THE UNITED STATES STRATEGIC BOMBING SURVEY Final Report Covering Air-Raid Protection and Allied Subjects in JAPAN Civilian Defense Division February 1947 THE UNITED STATES ft t STRATEGIC BOMBING SURVEY Final Report Covering Air-Raid Protection and Allied Subjects in Japan Civilian Defense Division Dates of Survey: I October 1945—1 December 1945 Date of Publication: February 1947 This report was written primarily for the use of the U. S. Strategic Bombing Survey in the preparation of further reports of a more compre- hensive nature. Any conclusions or opinions expressed in this report must be considered as limited to the specific material covered and as subject to further interpretation in the light of further studies conducted by the Survey. FOREWORD The United States Strategic Bombing Survey was established by the Secretary of War on 3 November 1944, pursuant to a directive from the late President Roosevelt. Its mission was to conduct an impartial and expert study of the effects of our aerial attack on Germany, to be used in connection with air attacks on Japan and to establish a basis for evaluating the importance and potentialities of air power as an instrument of military strategy for planning the future de- velopment of the United States armed forces and for determining future economic policies with respect to the national defense. A summary re- port and some 200 supporting reports containing the findings of the Survey in Germany have been published. On 15 August 1945, President Truman re- quested that the Survey conduct a similar study of the effects of all types of air attack in the war against Japan, submitting reports in duplicate to the Secretary of War and to the Secretary of the Navy. The officers of the Survey during its Japanese phase were: Franklin D’Outer, Chairman. Paul II. Nitze, Henry C. Alexander, Vice-Chairmen. Harry L. Bowman, J. Kenneth Galbraith, Rensis Likert, Frank A. McNamee, Jr., Fred Searles, Jr., Monroe Spaght, Dr. Lewis R. Thompson, Theodore P. Wright, Directors. Walter Wilds, Secretary. The Survey’s complement provided for 300 civilians, 350 officers, and 500 enlisted men. The military segment of the organization was drawn from the Army to the extent of 60 percent, and from the Navy to the extent of 40 percent. Both the Army and the Navy gave the Survey all pos- sible assistance in furnishing men, supplies, trans- port, and information. The Survey operated from headquarters established in Tokyo early in Sep- tember 1945, with subheadquarters in Nagoya, Osaka, Hiroshima, and Nagasaki, and with mobile teams operating in other parts of Japan, the islands of the Pacific, and the Asiatic mainland. It was possible to reconstruct much of wartime Japanese military planning and execution, en- gagement by engagement, and campaign by cam- paign, and to secure reasonably accurate statistics on Japan’s economy and war production, plant by plant, and industry by industry. In addition, studies were conducted on Japan’s over-all stra- tegic plans and the background of her entry into the war, the internal discussions and negotiations leading to her acceptance of unconditional sur- render, the course of health and morale among the civilian population, the effectiveness of the Japanese civilian defense organization, and the effects of the atomic bombs. Separate reports will be issued covering each phase of the study. The Survey interrogated more than 700 Japa- nese military, government, and industrial officials. It also recovered and translated many documents which not only have been useful to the Survey, but also will furnish data valuable for other studies. Arrangements have been made to turn over the Survey’s files to the Central Intelligence Group, through which they will be available for further examination and distribution. ACKNOWLEDGMENT The following report has been prepared not as a series of separate studies but rather as a complete over-all account of the organization and operation of Japanese Civilian Defense, including passive defense installations and precautions, and evacuation and welfare. All of the factual information con- tained therein was secured by investigations in the field, and this report is the composite result of the free interchange of data and ideas among all those who participated in planning and executing the mission. Nevertheless, it is appropriate to identify the following members of the Civilian Defense Division who carried the major responsibility: Col. F. A. McNamee, Jr., F.A., Director, Col. J. B. Warden, F.A., Chief of Division, Col. E. R. Closson, Inf., Executive Officer, Col. H. R. Yocum, F.A. Col. K. E. Miller, U.S.P.H.S. Lt. Col. J. H. Ahrens, A.G.D. Lt. Col. B. W. Beers, Inf. Lt. Col. G. S. Reeves, C.E. Lt. Col. J. H. Shoemaker, C.M.P. Lt. Col. W. H. Frederick, Jr., A.C. Maj. L. O. Goas, A.U.S. Lt. Comdr, O. J. Emory, U.S.N.R. Lt. Comdr. B. E. Rice, U.S.N.R. Capt. R. W. Jeffery, A.C. Lt. F. H. Lewis, U.S.N.R. TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I. SUMMARY Page EARLY START 1 MISSION 1 EXECUTION OF MISSION 1 DEVELOPMENT OF PROGRAM: False Concept 2 National Characteristics Facilitated Development 2 Ready-Made Citizens’ Organizations 3 National Government Takes Over B Conflicting Agencies 3 Administration and Responsibility s 4 Summary 4 ACTIVITIES BEFORE RAID: Evacuation 4 Air-Raid Warning 5 Shelters 6 Fire Prevention 7 ACTIVITIES DURING AND AFTER RAID: Fire Fighting 7 Rescue 8 Emergency Medical Service 9 Red Cross 9 Mortuary Service 10 Clearance and Repair 10 Emergency Welfare 10 CONDUCT OF THE PUBLIC 11 PROTECTION OF FACTORIES AND PUBLIC UTILITIES: Factory Air-Raid Protection 11 Railroad Air-Raid Protection 12 National Communications Air-Raid Protection 12 Harbor Air-Raid Protection and Port Security 13 OTHER CIVILIAN DEFENSE FUNCTIONS: Blackout 13 Camouflage 13 Gas Protection t 13 Air-Raid Protection in Public Buildings 14 Control Centers 14 Incident Control * 14 Unexploded Bombs 14 War Damage Claims 14 COMMENT 14 V PART II. COMPLETE FINAL REPORT Section 1 aac I. INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT 15 II. ESTABLISHMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF JAPANESE AIR-RAID- PROTECTION PROGRAM: A. Introduction 16 B. Basic Law on Civilian Air Defense 20 C. Administrative Organization for Air-Raid Defense 22 III. SPECIAL CIVILIAN DEFENSE AGENCIES: A. Auxiliary Police and Fire Units * 26 B. Neighborhood Groups, Block Associations, and Federated Block Associations 30 IV. ORGANIZATION AND OPERATION OF JAPANESE CIVILIAN DEFENSE: A. Air-Raid Warning 33 B. Control 40 C. Incident Control 41 D. Unexploded Bombs 42 E. Fire Services 43 Fire Protection 43 Fire Prevention 65 F. Emergency Medical Services 74 Emergency Medical Service 74 Red Cross ! 82 Mortuary Service 86 G. Rescue Service 90 H. Post-Raid Clearance and Repair 95 V. PROTECTION OF FACTORIES, UTILITIES, INSTALLATIONS AND BUILDINGS DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USE: A. Factory Air-Raid Protection 99 B. Railroad Air-Raid Protection 103 C. National Communications Air-Raid Protection 109 D. Harbor Air-Raid Protection and Port Security 114 E. Air-Raid Protection in Buildings Devoted to Public Use 129 VI. PASSIVE DEFENSE INSTALLATIONS AND PRECAUTIONS: A. Protective Lighting 131 B. Shelters 136 C. Gas-Protection Service 150 D. Camouflage 157 E. Conduct of the Public - 162 VII. EVACUATION AND WELFARE: A. Evacuation 164 B. Post-Raid Emergency Welfare ' 173 C. War Damage Claims 177 VIII. TRAINING: A. Of Civilian Defense Personnel 191 B. Of General Public 195 Section Paae IX. EXHIBITS: A-l. Air-Raid Casualties and Property Damage by Prefectures in Japan • 197 A-2. Table Showing Casualties and Property Damage by Cities of Japan 198 A-3. Total Tons of Bombs Dropped by Months on Japan by U. S. Army Air Forces 200 A-4. Total Tons of Bombs Dropped on Japan by U. S. Army Air Forces (detail by months showing cities on which a total of 100 tons or more was dropped) : 200 B-l. Chart: Organization of Japanese Civil Air Defense 204 B-2. Chart; Organization of Japanese Ministry of Home Affairs 205 B-3. Report on the Great Japan Air-Defense Association 206 B-4. Report on the Great Japan Fire-Defense Association 207 B-5. Chart: Administrative Organization of Tokyo Metropolitan Dis- trict as Related to Civilian Air Defense 209 B-6. Chart: Japanese Civilian Defense 210 B-7. Chart: Organization Structure of Tokyo Metropolitan Police Board : 211 B-8. Chart: Theoretic Organization of Air-Defense Headquarters, Tokyo, as Established by Law 212 B-9. Chart: Chain of Command for Air Defense in the Tokyo Metro- politan District as it actually operated during Raids 213 B-10. Chart: Wartime Administrative Organization of Hyogo Pre- fecture 214 B-ll. Chart: Organization of the Air-Defense Headquarters of Hyogo Prefecture 215 B-12. Chart: Chain of Command for Air Defense in Hyogo Prefecture _ 216 B-13. Chart: Organization of the City of Kobe prior to August 1945 _ 217 C-l. Translation of the Japanese National Defense Law 218 C-2. Translation of the Japanese Air-Defense Enabling Act and Amendments thereto 219 C-3. Translation of Imperial Ordinance No. 806, Creating the Na- tional Air-Defense General Headquarters (Promulgated 1 November 1943) 228 C-4. Translation of Imperial Ordinance No. 836, Creating the Air- Defense Headquarters of Tokyo Metropolitan District 230 C-5. Translations of Proclamations of the Governor of Tokyo Metro- , tropolitan District at the Time of the First Mass Air Raid 231 D. Reports on Great Air Raids (Tokyo) as taken from the Archives Section of the Ministry of Home Affairs 231 X. GLOSSARY: English-Japanese 238 Japanese-English 241 XL SOURCE MATERIAL: The following reports upon which this Final Report was based may be obtained from the United States Strategic Bombing Survey; A. Field Report on OSAKA. B. Field Report on KOBE. C. Field Report on KYOTO. D. Field Report on HIROSHIMA. E. Field Report on NAGASAKI. — F. Field Report on TOKYO. Map of Administrative Divisions of Greater Tokyo Area Inside Back Cover PART I JAPANESE CIVILIAN DEFENSE EARLY START Accounts of Japanese air-raid-defense drills were published in the Japanese papers as early as the year 1928. As that was before the “China In- cident,” when Japan was at peace with the world, it can only be surmised what their real purpose was. Certainly, from the standpoint of civilian defense as understood by the Occidental nations, these exercises, comprising gas mask drill, black- out and elementary first aid, contributed little to training the public in the duties they were to be required to perform several years later under un- precedented conditions. It may be that Japan, then coming of age as a nation and considering herself a first-class power as a result of her di- plomatic successes following World War I, was running true to form in imitating her equals. Germany had air-raid drills. Why not she? But possibly the most logical assumption is that thoughts of war were already stirring in the minds of the powerful bellicose clique then in con- trol of the Japanese government. What could be more natural than to adopt such means to con- dition the public mentally, by drills which seemed play at the time, to later realities which would be far more than casual pastimes when they oc- curred ? The Japan Times of 6 July 1928 gives an en- thusiastic account of when “siren shrieks rent the air, two million odd citizens (of Osaka) tasted the experience which military experts predict will be the lot of the civilian populations in the event of a war in the future.” The paper goes on to tell of the blackout effected throughout the city, of the sham gas attack and the gallant doctors and nurses who gave medical attention to simulated victims, of ambulances rushing around, and all the other incidents reminiscent of the early days of civilian defense activities in the United States. And, aside from the psychological effect, the exercise was probably of little value. Such then were the beginnings of civilian de- fense in Japan, and it is obvious that the system’s weaknesses, as developed later, could not be blamed on the lack of any early start. MISSION The early development of Japanese civilian de- fense has just been summarized, and, at this point, it is pertinent to consider what it was trying to accomplish, for evidence of definite and concrete objectives on he part of the national authorities is not apparent to the student of the subject. The mission of civilian defense, as understood by European countries and the United States was, briefly: to minimize the effects of enemy bombing on civilian communities, industrial plants and other installations except those of the armed forces and thereby contribute to the over-all war effort of the nation. EXECUTION OF MISSION Now “minimize” is an elastic term, so that a yardstick has to be provided to measure the degree of success or failure of air-raid-protection forces. It may be said, therefore, that their capabilities are demonstrated by the extent to which they evacuate the population, give adequate warning, provide shelter, prevent fires from spreading, save lives of those trapped in build- ings, handle expeditiously the care of casualties and restore communities to a state of normal operation. Judged by those factors, the results of Japanese civilian defense were spotty. Some of its services definitely cushioned the effects of bombings, while others were negligible. Portions of the nonessential population were evacuated from the larger cities. Some type of shelter even though generally inadequate was provided for the entire urban population. Adequate air-raid warn- ing was generally given. Fire lanes were con- structed and sufficient organization was in exist- ence to give some form of leadership to all people affected by the raids. It would probably be no exaggeration to say that Japanese casualties would have been several times greater had these steps not been taken. In almost every case, however, proper planning, equipment, training and execution would have 1 enabled the civilian defense forces further to reduce, at times drastically to reduce, the number of casualties actually suffered. For example, tun- nel-type shelters dug into the hillsides were avail- able at Nagasaki, and, had they been fully used, experience indicates that 90 percent of the people in lateral passages would have escaped serious in- juries. Likewise, experience at Nagasaki indicates that emergency medical services