hist ice. But as to my self, permit me humbly to express that I am well aware not to have in all these honors any pen!And share Nay, I know that even that which might soem to he personal m your toast, « only an acknowledgment of an historical f et very instructively connected with a principle, valuable and dear to every republican heart in the I nUed States of America. Sir, you were pleased 1 to mention in your toast that I am unconquered by i uiisfi rtuao and ucseduced by ambition. Now, it i ’ 1 L providential fact, that misfortune has the privilege ; toT ennoble man’s mind and to strengthen man * I Ihar e’er. There is a sort of natural ins .met of > human dignity m the heart of man, which steels his I ve v nerves not to bend beneath the heavy-blows yf;igreat adversity. The palm-tree grows best be- i i rea.h a ponderous weight—even so the character of man There is no merit in it—it is a law of pay- I otology • The petty pongs of small daily cares i nave often bent the character of men, but great mis- no conti-ad’c'ion to the historical fnith, (hat no Hun- garian whom hie nation hi noicd with its confidence, i W«; 01 Oi seduced by ambition to become d nge.ous I (a hie countr> ’» liberty, That is a remarkable f mi, aiid \ et it is not accident**!. It. is the logical quenco of the iufi.uence of iasti:uiicu« upon the aa- Uonal chavacior. Our nation, throughal* its his- tory, was educated in the school of municipal self-government; and in such a country, ambition haviao- an field, has also uo place in man’s ch racier. The truth of this doctrine becomes yet better illus- trated by a quite contrary historical fact in France. W ha?ever have been the chargee of Government in that »rcat country, end many they have been, to be sure, we have seen a Convention, a Directorate of Consuls, ai.-d ore Consul, and an Emperor, and the restoration, was the fundamental tone of the institu- tions ol France. Power always centralized; Omni- potence always vested somewhere. and remarkably, mderd, Fiance has never yet raised a single man to the seat of power who has not sacrificed his country’s fieedom to his personal ambition. It is sorrowful, indeed; but it is natural. It is in the gaiden of eenttwlization where the Venomous plant of ambition thrives. I date confidently affirm that in your grest country there exists not a single man through whose brains has ever passed the thought that he would wish to raise the seat of his ambition, upon the ruins of your country’s liberty. If he could.such a wish is impossible in the United States. Institutions react upon the character of nations. He who sows the wind will reap the storm. His- tory is the revelation of Providence. The Almighty rules by eternal 1 >ws, not only the material but the moral world, and every law is a principle and every principle is a law. Men, as well as nations, are en- dowed with free will to choose a principle, but that j once chosen the consequences must be abided. With 1 self-government is freedom, and with freedom is jus- ; tice and patriotism. With centralization is ambi- tion, and with ambition dwells despotism. Happy, your great country, sir, for being so warmly ad- ) dieted to that great principle of self-government. Upon this foundation your fathers raised a home to j freedom more glorious than the world has ever seen, j U pon this foundation you have developed it to a | living wonder of the world. Happy, your great I country, sir, that it was selected by the blessing of j the Lord, to prove the glorious practicability of a federative Union of many sovereign States, all con- | serving their State rights and their self-government, and yet united in one. Every star beaming with its own lustre, but all teigether one constellation on mankind’s canopy. Upon this foundation your free country has grown to a prodigious power in a surprisingly brief period. . You have'altracted power in that your fundamental principles have conquered more in 75 years than Rome by arms in centuries. Your principles will I conquer the world. By the glorious example of 1 your freedom, welfare and security, mankind is ; wLwit t* tauon.e of its aim. The lesson you give to humanity will not be lost, and the re- spect of the £tate rights in the Federal Government of America, and in its several States, will become an instructive example for universal toleration, for- bearance, and justice to the future States and Re- publics i f Europe. Upon this basis will be got rid of the mysterious question of language, and mtion- i ality raised by the cunning despotisms in Europe to : murder Liberty, and the smaller States will find se- curity in the principles of federative union, while ( they will conserve their national freedom by the principles of sovereign self-government; and while tinent, and I freely interpreted the hopes and wishes