made a definite contribution in reducing the number of fatalities. Had more competent medical care been available, a still larger number would have been saved. It is the opinion of this Division that optimum civilian defense measures can reduce injuries and fatalities to one-twentieth or less of the number that would be expected were no such measures taken. Civilian defense forces failed to achieve a full measure of accomplishment because their prior planning was based upon false premises and their equipment was insufficient to meet even the emer- gencies which had been anticipated. As a further extenuating circumstance, however, it must be noted that civilian defense is part of a team and when its partner, active defense, falls apart to the extent that the enemy can bomb whenever and wherever he pleases, the war is lost and civilian defense faces an insuperable task. No civilian organization can ever carry such a burden; no mission can justifiably demand such a duty. This was the situation in Japan when the AAF and the Navy Air Force began their work in earnest. The seriousness of the problem confronting the civilian defense forces is brought home all the more emphatically when the figures for casualties and property damage are considered. It is estima- ted that approximately 159,744 tons of bombs (58,229 tons of high explosives, 98,478 tons of in- cendiaries, and 3,037 tons of fragmentation) were dropped on Japan by the Army and Navy from February to August 1945. Figures obtained from the Japanese Ministry of Home Affairs show that 269,187 persons were killed as the result of aerial attacks; 109,871 were seriously injured; and 195,517 were slightly injured, Buildings com- pletely burned totaled 2,455,598; partially burned, 30,124; completely demolished, 54,915; and par- tially damaged, 63,810. (“Seriously injured,” as used here, applies to those requiring hospitaliza- tion; “slightly injured,” those who required only first-aid treatment; “partially burned” or “dam- aged” indicates property which can be repaired.) It is logical to assume that actual casualty figures are even higher than estimated by the Japanese; it is know that many bodies still lie in the rubble; means of identification was haphazard; there was no comprehensive system of accounting for pa- tients treated at first-aid stations and hospitals; and records were often lost or destroyed. DEVELOPMENT OF PROGRAM False Concept Civilian defense authorities erred in estimating the potentialities of future air attacks because the military informed them that there could not pos- sibly be any mass raids on the home islands; that, id most, not more than two or three planes might slip through and, then, only for the purpose of pin-point bombing on certain especially remune- rative targets. Plans were accordingly made on that false concept of what would be necessary. Saturation raids consequently caught the air- raid-defense forces off guard and totally unpre- pared in procedures and equipment with the re- sult that civilian defense organization was over- whelmed in nearly every instance. Man power, in general, was sufficient, but poor leadership and misdirected effort rendered it less effective than it might have been. National Characteristics Facilitated Development The development of the civilian defense pro- gram from the point of view of public coope- ration was undoubtedly greatly facilitated by the background and characteristics of the people. During the centuries of feudalism certain atti- tudes and patterns of thought had become deeply imbedded in the Japanese character, the most im- portant of which, for the purpose of civilian defense, were conformity, respect for authority, obedience, group consciousness combined with an unusual sensitiveness to social and community at- titudes (the importance of “face”), and loyalty to superiors. In contrast to these totalitarian virtues, however, should be noted the lack of orig- inality and initiative. The government and the armed forces used every device to perpetuate the qualities, favorable to them. Ordinary citizens could, therefore, be expected to follow instruc- tions without question and thus form a depend- able foundation for civilian air defense. But leadership and planning had to be effective, since John Q. Citizen was incapable of improvising to meet unexpected emergencies, and, in this con- nection, the reaction of the people was in direct 2 proportion to the quality of leadership. The pro- duct resulting from the mixture of all these in- gredients will be discussed in subsequent para- graphs. Ready-Made Citizens’ Organizations Unlike most other countries, Japan already had in existence community groups which, upon de- velopment and exploitation, provided the broad base upon which the civilian defense structure was built. In the feudal days there had been five-man groups, composed of the heads of five families, which acted as liaison agents between the feudal lords and the people. These groups passed through various stages until, in 1932, their name was changed to that of “Block Association,” and entire cities and towns were divided into block association subdivisions. At about the same time another ancient organization called “Neighbors’ Mutual Assistance” broadened its scope and be- came known as the “Neighborhood Group” in which membership became compulsory. Subse- quently this group found itself subordinated to the block association in the chain of command. Local governmental agencies, especially the po- lice, soon discovered that this system would great- ly facilitate the complete control over the people which Japan’s political course then demanded. The fact that each individual was responsible to the group and had his every action scrutinized and criticized by the group could not help but contribute to greater uniformity of thought and action on the part of the populace. Consequently, about 1938, with the encouragement of the nation- al government, the prefectures established the neighborhood group, block association and, in some cases, the federated block association as gov- ernment-sponsored citizens’ organizations and began utilizing them as agencies for air defense and other wartime services. Japan was fortunate in that it had another group already in existence which was to prove of considerable value as an auxiliary to the police and fire forces. As far back as the Tokugawa Era (1575-1865) the citizens of the growing cities of Japan, especially the merchants and property owners, had banded together in volunteer fire- fighting groups for the protection of their lives and property. These groups continued to develop through the Meiji Era and into modern times, finally resolving themselves into local groups such as the self-protection units of Tokyo. As Japan’s preparations for war developed, it be- came obvious in 1939 that some form of civilian defense groups would become necessary to sup- plement the regular police and fire services, and the auxiliary police and fire units were establish- ed by a Ministry of Home Affairs’ decree, dated 24 January 1939. The people set about recon- verting their existing forms of civilian emergency services into auxiliary police and fire units, estab- lishing them throughout the country, both in rural and urban areas. As will be seen later these units were often the only fire-fighting forces available in rural areas, and were of considerable assistance to the police and fire services in the cities in fighting small, incipient fires, but were of little value in combating conflagrations. National Government Takes Over From 1928 to 1937, civilian air defense in Japan was confined to the “six great cities” (Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, Kyoto, Yokohama, and Kobe), but with the promulgation of the national air-defense law of April 1937, (which, as may be noted, was closely related to the attack on China, 7 July 1937) civilian air-raid defense became a nation-wide program under the jurisdiction of the Minister of Home Affairs. Thereafter, there was a definite increase in the interest displayed con- cerning these matfers. But the history of its de- velopment was marred by confusion, conflicting authority, ifiadequate and incoherent planning. Conflicting Agencies The over-all responsibility for civilian defense rested with the national Ministry of Home Affairs but there were continual conflicts arising with other Ministries which were indirectly connected with air-raid protection. The situation was fur- ther complicated by the creation in 1939 of two volunteer air-defense organizations on the nation- al level, the Great Japan Air Defense Association and the Great Japan Fire Defense Association. Both of these organizations were designed in general to give prestige to the civilian air-defense program in their respective fields, to act as spon- soring agencies with respect to training and pro- paganda and to provide financial assistance to volunteer civilian defense organizations. The situation became so involved that the Air Defense General Headquarters was created 1 November 1943 (another example of making a new plan to correct an evil) for the purpose of coordinating conflicting plans and settling jurisdictional dis- putes. Unfortunately, the Air Defense General 3 Headquarters was never given sufficient power actually to integrate the air-defense program; that is, it was coordinate with, not above, the ministries. It became, therefore, only a clearing house and planning center rather than an opera- tional headquarters. Administration and Responsibility The decrees, orders and directives issued by na- tional authorities were often in the most general terms and their actual execution became the re- sponsibility of the governors of the 47 prefectures in Japan. The prefectural administration fur- nished the power to make the wheels go ’round, and, at the same time, adapted the provisions of the national policies to meet local conditions. In order fully to comprehend civilian air-defense administration in Japan the role of the police must be considered. Let it be noted that there were no local police forces in Japan—all were prefectural police—and they exercised a degree of authority over the lives of individual citizens which would be intolerable in democratic coun- tries The police thus became the agency through which the government carried the air-defense pro- gram to the people. Other prefectural depart- ments carried certain responsibilities with respect to air defense, i. e., Department of Education for pupil evacuation, Economic Section for food and other necessities, Communications Section for emergency communications, but when mass raids occurred and serious emergencies arose, the police did not hesitate to take any and all authority deemed necessary to handle the situation, even though they impinged upon the authority of other departments. Administrative organization on the local level took two forms: (1) the ward organization in the large cities, and (2) the local organizations in towns and villages. Municipal officers cooperated with prefectural officials in civilian air defense. The geographical subdivisions of the largest cities, called wards, were as a general rule coter- minous with the areas under the jurisdiction of district police stations. There was thus a close connection between the local police in each ward and the ward officials, and it was at this level that the influence of the police on the civilian defense organizations was most directly exercised. The police likewise had supervision over air-defense matters in towns and villages through policemen stationed in them or by means of visits at regular intervals. Summary From the brief resume of the confusing status of civilian defense, particularly at the top levels, the decentralization of authority, the usurpation of functions, it requires little imagination to visualize why the air-raid- protection forces were not entirely effectual. Experience has proved that the protection of a nation’s people and of its vital industries requires the marshalling of all the peo- ple under a unified command and within the framework of a comprehensive plan worked out well in advance of anticipated hostilities to in- clude not only the national level but all political subdivisions. ACTIVITIES BEFORE RAID Evacuation The comparatively small number of casualties resulting from the heavy raids on Japan may be attributed in part to the fact that many persons had left the cities before the raids began in ear- nest. Whether their leaving was in the nature of flight or the consequence of planned and super- vised evacuation is immaterial, since the results of both were identical—the saving of lives. The exodus from urban areas was for the most part, however, haphazard and was caused by panic con- ditions which upset planning and had a delete- rious effect on the war economy. The Japanese plan for civilian evacuation was, like all other civilian defense measures, based on the assumption that air attacks on the homeland could not be delivered on a large scale or main- tained over an extended period. It was the opin- ion of Japanese authorities that normal govern- mental public services, augmented for the require- ments of the immediate emergency, could cope with any evacuation problems which might arise, and their advance planning was predicated on that assumption. Under the impact of saturation raids, demands upon the evacuation service were so great that it fell down in some phases, but even then no major changes were made in the over-all plan. As far as adults were concerned, the policy of the authorities seemed to have been one of “laissez faire”—let the individual shift for himself. Of the several phases of evacuation, that for primary school children was by far the most suc- cessful. In that connection some interesting fig- ures can be derived. If the average population of the 35 wards of Tokyo for the period of the 4 heavy raids (February-May 1945) be taken as 3,700,000 (population on 1 February 1945, 4,986,- 600; on 1 July 1945, 2,452,757) and the number of casualties resulting from the raids as 166,447 (95,- 972 killed; 70,475 injured), it will be seen that 4.5 percent of the population was killed or wounded. Had there been no primary school evacuation and, if the casualty percentage of 4.5 be applied to the 620,191 pupils evacuated either officially or voluntarily, it can be seen that 27,908 of these children might have been killed or injured, had they remained in the city. This figure is believed to be on the conservative side in view of the help- lessness of young children and the fact that the population would have been denser with the chil- dren present. This phase of the program achieved success be- cause of its compulsory features, and it may be assumed that the other projects would have been more effective, had the government insisted and forced the issue. The conclusion is reached that an integrated, well executed and compulsory evacuation program involving all nonessential persons will be necessary in future wars, if nations are to survive the effects of atomic weap- ons. Four types of evacuation were contemplated: (1) voluntary precautionary evacuation of non- essential persons from target areas to homes of relatives or friends outside the evacuation areas; (2) removal of air-raid sufferers to relatives or friends in the country; (3) transfer of refugees whose homes had been demolished to create fire breaks and lanes; (4) and evacuation from target areas of school children in the first to sixth grades, inclusive. The first type, voluntary precautionary evacua- tion, began early in 1944 and continued on the same voluntary basis even after the saturation raids. Impetus to this movement came after each major reverse suffered by the Japanese forces and especially following the heavy air raids on the home islands. The degree of success as measured at the time of cessation of hostilities indicated that the percentage of population which volun- tarily left ranged from 4 percent in a city which was not bombed to 45 percent in a city which had been heavily bombed on more than one occasion. One good feature of this procedure was the ready assimilation and integration of the voluntary evacuee into the home of his relatives or friends in the hinterland; whereas, had he gone among strangers, the problem of maladjustment, because of differences in social status, mode of living and religion, would have been ever present. It had been planned to evacuate air-raid suf- ferers (Category 2 above) in the same leisurely manner as the voluntary evacuees. But the ex- tremely heavy demands on transportation lines created by the great numbers of sufferers radical- ly changed that conception of the procedure, and evacuation to predetermined reception areas was not contemplated. Victims continued to be sent to relatives or friends outside the evacuation areas. Refugees in category 3, those whose houses had been demolished, numbering some 1,800,000 per- sons, were not provided with substitute housing but were treated in the same manner as voluntary evacuees. No figures are available for the separate evac- uation groups discussed above, but it is estimated that some 8,295,000 persons in all of the above categories were removed. The evacuation of primary school children was well conceived, integrated and executed. Children were moved by classes to selected communities in the country, accompanied by teachers and domes- tic help, and there they carried on their school life under their own teachers who also super- vised their worship and household chores which had formerly been the responsibility of their parents. In no case were the evacuated classes incorporated into the local school system; conse- quently, they maintained their own identities. This was the one phase of the evacuation program which became compulsory, and, as a result, ap- proximately 90 percent of the school population within the stated classification was evacuated in two major efforts: the first in August 1944, and the second in April 1945, following the saturation bombings of the preceding month. This was one case where the national government said, “Do this, and we will stand most of the expense.” The parent paid the small sum of 10 yen a month, and the balance of the cost was divided, 85 percent being paid by the national government, and 15 percent by the prefecture and municipality of the evacuated area. Air-Raid Warning The air-raid-warning system of detection was effective; planes were spotted in time and the warning centrals were notified. The method of warning the public, with its marked resemblance to the American system of a “blue-red-blue” se- quence, was also capable of fulfilling its function, but it failed when the human element involved made errors in judgment as at Nagasaki. There, failure to maintain the “alarm” (red signal) status upon the approach of the atomic bomb plane and its escort resulted in many unnecessary deaths, since most persons had resumed their normal activities and were not in shelters of any kind, where they should have been, had the “alarm” been in effect. In the big cities sirens were used to sound air- raid signals and means were provided to cover such contingencies as the disruption of the central siren control system. Radio was also used for the transmission of signals and the imparting of per- tinent air-raid information following the announ- cement of the first public signal. The Japanese use of radio followed a course midway between the German practice of announcing to the public all information immediately upon its receipt and the American system of prohibiting any radio announcement except for limited military releases during the course of enemy action. In addition to the broad coverage afforded by sirens and ra- dio, the Japanese provided auxiliary means of dissemination of air-raid warnings for the pur- pose of warning the sick, the deaf, and those be- yond the reach of siren and radio. Colored flags or sleeves, lights, bells, placards and oral announ- cements by members of volunteer groups were used for that purpose. Shelters Since it is impossible to evacuate entire cities, the best means of protection must be provided for essential persons required to remain therein. At the present time, properly constructed and located shelters appear to be the only answer to that problem, and shelters constructed of reinforced concrete of sufficient thickness to withstand the impact of the heaviest bomb anticipated, insula- ted against intense heat and atomic radiation, and provided with ventilation systems and self-con- tained oxygen units to provide air in case of con- flagration would meet nearly every test. Cities will have to consider the construction of this or an equivalent type of shelter to cope with future air raids, although the cost in a community such as New York would be prohibitive for local finan- ces and would require assistance from national sources. So far, mention has been made only of the ideal type of shelter. It is undoubtedly true, how- ever, that even the trench shelter, covered or un- covered, afforded a small measure of protection against blast and splinters from high explosives. Underground concrete and concrete-pipe con- structions and tunnels bored into the sides of ele- vations gave the most adequate protection provid- ed in Japan. None of these shelters, however, protected their inmates against suffocation during conflagrations. The Japanese program called for shelters for everyone, but the construction of most was poor, and it is probable that less than 2 percent of the urban population could be accommodated in tun- nel-type shelters, despite the fact that Japanese terrain lent itself generally to this type of con- struction. (Because of sandy soil and water sur- face, plus a lack of building materials, there were few large public underground shelters.) The value of shelters such as were found in Japan varied. In many instances, primitive home shelters proved to be tire traps in which many persons died during incendiary raids'. On the other hand, the better-constructed shelters, par- ticularly those of the tunnel type, unquestionably saved many lives and served to cushion the effects of the bombings. Although it is impossible to give any over-all figures for Japan, the situation in Nagasaki where two extremes were present—the most lethal missile and the largest number of better shelters in proportion to the population—will serve as an example of the important role shelters can play in the civilian defense mission of saving lives. Official records showed that there were tunnel shelters available to accommodate approximately 75,000 persons or about 30 percent of the estima- ted population of 240,000 at the time of the atom- ic bomb attack. (It should be noted that, by crowding, possibly 100,000 in all could have been given shelter, and that there were additional tun- nel shelters not of official record.) Conservatively using the lowest figure, however, it can be com- puted that, had the shelters been filled to their rated capacity, 7,500 persons (30 percent of 25,- 000 recorded deaths) could have been saved, and 16,500 (30 percent of 55,000 estimated injured) could have escaped injury. In other words, the total casualty figure could have been reduced from 80,000 to 56,000. These figures become all the more realistic when it is remembered that less than 400 persons were reported to have been in shelters at the time of the blast, and that investi- gations showed that scarcely anyone in tunnel shelters received burns or serious injuries. 6 The Japanese government’s shelter program was a curious mixture of vacillation and incom- petent thinking. It was known, for example, that in the European war Germany attempted to con- struct above-ground shelters which would be com- pletely bomb proof, and planned to provide ac- commodations for the entire population, but that that goal was never achieved. In England, the policy was to construct shelters which were proof against incendiary and 500-pound high-explosive bombs falling no closer than 20 feet, and shelters were available for the entire population. The Japanese government desired that some sort of shelter be provided for everyone, and then left the execution of the program largely to the individ- ual. It suggested plans for types of shelters, but made no effort to furnish materials nor did it provide funds, except in one instance which is described later. A study of the sequence of orders and di- rections concerning this subject leads one to the conclusion that the government’s interest was mediocre and basically insincere. The first direc- tive for the construction of shelters was issued in July 1942; it called for open trench shelters. In September 1943 the construction of covered trench-type shelters was ordered. In October of the same year a further amendment directed that each house was to have a shelter dug either be- neath it or in a near-by open area. In June 1944, another amendment required the covering over of all open trench shelters and the construction of tunnel-type shelters in the sides of hills. The entire cost was to be borne by individual families, prefectural and local governments, businesses and factories. The only exception was in the building of tunnel-type shelters, for which the national government was to reimburse the prefectural and local governments two-thirds of the cost. Tunnel shelters, the best of any constructed in Japan, deserve special mention here. Most of them, particularly those reinforced with timber or concrete, were protection against bombs as heavy as 500 pounds and some of the tunnel shelters excavated in the sides of mountains gave almost complete protection against bombs of heavier weight, depending, of course, on the ex- tent of overhead coverage. Although the tunnel- type shelters undoubtedly provided the best pro- tection, their value was partially offset by the dis- tance the public had to travel to reach them. Many were constructed in park areas, in shrines, and at the edge of cities which placed them at a considerable distance from the densely populated areas. Fire Prevention Wide avenues, extensive park systems, fire-re- sistant buildings and rigidly enforced building and fire-prevention laws are indicated in future city planning, in order to condition cities to meet the impact of fires caused by air raids. Japan was a glaring example of the contrary. In that country, where building construction was characterized by flimsy wood and paper buildings housing an extremely dense population, little or no attempt was made in peacetime to reduce or regulate the dangerously inflammable conditions. When war came, it was too late to take effective measures. Most of the large Japanese cities, however, under the impetus of early fire raids, did create fire breaks and fire lanes by demolishing build- ings. Later these fire breaks saved an estimated 10 percent of the protected buildings. The fire lanes, however, failed in their primary purpose, that of preventing the spread of flames, since in- cendiaries were dropped on both sides of them. But, as avenues of escape from conflagration areas, they saved the lives of thousands of persons who might otherwise have been trapped in nar- row and congested streets. ACTIVITIES DURING AND AFTER RAID Fire Fighting Fire-fighting experts are agreed that the most modern fire department, would be unable to cope with conflagrations resulting from saturation in- cendiary air raids. The degree of saturation can best be visualized when it is understood that the average tonnage of incendiaries dropped in heavy raids on Japan amounted to 225 tons per square mile which is equivalent to 0.35 of a ton (700 pounds) per acre. To meet that situation, certain radical steps must be taken. At the present time, it is apparent that all fire-fighting units in a country must be nationalized to provide for a strong centralized control and the ready inter- change of equipment, such as pumpers, hose, and couplings. Highly mobile fire-fighting units under national control, with the best of equip- ment and trained personnel, must be available at strategic points, ready to rush to a stricken city. The principal of mutual aid must be care- fully worked out, again under a national policy, so that aid from neighboring communities can be utilized promptly and effectively. Functions of fire departments are closely inter- woven with those of civilian defense and it is per- tinent at this point to pause for a moment to consider just what contribution the Japanese fire- fighting forces made to the over-all civilian de- fense effort. This division would like to be able to say that the fire department played a large part in the saving of lives and property, but the facts are quite to the contrary. Inferior equipment, inadequate training, and mediocre personnel made it impossible for them to meet even the lowest of fire-fighting standards in the United States. The most that can be said is that the Japanese fire departments and organized auxili- ary fire-fighting units, assisted by householders, were able to prevent the spread of incipient fires and, in some instances, to extinguish them. This situation prevailed during light raids when incen- diary bombs were dropped at comparatively wide intervals, or during heavy, concentrated raids when scattered spill-overs were dropped outside the target area. Evidence secured at Osaka and Kobe graphically illustrated this point. But within saturation-raid areas, neither the profes- sional fire department and its auxiliaries, nor the ordinary citizens, either singly or in combination, were able to cope with the conflagrations. Although Japanese fire departments were not nationalized in the sense that they were directly controlled by the national government, they were standardized to the extent that hose, couplings and threads were the same throughout the coun- try. Contrary to the practice in the United States and England, Japanese fire departments were under the direct supervision and control of the police. Fire chiefs and many subordinate officials were police officers with little or no knowledge of modern fire-fighting methods. Training empha- sized military drills with goose-stepping and saluting. Consequently, firemen were inexperien- ced in modern fire-fighting techniques and sub- jects, such as hose and ladder evolutions, rescue, salvage, ventilation, hydraulics, building con- struction and fire prevention. Fire-fighting equipment in common use would, in a large part, have been shunned by small-town volunteer departments in the United States.