which these oppressed nations entertain; but as to your great republic, as a State, as a power on earth, I stand before the Statesmen, Senators and Legisla- tors of that Republic only to ascertain from their wisdom and experience what is their judgment upon a question of national law and international right. I h/>ped, and now hope, that they will, by the fore- boding events on the other great continent, feel ih- , dueed to pronounce, in time, their vote about that law and those rights, and I hoped and hope that pro- nouncing their vote, it will be In favor of the broad principles of international justice, and cons mint with their republican institutions and their democratic life. That is all. I know, and Europe knows, the im- mense weight of such a pronunciation from such a place. But never had I the impious wish to try to entangle this great Republic into difficulties inconsistent with its own welfare, its own security its own interest. I rather repeatedly and earnestly declared that a war on this account by your country is utterly impossible, and a mere phantom. I al- ways declared that the United States remained mas- ters of their actions, and under every circumstance : will act as they judge consistent with the supreme duties to themselves. But I said, and say. that such ; a declaring of just principles would insure to the nations of Europe fair play in their struggle for free- dom and independence, because the declaration of such a power as your Republic will be respected even where it should not be liked; and Europe’s op- pressed nations will foci cheered in resolution and doubled in strength, to maintain the decision of their American brethren on their own behalf with their !- own lives. There is an immense power in the idea to be right, when this idea is sanctioned by a nation like yours; and when the foreboding future will be- come present, there is an immense field for private benevolence and sympathy upon the basis of the broad principles of international justice, pronounced in the sanctuary of your people’s collective ma- jesty. So much to guard me against misunder- standing. Sir—1 m: st fervently thank you for the acknow- ledgment that my country has proved worthy to be free. Yes, gentlemen, 1 feel proud at my nation’s character, heroism, love of freedom and vitality, and I bow with reverential awe before the decree of Providence which placed my country in a position that, without its restoration to independence; there is no possibility for freedom and the independence of nationson the European continent Even what now in France is about fo pass, proves the truth of this. Every disappointed hope with which Europe looked towards Fiance is a degree more added to the im- portance of Hungary to the world. Upon our plains were fought the decisive battles for Christendom. There will be fought the decisive battle for the in- dependence of nations, for state rights, for interna- tional law, and for Democratic liberty. We will live free or die like men; but should my people be doomed to die, it will be the first whose death will not be recorded as suicide, but as a martyrdom for the world; ar d future ages will mourn over the sad fate of the Magyar race, doomed to perish, not be- cause we deserved it, but because, in the-nine- teenth century, there 'was nobody to protect the laws of Nature ond of Nature’s Gca. But I look to the future with oi nfidenee and hope. Adversities, manifold, of a tempest-tossed life, could, cf course, not fail to impress a mark of cheerfulness upon my heart, which, if note, source of joy, is at least a guard against sanguine illusions. I, for myself, would not want the hope of success For doing what is right, to me the cense of duty would suffice. Therefore, when I hope, it has nothing common with that desperate instinct of a drowning ra-n, who, half sunk, is sijll grrsping to a straw for help. No! W ben I ho pe there is motive for tbit hope, I h..vc p steady fai.ii in principles. I dare say that cripo* ienoe taught me the logic of ovoate in cwtaec- f tionw'th principles 1 havefo(homed tha very bottom of this ni)story ; md whs 1 doeeiied in my caloula- I Cions there? Afcoui once in ray life. I supposed a I principle to exist in it certain quarter, where, in- > occd. uo principle proves fo exist. It was a horri- ble mistake, and resulted in a horri-le issue. Tn* present condition of Europe is a very consequence of it; but precisely this condition of Europe proves I did not wan’only suppose a principle to ex ist there where I found none. Would it have crusted, the consequences could not have foiled to arrive as I h.ivo contemplated them. Well, there is a Providence in every fact. Without this mis- take the principle of American Republic miso would not yet for a long time have found a fertile soil on that confined, where