- For example, the Osaka fire department, which had 651 pieces of motorized equipment, possessed an American-made LaFrance fire truck imported in 1918, and it was stated that this truck was in better operating condition than Japanese-made trucks not more than five years old. Fire pumps had capacities of 350 to 500 gallons per minute; tools and appliances were old and meager; such mobile fire rigs as salvage, C02, foam, rescue, demolition, and even water tanks with booster pumps, were unknown. The ordinary first-aid fire extinguisher and water pump cans so common in the United States were not part of the Japanese equipment. There was no department of vehicle maintenance, with the result that, when skilled mechanics were drafted into the armed forces, 20 percent of the mobile apparatus was constantly out of service. Fire alarm systems and methods of transmitting alarms were obsolete, and the two-way radio included in the equipment of many American departments was not available. Water mains and fire hydrants were too few and too small for extensive use in fire fighting. The main- tenance and testing of fire hydrants were in- adequate. Static water tanks were for the most part too small to offer more than emergency water for a short period. No practical use was made of the unlimited water supply available in most Japanese cities, for, apparently, no one thought of drafting water from the rivers, moats, canals and wells. Mobile columns of fire-fighting forces which might have meant the salvation of the harassed and overwhelmed fire department were apparent- ly not thought of either; but, if they had been, it is doubtful whether suitable equipment could have been procured. The few attempts at mutual aid were unsatisfactory since fire equipment from neighboring communities arrived either hours too late or not at all. There is some question regarding the value of the services of the auxiliary police and fire units at big fires. The professional firemen indicated that they were of little value, but it is believed that these auxiliary forces were successful in con- trolling incipient fires in many communities and possibly in preventing some blazes that might have developed into conflagrations. Rescue The demolition of stone, masonry and rein- forced-concrete buildings by high-explosive bombs in Germany necessitated a highly trained and well equipped rescue service. Since there were only a few similar structures in Japan it 8 might appear that a rescue service would have been unimportant. Such was not the case, how- ever. A number of incidents involving light and flimsy constructions were observed in which the loss of life could have been materially reduced, if the rescue services had been properly trained in rescue techniques, had been provided with modern rescue equipment, and had been supplied with sufficient motor transportation. The Japanese rescue service was almost totally ineffective for the following reasons: incompetent instructors; failure to study the latest rescue techniques as developed in England and Ger- many ; selection of personnel on the basis of per- formance of police duties; emphasis in training on prevention of panic and bolstering of morale instead of on practical exercises; no heavy mobile equipment such as power cranes and steam shovels, but only crude hand tools; no listening devices to locate buried persons who were still alive. It wras impossible for this service to do much more than to go through the motions, and, at times, even the motions were pointless. Emergency Medical Services Preparations for the medical relief of bombing casualties among the civilian population of Japan were in no instance adequate to meet the demands created by saturation raids. The principal weak- ness of the emergency medical service was in the lack of personnel and equipment, but a badly shattered morale was an important contributory factor. Some of the planning was good. The location of first-aid stations at strategic points in accordance with the density of population was sound. The use of emergency squads to admin- ister on-the-spot, first-aid treatment was excel- lent. And the plan to shift first-aid workers from quiet areas to critical areas was also well con- sidered. In spite of the good features of the plan, saturation raids damaged so many medical instal- lations, killed such a large number of workers and so disrupted their units that the medical services were greatly handicapped. Here again, mobile medical units under national authority, had they existed, could have been sent in to re- lieve the situation by replacing lost personnel, bed capacity and supplies. It is obvious that many victims who died becaftse of lack of medi- cal attention might have been saved. Japanese first-aid facilities were of an impro- vised nature and suffered heavily during air raids. In Tokyo and the outlying localities there was a grand total of 857 first-aid stations, of which 449 were destroyed. Their loss was respon- sible for the considerable but undetermined num- ber of persons who died for lack of prompt and effective first aid. Established Japanese hospitals had to bear the entire burden of caring for the seriously injured, since no provision had been made to establish emergency hospitals for that purpose. Inadequate as they were in capacity, hospital services were even more restricted when they were most needed after the raids. The bed shortage was indeed a serious matter. In Tokyo, of 275 hospitals des- ignated for the more seriously wounded air-raid victims, 132 were lost. Over-all Tokyo figures for hospitals were as follows: Number of hospitals, 478'; number destroyed, 210; number of clinics (9 beds or less), 5,228; total destroyed, 3,819. The total bed capacity of all types of 32,794 before the raids was reduced to approximately 25,000 beds by the bombings. Medical personnel, in common with the general public, became panic-stricken and fled to places of safety in the country. It is not known at just what period the bulk of the doctors and nurses deserted the city, but some idea may be obtained from the fact that prior to the bombings there were 8,905 doctors and 26,200 nurses in practice. By 1 September 1945 these numbers had been reduced to 2,176 and 3,600, respectively. These figures show why the emergency medical service was inadequate. Not only was medical personnel lacking, but the deplorable sanitation and equipment of the hospitals and the low level of medical and nurs- ing techniques indicated that the quality of pro- fessional service received by air-raid casualties was of an extremely low order. In addition there was a shortage of essential materials such as blood plasma, serums, sulpha drugs and surgical dressings. In the case of the last named item it is interesting to note that dressings had to be used over and over again—often without being prop- erly cleaned or sterilized. Red Cross The lied Cross Society of Japan played a role quite different from that of its namesake in the United States. Its main functions were the train- ing of nurses and doctors for the military serv- ices and the maintenance of military hospitals plus a limited number of first-aid stations. 695046—47—2 9 Americans in a similar predicament. During the first light raids, when there was time for the clumsy and involved administrative machinery to function, clearance and repair efforts were rela- tively successful, but they did not stand the strain of major demands. There is no question but that recovery would have been much quicker, had there been better planning and coordination. However, no serious planning for emergency recovery measures was done, either nationally or locally, until December 1943, two years after the war with the United States had begun. It was not until the late summer of 1944 that prepa- rations began in earnest and by that time it was too late to assemble repair materials and equip- ment, to recruit and train auxiliary personnel and to bring about adequate coordination of per- sonnel already available. Actually it took the raids themselves to bring officials to a realistic conception of their problems. The relationship between the national govern- ment and the prefectures was not clear-cut, and the latter did not have full confidence in recom- mendations sent out by the former. The failure to train auxiliaries for specific restoration mea- sures and the reliance upon civilian defense orga- nizations untrained in the specialized tasks of restoration proved to be costly. Too much of the burden of recovery was left to private enterprise and, lastly, resistance to the idea that careful preparations in advance of a raid were necessary finally gave way to complete resignation in tlffi face of major disasters. Like all of the civilian defense units the .clear- ance and repair service lacked proper equipment, although the maintenance men of the utilities such as the street railway, the water works, and the electric company usually had their normal peacetime supply. Emergency Welfare The emergency welfare service was designed to meet the situation produced by small sporadic air raids, and it was believed that existing gov- ernmental agencies could handle any expected emergency. Supplies of food, bedding, clothing and fuel were accordingly collected in quantities sufficient to meet only the anticipated require- ments. Under saturation air-raid conditions, however, many of the welfare aid stations were destroyed and the service was unable to keep abreast of demands, and accumulated stocks soon became exhausted, so that it is estimated that Strangely enough, its normal welfare work was almost entirely neglected during the war. Mortuary Service , The mortuary service came nearer to perform- ing its appointed task than any other of the emergency services having to do with human casualties. In spite of the fact that this service was a distasteful duty, shunned by all except those normally engaged in handling the dead and complicated by religious customs, the leaders of this service finally had to adopt a realistic atti- tude, abandon traditional methods, and resort to mass cremation in the open or mass burial in common pits. Except at times of enormous catastrophe the mortuary service functioned with a high degree of effectiveness. Many difficulties were encountered in the iden- tification of the dead. No standard means of identification was provided. Fingerprinting was not used because of its association with criminals. However, a cloth identification tag which was supposed to be attached to all articles of clothing gave sufficient identification unless garments were burned or missing, which was often the case. Some idea of the task faced by the mortuary service officials in Tokyo can be obtained by com- paring the normal death rate of 200 to 300 a day in peacetime with the 80,000 casualties of the 10 March 1945 raid. Since the military had given the figure of 30,000 deaths to be expected in excess of the normal annual fatality expectancy, and plans had been made to handle only that number, although it took 25 days following the 10 March raid to clear the ruins of the dead. In true Japanese style, even then no effort was made to improve the system. Instead, the leaders bow- ed to what they considered the inevitable and planned their future operations along the same lines. This was after all a realistic plan and per- haps better than more elaborate plans that might have been devised but not carried out. Clearance and Repair The failure to clear highways and roads and to restore public utilities in the minimum time possible had an adverse and delaying effect on nearly all of the civilian defense services, such as fire, rescue,,medical, welfare and the like. There was little of the resiliency, quick adap- tation to circumstances and ingenuity born of urgent necessity that were characteristic of the Germans or British and would be expected of 10 only from 20 to 30 percent of the sufferers pro- duced by the heaviest raids were cared for. Mobile supply columns such as were found in Germany would have been able to move in to make up the deficiencies, had they been provided by the army or the national government. A modified form of mutual aid did pay dividends, however, when local arrangements which had been made for the preparation of food by volun- teer workers in neighboring communities were put into effect. This was particularly true at Nagasaki where the supplementary food from adjacent towns became the major source of sup- ply- Lack of labor and building supplies prevented the erection of temporary housing, so that it was necessary to scatter air-raid sufferers throughout the area under attack until such a time as ar- rangements could be made to evacuate them to the homes of relatives or friends. The emergency housing program initiated during the summer of 1945 provided for the erection of only 300,000 small units as against the 2,400,000 dwelling units which had been burned, demolished or damaged. Relief measures were handled through welfare aid stations distributed throughout affected areas under the supervision of the police, at least for the first three or four days of each emergency. Subsequently they reverted to the control of the regular welfare agencies. In these stations the daily necessities of life were furnished free for a short period, usually not more than five days. Evacuation consultation offices were also estab- lished in many of the aid stations to advise suf- ferers concerning evacuation, employment, relief and traffic conditions. CONDUCT OF THE PUBLIC In the midst of chaotic bombing conditions it is imperative that panic on the part of the gen- eral public be eliminated, if the civilian defense forces are to function with any degree of effective- ness. A high sense of community consciousness and of responsibility to his neighbors must be in- culcated in each individual, and then maintained by a rigid, self-imposed discipline, over-all con- trol being exercised by specifically designated authorities. In order to accomplish that result, a national, comprehensive plan, uniformly en- forced, governing the conduct of the public, is necessary. It can be made effective only by con- stant and varied drills to make the public’s reac- tion practically automatic in any emergency. Evidence of panic and of failure to obey in- structions during heavy air raids was found in many Japanese cities. Individuals fled from the scene of the incident, each man for himself, so that often the civilian defense forces and allied services were left with insufficient personnel to carry out their functions. Others failed to go to shelters as directed and the police lacked author- ity to enforce compliance. This conduct was in direct contrast with that of the Germans who obeyed orders in general, who stayed and faced heavy bombings, and who, consequently, were available when needed by the authorities. PROTECTION OF FACTORIES AND UTILITIES Factory Air-Raid Protection Fires and damage resulting from small, spo- radic raids were handled without difficulty by the factory air-raid-protection forces, but they, like their counterparts in the cities, were unprepared to cope adequately with saturation bombings. In general, it may be said that, in spite of poor equipment and water supply, fires were fought with a will. Post-raid recovery and resumption of production were on occasion reasonably rapid. As an indication of the comparative efficiency of the factory air-raid-protection forces, its effect on absenteeism is noteworthy. Pre-raid absen- teeism among regular employees ranged from 20 to 30 percent and was about 13 percent among student employees. Heavy raids increased the percentage among regular employees by only 10 percent and among student employees by 14 per- cent. Factory air-raid protection was probably sec- ond only to that of the national railroads in efficacy, and there were good reasons for this. War production plants supplied the life blood of the Japanese armed forces. They had at their service a highly trained group of technical ex- perts many of whom had been educated in West- ern methods and procedures. They had first priority on the procurement of materials, and they had the incentive to provide the best possible protection for their installations. Indeed, air- raid protection was by law the responsibility solely of management. In view of those factors it was expected that the Japanese industrial world would furnish the best example of an air- raid-defense organization in the empire, and in- deed it was representative of the best effort, but still far from good in operation. 11 In many instances the basic planning and organizational set-up were satisfactory. Framing and operation were better than the average. But here again, management had been lulled into a sense of false security by the optimistic prophe- cies of the military and had failed to provide suffi- cient effective equipment. Because of the late start in providing factory protection, the war of attrition had made such inroads on material that fire-fighting equipment and concrete and steel for air-raid protection were simply not available when needed. Railroad Air-Raid Protection The policy of the government railroads was to keep trains rolling on schedule even through air raids. How near they approached this ideal is exemplified by the fact that even in the atomic bomb areas, railroads schedules were resumed in 84 hours. The fact that the railroad systenf\was able to resume operations at all would be signifi- cant, but, in this case, the comparatively short time required to restore service was a definite index of the proficiency of the railroads’ air-raid- defense force. The damage to railroads was by no means moderate. Of the government-owned systems alone throughout the nation, 1,130 miles of track- age (5 percent) and 42 bridges were damaged sufficiently to put them out of use, at least tem- porarily, and 891 (14.4 percent) of the loco- motives' were destroyed or damaged. In addition, there were destroyed 563 electric cars (28.4 per- cent) ; 2,228 passenger cars (19.2 percent) ; 9,557 freight cars (8 percent) ; 55,924 miles of com- munication wires (13.2 percent) ; 2,610 miles of automatic signal line (63 percent) ; 21 rolling- stock factories and main repair shops (52 per- cent) ; and 16,150,000 square feet of office and operating floor space representing 13.1 percent of the buildings. But despite the extent of damage, less than one-half of one percent (2,500) of employees was killed on duty and even fewer passengers (2,300) than employees met their death while traveling. The government-owned railroad system pro- vided its own air-raid protection, and, by com- parison with similar organizations, it probably ranked first. Among its favorable aspects may be cited the fact that complete authority existed in the chain of command at all level. In that. re- spect, it was fortunate in having its peacetime administrative channels already established and in a position to exercise command in civilian defense matters. The caliber of employees was comparatively high; there was evidence of con- sistent and serious training; its shelter policy was above average; and its personnel casualties were low. Pride of maintenance had long been charac- teristic of the several railroad bureaus, and they had only to augment the size of their repair and maintenance forces (in the Tokyo bureau from 5,000 to 8,000) to handle air-raid damage. Mutual aid was confined to assistance among the districts of each bureau, and at no time wTas any major help obtained from outside sources. The greatest weakness of the railroad air-raid- defense system was the vulnerability of electric facilities for power, light and communications. Inadequate protection of switching and trans- former substations was the rule. Other factors relating to the dark side of the picture were: procrastination on the part of operating officials; planning of the “horse and buggy” type, as one official expressed it, for it covered only defense against known weapons and did not anticipate improvements in warfare techniques. Fire-fight- ing equipment was again noteworthy by its in- adequacy or absence, but that defect was some- what discounted by the fact that many of the railroad structures were of comparatively mod- ern, fire-resistant construction. Lastly, there was no attempt made to gather stock reserves to meet emergency situations. National Communications Air-Raid Protection National communications (consisting of the telephone, telegraph, radio and postal services) provided its own air-raid-protection plans, per- sonnel, and equipment. In spite of the fact that these facilities were seriously overtaxed by war traffic and suffered a severe shortage of critical repair materials, the air-raid-protection plan was executed with comparative effectiveness, and ser- vice was maintained to meet the essential require- ments of the nation. Like the railroads, authority in air-raid-defense matters was exercised through the already exist- ing chain of command. Morale, discipline, will- ingness to serve and attention to duty of the rank and file of employees were good. Much that was said in criticism of railroad air- raid protection is also applicable to this govern- mental department: the same early indifference to the security program; procrastination on the part of operating officials; immature and in- 12 complete planning; frequent changes in directing authority; reluctance to follow instructions or advice of parallel agencies; development of hasty expedients when the heavy bombings came; in- adequate fire-fighting equipment; and extensive use of overhead and above-surface lines, which made communications highly vulnerable. Harbor Air-Raid Protection and Port Security In a country which depended almost entirely on its harbors through which to import food and raw materials for manufacturing the primary necessities for waging a war, a competent govern- ment would certainly provide an effective civilian defense harbor force, together with the proper equipment. The greatest danger to harbors from a civilian defense point of view is that of fire which would destroy installations, raw materials, goods and shipping. Experience shows that such fires did exert a crippling influence on the Japa- nese wrar economy. Appraisal of the Japanese harbor air-raid- protection program reflects little credit on those responsible for its execution, but nevertheless, it is believed that the services accomplished as much as their equipment permitted. Without their efforts, it is estimated that damage would have been at least 20 percent greater. Had there been modern fire boats, manned by crews trained in the latest fire-fighting techniques and assisted by adequately trained and equipped auxiliaries, the fire damage in such vital harbors as Kobe and Yokohama would have been reduced by as much as 50 percent. Harbor fire departments were characterized by fire boats with ineffective fire streams, practically no foam, and crews whose training had been primarily that of the police. Often these fire boats were converted tugs or similar craft borrowed from private firms. As the war progressed cer- tain harbor fire departments did obtain specially built fire boats, but too late and in insufficient numbers. In operation the fire boat crews had little knowledge of proper fire-fighting technique, and, when a fire got beyond their capabilities, their tendency was to abandon it and endeavor to isolate it without making any attempts at salvage. Aside from poor equipment the harbor air- raid-defense program was further handicapped by an early failure to coordinate the activities of the numerous agencies and interests concerned. In compliance with directives of the Ministry of Home Affairs, in the Tokyo-Yokohama harbor area, for example, the Maritime Bureau, the rail- road, the harbor engineers, two prefectural and several municipal governments, the police, the navy, and many private enterprises took air-raid- defense measures but there was much overlap- ping of authority, much confusion and much waste of manpower. OTHER CIVILIAN DEFENSE FUNCTIONS Blackout The blackout in Japan was so complete that it affected production and hampered normal activi- ty with little or no compensatory gain in protec- tion. Had the American air forces confined their attacks to pin-point bombings of especially remunerative targets it is possible that it might have been partly effective, but with area bomb- ing the value of a blackout was almost negligible. However, it was in reducing sky glow from coastal cities to protect shipping against attack by submarines that the Japanese considered their light program especially effective. Camouflage The value of camouflage as practiced by bel- ligerent nations in World War II has been dis- puted, but the unscientific and haphazard Japa- nese technique provided little, if any, deception or protection. Painted patterns, screening by the use of bamboo lattice, fishing nets and the plant- ing of shrubs and sod were the most common methods of deception used. Failure to disguise a prominent and conspicuous object while camou- flaging a similar small and scarcely noticeable nearby object; erecting an elaborate screening net over a filtration pond but, at the same time-, neglecting to hide the typical curve of the adja- cent reservoir dam; darkening the emperor’s palace, but ignoring the characteristic grounds and moats around it are a few example of ca- mouflage stupidity which vitiated any value which the program might have had. Gas Protection Little need be said concerning the gas protec- tion program. Interest in the subject developed early and reached a peak prior to the attack on Pearl Harbor. It declined progressively there- after with the conviction that the United Sthtes would not use poisonous gases, for it had been observed that gas was not used in the European War. In no instance was there found a corn- 13 prehensive and effective plan against gas, and nothing of consequence was attempted beyond equipping 60 percent of the adult population, but no children, in the 26 major cities with gas masks purchased at the individual’s expense. There were no gas-proof shelters available to the gen- eral public, and facilities for gas detection and decontamination were crude at best or entirely wanting. As a nation-wide program, the plans for gas protection were impotent in all respects, and, had gas been used, the terror and havoc created would have undoubtedly beggared de- scription. Air-Raid Protection in Public Buildings Air-raid protection in buildings devoted to public use was based upon the self-protection sys- tem. Employees were organized into squads, such as fire-fighting, first-aid, guide and the like. In most cases personnel were eager and willing to do all they could to protect property, but with such rudimentary equipment as fire-beaters, buck- ets and mats, and with an inadequate water sup- ply, they were beaten before they started. In addition, flimsily constructed, inflammable dwell- ings and small shop buildings were often built close to and surrounding modern fire-resistant