it was considered wisdom to belong to the French School. Now matters stand thus. That either the continent or Europe has uo future at all, or this future is American Re- publicanism. And who could believe ih*t the hundred millions of that continent, which is the mother of civilization, are not to have any future at nil. Such a doubt would be almost blasphemy against Providence; indeed a just and bountiful Pro- vidence. I trust with the piety of my religion in it. I d ire say my very humble self was a continual in- strument of it. How could I else, in such a condi- tion as 7 was, born hot conspicuous by any promi- nent abilities, having nothing in me more than ait iron will, which nothing can bend, and the conscious- ness of being right. How could I, under the most arduous circumstances, accomplish many a thing which ray sense of duty prompted me to undertake. Oh, there is indeed a Providence which rules; and i irgra- states, attaicaung the principle ot centraliza- lion, will corse to be a blood-field to saiguiuary usurpation and a tool to the ambition of wicked men, municipal institutions will insure the develop- ment of local particnl r elements. Freedom, for- merly an abstract political theory, will become the household benefit to municipalities, and out of the welfare and contentment of all parts will flow happiness, peace, and security for the whole. That is my confident hope. Theie will at once subside the fluctuations of Germany’s fate. It will become the heart of Europe; not by melting North Germany into a Southern frame, or the South into a Northern; not by absorbing historical pecu- liarities, by centralized omnipotence, not by mixing in one State, but by federating several sovereign States into a Union like yours, upon a similar basis, will take place the national regeneration of the Scla- vonian Stales; and not upon the saeriligeous ideas of pautlayism, equivalent to the omnipotence of the Czar. Upon a similar basis will see fair Italy inde- pendent and free. Not Unity, but Union will and must become the watchword of national bodies, severed into desecrated limbs by provincial rivalries, out of which a flock of despora and common servi- tude arose. To be sure, it will be a noble joy to this, your great republic, to feel that the moral influ- ence ot your glorious example has operated in pro- ducing this happy development in mankind’s destiny; and I have not the slightest doubt of the efficacy of your example’s influence. But there is one thing in- dispensable to it, without which there is no hope for this happy issue. This indispensable thing is, that the opt reseed nations of Europe become the masters of thiir future, free to regulate their own domestic concerns; and to secure this nothing is wanted but to have that fi.ir play to all, and for all, which you, sir, in your toast, were pleased to pronounce as a right of my nation, alike sanctioned by the law of nations, as by the dictates of eternal justice. With- out this fair play, there is no hope for Europe— no hope of seeing your principles spread. Yours is a happy country, gentlemen. You had more than fair-play. Yvu ted active, operative, aid Inin Euroce is your struggle for independence, which once achieved you' so wisely used as to become a prodigy of freedom and welfare, and a book of life l*> nations. But we, in Europe, vc, unhappily, we have no such fair-play with ns. against every palpitation of Liberty. All despots are united in a common league, and you -o aurc ti-spots will J?eY®r y*®H tb the UiOfill influence of your great example. They bitterly hate the very existence of this example. It is the sorrow of their thoughts and the incubus of their dreams. To at ■ its moral influence abroad, and to check its spread ng development at home, is what they wish, instead of yielding to its influence. We will have no fair play. The Cossack already rules, by Louis Napoleon’s usurpation,,to the very borders of the Atlantic ocean. One of your great statesmen —tow, to my deep sorrow, boned to trie sick bed of far advanced age—alas, that I am deprived of the advice which lus wisdom could have imparted to me—your great, statesman told the world thirty years ago, that Paris was transferred to St. Peters- burg. What would he now say when St. Peters- rg is transferred to Paris, and Europe is but an ap- pendix to Russia. Alas! Europe can no more secure to Europe fair play. Albion only remains, ’ t even Albion casts a sorrowful glance over the waves. Still we will stand in our place, sink or »wim, live or die. You know the word. It is your vn. W© will follow it. It will be a bloody path h tread. Despots have conspired against the world, error spreads over Europe, and anticipating perse- ution, rules from Paris to Pesth. There is a gloomy •lienee, like the silence of nature before the terrors :