structures, thereby exposing them to special fire hazards. Moreover, improvised shelters offered little or no protection to either employees or pub- lic. Control Centers Control centers worked well during raids mainly because the Japanese were fortunate in that few, if any, of these centers were damaged or destroyed. They were well organized as far as personnel and interior mechanical and physi- cal installations were concerned, but the Japanese violated one of the most vital rules in the location and construction of these centers, that is, the rule of protection from bombs. In most cases the main prefectural control centers as well as the smaller control centers of the auxiliary police and fire units and sub-units were situated without regard to protective construction. More striking still was the failure to organize or even plan for alternate control centers in the event of the de- struction or disruption of those in operation. Incident Control The British as a result of their experience ap- * pointed and trained incident control officers, one of whom was assigned to each incident where he assumed complete charge of all civilian defense agencies at the scene. The Germans, however, never adopted this custom and provided for a sequence of command among leaders of the sev- eral units reporting at an incident, and the Japa- nese followed much the same practice. Apparent- ly the system worked well with the Japanese as no evidence to the contrary was uncovered. Unexploded Bombs The Army was responsible for the disposal of unexploded bombs and trained special squads for that purpose. Possibly because the percentage of unexploded bombs was extremely low, the system worked well, except in a few instances when the police failed to report the presence of such bombs to the military authorities. War Damage Claims One of the means used to bolster the morale of the people wTas the war damage claims system. The program of compensation and indemnity was remarkably comprehensive in nature, was real- istically planned and creditably carried out. Its low-cost insurance for victims of enemy attack, covering death, injuries and property loss, and its plan for compensation under the firebreak program was soundly administered. The record of payments by the government showed that the program was being handled realistically. The compensation law covering only air-raid-defense workers was poorly handled and as an indemnity program it was negligible, but, on the other hand, the more general compensation law providing modest indemnities for all victims of enemy at- tack more nearly achieved the purpose for which it was established. COMMENT The over-all picture of civilian defense in Japan is not a happy one. It is hard to conceive of a nation’s undertaking a major war and pay- ing so little heed to the protection of its vital industries, to the continuance of its essential eco- nomic life and to the safety of its people, for without them no war effort can be brought to a victorious conclusion. Of course the argument can readily be advanced that saturation bombings were never expected, but skillful national plan- ning must provide for the unexpected and this the Japanese failed to do—j ust one more error of many committed by the little men who planned to rule the world, or at least a great part of it. 14 PART II COMPLETE FINAL REPORT OF JAPANESE CIVILIAN DEFENSE I. INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT 1. The examination and investigation of Japa- nese civilian defense planning and operational effectiveness disclosed many weaknesses but also found points of merit. 2. This report endeavors to present a detailed study of the Japanese civilian defense and air- raid-protection organization, its operation, its equipment and the degree of success it achieved in its efforts to mitigate the effect of enemy air raids on human lives and property. 3. The conclusions drawn from a comprehen- sive and unbiased appraisal of the Japanese con- cept and operation of civilian protection mea- sures pose certain serious considerations to the student of postwar civilian protection planning in the United States. Furthermore, the experi- ence and conduct of the citizens of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the atomic bomb raids invite a special study of effective means to minimize the loss of life, with specific reference to heavy shel- ter protection, adequate emergency medical care and suitable mobile reserves of fire-fighting, rescue, emergency medical and emergency food units needed to reinforce static local organiza- tions. 4. The study traces the early history of air- raid-protection planning in Japan, which was attended by apathy and disinterest on the part of the public and confusion and lack of coordination between civil and military authorities on the na- tional level, until the urgencies of war awoke Japanese officialdom to the seriousness of their military position and the need of adequate civil- ian protection only when it was too late of ac- complishment. The Doolittle raid of April 1942 provided some official stimulus to planning, but created no great anxiety among the population at large. Owing to the scarcity of equipment little interest was taken by the people in learning the simple techniques of self-protection. 5. Confronted by the low values placed on human life by the Japanese and the lack of en- thusiastic cooperation in civilian defense on the part of the army and navy, the government soon lost control, once the war had started, over pro- tection plans within the prefectures and cities which were allowed to interpret defense plans and suggestions to meet their own peculiar needs. A great many original organizational plans and much of the army’s protective policy became specialized in character and the whole defense program appeared to lose any semblance of a coherent national system of air-raid protection. 6. Following the Japanese loss of the Mar- shall-Gilbert Islands campaign, government offi- cials began to realize the serious need for ade- quate civilian defense measures, but the average citizen was still not aware of real peril because he had never been told the truth. Even Japanese intellectuals did not realize the serious defense position in which they were placed until Saipan fell during the Marianas campaign, and only then was it doubted that the army and navy had a protection plan for the home islands. 7. When raids by land-based aircraft increased to saturation proportions and were recurring in most of the important Japanese cities, the civil- ian defense organizations as created were com- pletely overwhelmed. 8. Experience hi Japan forcibly demonstrated that protection of a nation’s people and its vital industries requires the marshalling of all the peo- ple under a unified command in a comprehensive air-raid-protection plan, not born in the heat and confusion of war, but thoroughly planned for all political subdivisions well in advance of antici- pated hostilities and with a knowledge and appre- ciation of the possible effectiveness of untried weapons. Scope of Investigation 9. Thorough investigation of Japanese civilian defense planning as well as interrogation of high officials at the cabinet and ministerial level, who were responsible for the planning and develop- 15 ment of civilian air-raid protection, was made at the national level in Tokyo. Field investigations, including considerable research and many inter- rogations of responsible officials, were conducted in Osaka, Kobe, Kyoto, the Tokyo Metropolitan District and the atomic-bombed cities of Hiroshi- ma and Nagasaki, as well as other Japanese lo- calities. This purpose was to determine the thoroughness of the Japanese civilian protection plan and the effectiveness of its operation during and after air raids. A detailed plant protection study was made in a number of vital war produc- tion industries (several of which had been bombed because of their strategic importance to the Japanese war economy), regardless of their relationship to target cities, in order to cover an average cross section of Japanese heavy industry. The Period of the Survey 10. The period 24 September 1945 to 1 Decem- ber 1945 was spent in field investigations in vari- ous Japanese communities, with the observations made and the conclusions drawn confined to that period of time. II. ESTABLISHMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE JAPANESE AIR-RAID-PROTECTION PROGRAM A. INTRODUCTION 1. Area and Population of Japan as Related to Vul- nerability a. The population of Japan (73 millions) is well over half that of the United States, yet Japan is six-sevenths mountainous and its area (146,747 square miles) is equal only to the area of California. The mountainous sections are use- ful as forest and grazing land, but are incapable of supporting a dense population. Under these conditions, it was inevitable that the narrow river valleys and the small coastal plains of Japan should be among the most densely populated districts of the world. All of the coastal plains support large cities, the largest coastal plain (Kanto) containing the third largest metropoli- tan district in the world (Tokyo). b. The physical character of Japanese cities is a result of four factors: (1) the intense pressure of population; (2) the Japanese manner of liv- ing; (3) their preference for light, delicate, wood construction; and (4) the relative scarcity of structural steel and heavy construction materials. The residential area of every Japanese city, and even a large part of its central business district, consists of light, inflammable, wooden structures. The characteristic features of Japanese cities are: structural density, extreme inflammability, and narrow thoroughfares. Hence their extreme vul- nerability to air raids. c. The physical characteristics of the country as a whole made it difficult to decentralize either population or industry; nor was it feasible to make any marked changes in the pattern or the structural character of the cities themselves so as to render them less vulnerable. For these reasons, officials who were responsible for air defense in Japan were faced with greater local handicaps than w’ere their opposite numbers in the United States, Germany or even in England. 2. Foundation of the Air-Defense Program a. The administrative organization for civilian air defense is discussed in a separate section of this report. The foundation of Japan’s air-de- fense program, however, lay beyond the purely governmental structure because the essential characteristic of this program was that each echelon of government passed the bulk of its re- sponsibility to the next lower level until it reached the broad base of the volunteer civilian defense organizations, embracing the entire able-bodied adult population. b. For an understanding of the realities of the civilian air-defense system in operation it is thus necessary to examine: (1) the ordinary Japa- nese citizen and his attitude toward the program; (2) his training; (3) his equipment for air de- fense; (4) his ideas in respect to the nature and scope of the prospective raids as determined by the propaganda of the army and the government. (1) The People—Characteristics Pertinent to Air Defense. The great bulk of the citizens of Japan are, quite literally, grandchildren of the serfs of the feudal period which ended only 77 years ago. During the centuries of feudalism certain attitudes and patterns of thought became deeply imbedded in the Japanese character. From the standpoint of air defense, the most important of these were conformity; deep respect for au- thority; group consciousness combined with an unusual sensitiveness to social or community atti- 16 tudes (emphasizing the importance of “face” among the Japanese); loyalty to superiors (con- sidered to be the most important of virtues); and, with these, a corresponding lack of origi- nality and initiative. The government, the large business concerns and the armed services used every device to perpetuate these qualities. The typical Japanese was surrounded by a rigid framework of controls imposed upon him by his family, his community, his employer, his govern- ment and his religion. The ordinary citizen could, therefore, be expected to follow instruc- tions without question and thus formed a de- pendable foundation for air defense only on the assumption that leadership and planning were effective and that the raids were of the nature and scope expected. He could not be counted upon to improvise in an emergency. When un- expected developments required sudden changes in the original plans, the people were powerless. (2) False Assumptions With Respect to Training. In addition to the general inadequacy of the program, its foundations were false in that the training was based on false conceptions of the nature and scope of the prospective raids. At no time prior to the first mass raids, in any part of Japan, w'ere air-defense volunteers trained to meet prolonged mass raids of two to three hours duration. (3) Inferior Equipment. The equipment for civilian air defense in Japan was inadequate in quantity and was decidedly inferior in quality to that of the United States, Britain or Germany. (4) Propaganda—Its Effects on Air Defense. (a) 1 he Ministry of Home Affairs, the several prefectural governments, the central offices of the volunteer air-defense organizations on the nation- al level and even the newspapers and department stores of Japan participated in the propaganda for air defense which included pamphlets, post- ers, radio programs, exhibits, demonstrations, motion pictures and lectures. (b) In contrast with the civilian air-defense publicity, however, the basic propaganda policy of the government relative to the war as a whole tended to weaken the air-defense program. The extreme optimism of the government throughout 1942—43 and the reluctance of the army to admit the reality of its position thereafter tended to minimize the importance of civilian air defense in the minds of average Japanese. Even leading air-defense officials lacked the knowledge they should have had, and they continued greatly to underestimate their requirements until the first mass raids occurred. 3. A Brief Summary of the Growth and Develop- ment of Civilian Air Defense in Japan a. During the period immediately following World War I, Japanese newspapers and periodi- cals occasionally published pseudo-scientific and sensational articles on the nature of future air warfare which stressed bombing, biological war- fare and gas attacks. Official interest and plans for civilian defense followed soon after. b. From 1928 to 1937 civilian air defense in Japan was confined to “the six great cities” (Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, Kyoto, Yokohama and Kobe) and consisted of annual air-raid drills, (with emphasis on blackouts, gas defense and emergency first aid) supported by exhibits and demonstrations. During this period civilian air defense was not coordinated but consisted of separately organized plans centering in the six metropolitan areas noted above. An interesting record of a series of such drills held in Osaka on 4, 5, and 6 July 1928 was published in the Japan Times on 6 July. Front-page headline articles in this 1928 series covered such items as photo- graphs of children and nurses in gas masks, a descriptive analysis of blackout regulations and first-aid drills, an army critique of the drills and an expression of strong official support for an extensive civilian air-defense program. The weak- ness of Japan’s civilian air defense was not due to the lack of an early start. c. With the promulgation of the national air- defense law of 5 April 1937 (which was closely related to the attack on China precipitated by Japan on 7 July 1937), civilian air defense be- came a nation-wide program under the jurisdic- tion of the Ministry of Home Affairs. d. Thereafter, there was a marked rise in the importance of civilian air defense, but for this very reason it became the center of conflicts (1) among the various ministries on the national level, (2) between the prefectufal and municipal offices, and (3) among bureaucrats, officials and politicians seeking personal power and prestige. There were overlapping plans and frequent re- organizations which created confusion and often blocked progress. e. Two important volunteer civilian defense or- ganizations were created in April 1939, the “Great Japan Air Defense Association” (Dai 17 Less than 6000 Tons dropped against Japan during first 39 months of war. 154,296 Tons dropped against Japan during last 5 1/2 months of warr LEGEND HIGH EXPLOSIVE INCENDIARY NAVY TOTAL TONS OF BOMBS DROPPED AGAINST JAPAN BY US. ARMY a NAVY AIR FORCES- BY MONTH Nippon Boku Kyokai) and the “Great Japan Fire Defense Association” (Dai Nippon Keibo Kyokai). A pointed rivalry developed between them which tended to add to the confusion. (Dis- cussed in Exhibits B-3 and B-4.) f. In order to unify the air-defense program an Air-Defense General Headquarters (Boku Sohombu) was established on 1 November 1943 under the supervision of the Minister of Home Affairs. This new agency acted as a clearing house for the coordination of the air-defense plans of the ministries and bureaus on the nation- al level. It also issued directives to the air-defense headquarters established in each of the prefec- tures throughout Japan. As a result, coordina- tion was somewhat improved but there was no reduction in the large, complex, bureaucratic structure that had developed around the air-de- fense program. g. The primary achievement of the cumber- some legal and administrative structure that had developed by March 1945 (when the mass raids began), was to prepare a large number of direc- tives, data and plans and to pass the responsibil- ity for their execution to the prefectures and to the various volunteer civilian air-defense organi- zations. 4. Effect of Air Raids a. In view of the official attitude and the in- adequacy of the preparations, it was inevitable that mass air raids should find Japanese cities unprepared. The experience of most major Japa- nese cities follows much the same pattern as that of Osaka. In that city the first mass raid was by far the most devastating (although not the largest raid in terms of number of planes and bombs). There, as in practically every large city, the loss of life and property damage which re- sulted from the first mass raid was greater than that which resulted from later raids. This was due in part to the fact that the first mass raid burned out the most inflammable sections of the city, thus creating fire breaks which, later on, prevented the spread of fires started by subse- quent raids and also offered places of safety to persons who would otherwise have been burned. b. The casualties, the destruction of houses and other property damage (including the destruc- tion of much of the air-defense equipment itself), LEGEND High Explosive Incendiary Comparison of Bomb Tonnages Dropped Against Six Greatest Cities of Japan 19 due to the first mass raid, so disrupted the air- defense program as to cause breakdowns in organ- ization. The size and intensity of the raids thereafter were such that it was impossible to re- organize air defense on anything like an effective basis. c. The casualties and property damage due to air raids by cities and prefectures (as reported by the Ministry of Home Affairs) are indicated in Exhibits A-l and A—2. d. For comparison with the Japanese record of loss of life and property damage, the American record of total bombs dropped against Japan by months is given in Exhibits A-3 and A—1, and is shown graphically on pages 18 and 19. e. The Japanese experience differed from that of Germany in that the country was almost free of raids for three years and that virtually the entire force of the American air attack occurred in the last five and one-half months of the war. f. It should be noted that American air attacks were far more widespread than was popularly supposed in the United States. Sixty-five of the leading cities of Japan were devastated, Kyoto being the only great city which remains intact. A strenuous effort was made to defend the largest cities; the medium-sized cities, being forced to give up their fire-fighting and other air-defense equipment to the largest cities, were unable to protect themselves against incendiary raids. d. BASIC LAW ON CIVILIAN AIR DEFENSE 1. Nature of Japanese Latv as Related to Air Defense a. Although Japanese law was supposedly modeled along western lines, following the intro- duction of the modern form of government, in reality it contained much of the spirit of medi- eval Japan. The constitution, which was adopted- in 1889, did not represent an agreement among the people of the country in respect to their basic law as does the Constitution of the United States. It was, rather, a statement that certain rights were granted by the emperor to the people of the country, the implication being that they should be grateful for this generosity and that these rights could be withdrawn if desired. b. This spirit permeated Japanese law. It was a common practice in all Japanese schools, in- cluding universities, to have the emperor’s pic- ture hung behind velvet curtains which were parted only on those occasions when an imperial rescript was read, during which time all persons present bowed their heads in reverence. To the Japanese, laws were an expression of the will of the emperor, and officials (in particular police officials) were personal representatives of the emperor in carrying out the law; hence, the common citizen should show extreme respect for officials enforcing the law. The typical citizen of Japan paid lip service to the letter of the law even when he disapproved of it and intended to give it a minimum of observance. Formality, politeness, and respect on the part of the people and autocratic paternalism on the part of the government were thus characteristic of relation- ships under the law in Japan. 2, Air-Defense Law a. Those facts are especially significant in evaluating the effect of the national law for civil- ian air defense. The extreme optimism of the gov- ernment following the spectacular successes dur- ing the first year of the war, and the reluctance of the army to admit the realities of its position thereafter, led most Japanese to doubt the im- portance of air defense. A considerable number of those who were interviewed frankly stated that in their own volunteer organization air-de- fense drills were considered a nuisance and were carried out perfunctorily. b. The national air-defense law was promul- gated on 5 April 1937 (Exhibit C—1). Air de- fense, as defined in the law, covered “light con- trol, camouflage, defense against fires and gas at- tacks, air-raid shelters and emergency rescue (and the necessary supervision thereof), com- munications and air-raid alarms, coordination with army and navy plans to prevent or mini- mize damage in case of air raids, and planning for equipment and resources necessary for the en- forcement of air defense.” c. The primary effect of the law was to dele- gate the responsibility to the governors of the prefectures, and through them to the chiefs of the prefectural police departments and to such “local authorities” in towns and villages as were designated by the prefectural governor. The more important powers given to the governors were as follows: (1) Non-governmental establishments of any sort whatsoever could be required to provide plans for air defense, to submit them for ap- proval and to provide the supplies to implement them. (2) Defense equipment could be requisitioned 20 from the managers or owners of any establish- ments. (3) Owners of wooden buildings could be re- quired to reconstruct or fireproof those buildings with the additional provision that, if the owner found it impossible to do so within the allotted time, public authorities could carry out the re- construction and fireproofing without his con- sent. (4) The construction of new buildings could be prohibited or restricted, and buildings could be demolished in order to prevent damage during air raids. The law specifically provided authority for the creation of “empty spaces” (fire breaks to prevent the spread of fire) and the demolition of buildings to create such fire breaks. (5) Managers or owners of supplies could be ordered to transfer them to places of safety. (6) Experts could be required to perform air- defense services at the discretion of the prefec- tural authorities; and those employed in any given enterprise could be required by the man- agement to participate in the air-defense pro- gram thereof. Prefectural governors could make special appointments of executive officers for the supervision of air defense. (7) Local officials could be required to act as air-defense officials. (8) The equipment of any locality in a prefec- ture could be requisitioned for use in another locality. (9) General authority was given for establish- ing and supervising all aspects of civilian air de- fense (defined and amplified in numerous subse- quent ordinances). 3. Revisions and Executive Regulations a. The Japanese language is extremely polite but exasperatingly indefinite, which holds true even for legal terminology. It was not uncom- mon to append an English or French version of a contract to the Japanese copy in order to make its meaning clear. Japanese basic laws, general in their language, required the issuance of fur- ther acts and executive regulations to give effect to the original decrees. The result was a legal maze. Because civilian air defense was a new concept, there being no precedent for it, the series of ordinances, directives and executive regula- tions issud by the Ministry of Home Affairs were unusually complex. b. In addition to the general revision of the basic law, there were over two hundred special legal enactments and revisions, each covering a specific aspect of air defense (such as blackouts, insurance, communications, fireproofing, ship- ping and the like) not to mention the proclama- tions issued by prefectural offices. The general effect of these, however, was to expand and define the authority and responsibility of the prefec- tural governors. 4. Air-Defense Law on the Prefectural Level a. The governors of the various prefectures used three primary channels for interpreting and enforcing the air-defense laws: (1) written and verbal instructions to officials immediately under them; (2) published plans indicating long-range and annual air-defense objectives; (3) public proclamations. b. An air-defense headquarters was established by law in every prefecture (Exhibit C-4). No new appointments were made to staff it, however. The governor was also the chief of the head- quarters, and the heads of the prefectural bu- reaus were likewise heads of the sections in the headquarters (in addition to their regular du- ties). Thus, in order to define and enforce air- defense law, the governor (as chief of air-de- fense headquarters) met with his subordinates (as officials in air-defense headquarters) to ex- plain directly (1) his conception of air defense, (2) the measures that should be undertaken to insure it, and (3) the responsibilities of each of the pertinent sections for such measures. c. The prefectural governors, with the assis- tance of their staffs, formulated long-range and annual plans which were published (classified as secret) for the guidance of section heads, air-de- fense experts and the leaders of volunteer orga- nizations. d. Governors also issued public notices and proclamations to the people urging compliance with the law or indicating the adoption of special provisions to meet emergencies. Such proclama- tions were often issued to bolster morale but they also contained specific emergency provision (Ex- hibit C-5). e. Thus, on the prefectural level, the enforce- ment of air-defense law was more a matter of personal interpretation by the governor and of verbal orders to bureau chiefs and through the police department to local households and busi- ness establishments than it was a matter of writ- ten law. f. Here again the effect was to pass the respon- 21 sibility for air defense from the governor to the police department and through the police depart- ment to the volunteer civilian air-defense organi- zations. It is significant that no hbav appoint- ments were made for air-defense purposes. Since all officials were still carrying the full-time re- sponsibility for their normal official work, only such extra time as could be spared Avas available for air-defense work, so that the bulk of the re- sponsibility was necessarily passed on to the leaders of the local volunteer civilian air-defense organizations. 4. Summary. In summary, the legal founda- tions of air defense in Japan may be character- ized as foIIoavs : a. The basic laAv of 5 April 1937 defined the items to be covered and the authority to be exer- cised by the governors of the prefectures in estab- lishing air defense but left the scope and inten- sity of the air-defense effort largely to their dis- cretion. b. A series of revisions, executive regulations, ordinances, and instructions Avere issued from the various levels of the Ministry of Home Affairs which gradually defined the meaning of the basic laAv. These represented an effort to intensify civilian air defense and to force civilian defense organizations, households and business enter- prises to increase their air-defense equipment and training, but the effort Avas only partly success- ful. c. The execution of the laAv on the prefectural level was a matter of (1) verbal instructions from the governor to the chiefs of the various departments and through the police department to volunteer civil organizations, (2) printed plans for air defense for the guidance of such officials and of the leaders of volunteer organiza- tions and (3) the issuance of prefectural pro- clamations. d. On the local level air-defense Hav Avas ex- pressed primarily in terms of direct relationships between the police (avIio provided instructions, inspection and enforcement) and (1) volunteer civilian air-defense organization, (2) non-govern- mental establishments and (3) individual house- holds. e. Although the law strongly stressed the im- portance of planning, training and equipment, neither the national nor the prefectural govern- ments provided sufficient funds to support them. C. ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION FOR AIR DEFENSE IN JAPAN f 1. The Influence of the Army on Civilian Air Defense a. The civilian air-defense officials and prefec- tural governors who were interrogated empha- sized the complete independence of civilian air defense from military control. On the prefec- tural and local levels this was largely true. Army officers attended air-defense demonstrations and occasionally offered criticism, but it was clearly understood that they had no authority over the civilian air-defense program. b. On the national level, however, the army exercised a fundamental control, since it deter- mined the framework within which the civilian air-defense program functioned. c. Quite apart from their direct influence, mili- tary officers indirectly set the stage for civilian defense organization and planning. The army issued air-defense pamphlets, and all other pam- phlets were subject to army inspection and ap- proval. The army and the navy were the only sources from which information could be obtain- ed regarding the nature and scope of prospective air attacks. Thus, although actual management of civilian defense Avas in the hands of civil authorities, basic assumptions Avhich determined their decisions were provided by military au- thorities. 2. The Five Stages in the Development of Civilian Air-Defense Organization a. From an administrative point of vieAv the periods of development of air defense in Japan may be characterized as follows: (1) From 1918 to 1928 there were occasional discussions between military and civilian officials regarding the significance of air defense as in- dicated by World War I. There were also semi- official articles in neAvspapers and periodicals dealing with problems of air defense. These articles were generally more sensational than scientific, but served to focus attention on the importance of the subject. (2) In the years 1928 to 1937 the six great cities of Japan (Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, Kyoto, Yokohama, and Kobe) held annual air-raid drills, generally covering a period of three days each year, which were supported by propaganda, exhibits, demonstrations and lectures. There was no general national program; however, civilian 22 air-defense organizations cooperated exclusively with the military authorities but come under the jurisdiction of the six cities noted above. (3) From 1937 to 1 November 1943 came the period of the growth and development of a na- tional civilian air-defense program based on the national air-defense law of 5 April 1937. Due to the indefiniteness of that law, however, there were numerous jurisdictional disputes, not only among the several ministries seeking to exercise authority over the air-defense program but also among the bureaus in the prefectural govern- ments and the volunteer civilian defense organi- zations on the national level which sprang up during this period. Administrative disputes were intensified by optimism regarding the outcome of the war, which caused civilian air defense to be regarded as a medium for establishing political power and prestige rather than as a serious na- tional defense effort. (4) November 1943 to March 1945 was a peri- od during which an effort was made to unify the program under the Air Defense General Head- quarters which was established by imperial decree on 1 November 1943. This law placed the pri- mary responsibility in the hands of the Minister of Home Affairs and the prefectural governors (Exhibit B-l). (5) From March 1945 to 15 August 1945 in- tensive mass air raids occurred during which the civilian air-defense program rapidly disinte- grated and eventually collapsed. During this period it was shown that the actual coordination of air-defense operations (in so fay as that was accomplished) was primarily a matter of rela- tions between the prefectural police departments and the volunteer civilian defense organizations. It is significant that, when the raids came, the police and the civilian organizations operated with a large measure of independence, in many cases even contrary to the law, in order to coor- dinate action and meet emergencies. b. The following discussion of administrative organization is confined to the period 1943-45, with special reference to the conditions which ob- tained at the beginning of the mass air raids in 1945. 3. Air-Defense Organization on the National Level, at the Time of the Creation of Air-Defense Gen- eral Headquarters The conditions which forced the creation of a national air-defense general headquarters were extremely complex. The leading municipalities which had had exclusive control over air defense until 1937 sought to retain a part of their au- thority. The adoption of the national air-defense law in 1937 precipitated a rash of plans in every ministry which could conceivably be concerned with air defense and started bitter rivalries among the bureaus within the ministries, partic- ularly those in the Ministry of Home Affairs. This conflict of authority and overlapping of plans created an impossible administrative mud- dle. 4. The ”Great Japan Air-Defense Association” (Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai) and the "Great Japan Fire- Defense Association” (Dai Nippon Keiho Kyokai) Air-defense administration became still more confused by the creation of two volunteer air- defense organizations on a national level, organi- zations which were established in the same month (April 1939) with similar purposes: b. The Great Japan Air-Defense Association (Exhibit B—3) was created by imperial decree upon the recommendation of the Minister of Home Affairs, with the concurrence of the army and the navy, under the official charter granted by the Ministry of Home xVffairs. It was de- signed to give prestige to the civilian air-defense program, to act as a sponsoring organization with respect to training and propaganda and to provide financial assistance to volunteer civilian defense organizations. Expenditures were prima- rily for various types of air-defense equipment: gas masks, fire pumps, steel helmets, buckets, blackout curtains and emergency ambulances. They also frequently took the form of subsidiz- ing the efforts of a local organization which need- ed additional funds to carry through an air-de- fense project. The association emphasized the need for air-defense training and was an active agent in this field on the prefectural and local levels, including printing and distributing of pamphlets on the various aspects of air defense, sponsoring air-defense schools and providing lecturers and experts for such instruction. c. The Great Japan Fire-Defense Association (Exhibit B-4) represented a reorganization (in April 1939) of an association of volunteer fire departments originally established in July 1937 and was closely related to the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan), also established in 1939. The association performed the following functions: (1) The distribution of pamphlets on fire fighting under the supervision of the prefectural police. (2) The maintenance of centers for the repair of fire equipment of the auxiliary police and fire units. (This work centered in Tokyo and exten- ded to the more important prefectures only.) (3) The allocation of relief funds to members of the auxiliary police and fire units who were injured on duty, or to the families of those killed. (4) The maintenance of an experimental labo- ratory for testing fire-fighting techniques and equipment. (5) The instruction of selected members of the auxiliary police and fire units in a six-day course given twice a year in the Tokyo headquarters of the association. (6) Instruction to volunteer civilian air-de- fense organizations in the various prefectures (in cooperation with the Great Japan Air-Defense Association) covering the fire-fighting aspects of civilian air defense. d. There was a pointed rivalry between the two organizations, but the Great Japan Air-Defense Association rapidly took the lead, since it was ac- corded greater prestige and more financial sup- port by the Ministry of Home Affairs. In spite of the resentment of the Great Japan Fire-De- fense Association, a working agreement was reached by which the Fire-Defense Association assumed a minor role but retained its responsi- bility of training for fire fighting in collabora- tion with the Great Japan Air-Defense Associa- tion which assumed the authority for training in all other aspects of air-defense. 5. The Administrative Organization of the Air- Defense General Headquarters (Boku Sohombu) a. The Air-Defense General Headquarters was created on 1 November 1943 by Imperial Decree No. 806 (Exhibit B-2) and was designed to coor- dinate conflicting plans and settle jurisdictional disputes. The Minister of Home Affairs, in ad- dition to his other duties, was appointed director of the Air-Defense General Headquarters. This was the beginning of a peculiar dual control over air defense. The same official could issue orders through two separate channels. As Minister of Home Affairs, he issued instructions affecting air defense which could be handled through normal channels, and as Director of the Air-Defense General Headquarters he issued orders covering air-defense matters which could either not be handled through normal channels or which re- quired special action to meet an emergency. This duality of control soon extended throughout the whole structure of the administration for air de- fense, not only within the bureaus in the head- quarters but also within the prefectural govern- ments. b. There were four bureaus in Air-Defense General Headquarters, as follows: (1) The General Affairs Bureau {Sornu Kyo- ku), which had general supervisory functions and issued directives in respect to training and materiel procurement. (2) The Police Bureau (Keibo Kyoku), which supervised both the police and fire aspects of air defense and was responsible for damage assess- ment. (3) The Engineering Bureau (Shisetsu Kyo- ku), which laid broad plans for building demo- lition (to create fire breaks) and contained sec- tions dealing with public and private property. (4) The Business and Planning Bureau (Gyo- mu Kyoku), which dealt (a) with the needs of air-raid victims for food, clothing and medical supplies, (b) with rescue and first aid, and (c) with evacuation of threatened areas, c. The chiefs of the General Affairs Bureau and the Business and Planning Bureau were full- time appointees. The chief of the Police Bureau, however, was also chief of the Police Bureau in the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the chief of the Engineering Bureau was also chief of the Public Works Bureau in the Ministry of Home Affairs. The two latter officials were thus in positions of dual authority similar to that of the Minister of Home Affairs. d. The Air-Defense General Headquarters was never given sufficient power actually to integrate the air-defense program, that is, it was on a level with, not above, the other ministries. It, there- fore, became a clearing house and planning center rather than an actual operational head- quarters. 6. Administrative Organization for Air Defense on the Prefectural Level a. The heart of the official administration of the air-defense program was to be found in the 47 prefectures of Japan. The national civilian air-defense law of 1937 indicated the character of the measures that were to be taken, but the responsibility for actually implementing the pro- gram was left to the prefectural governors with a 24 wide range of discretion as to how laws and di- rectives should be carried into effect. b. On the prefectural level there were three classes of administrative organization; (1) Tokyo metropolitan district (Tokyo To) which occupied a position in Japan roughly com- parable to that of the District of Columbia in the United States. (2) Osaka and Kyoto metropolitan prefectures (Fu) which ranked somewhat higher than the others because of size and age, but differed from them only in that the chief of police was directly appointed by the emperor, (3) The 44 remaining prefectures (Ken). c. Tokyo metropolitan district differed from the other prefectures in the following respects: (1) The government of the metropolitan dis- trict was newly organized (on 1 July 1943) and, therefore, lacked the authority and confidence of a long established administration. (2) The Metropolitan Police Board of Tokyo, on the other hand, was an old, well established and ruthless organization which had direct access to the cabinet (in particular the Minister of Home Affairs) and did not recognize the author- ity of the governor of the Metropolitan District (Exhibits B-5 to B-9). d. With those exceptions, all of the 47 prefec- tures were remarkably similar in organization. e. The outstanding features of prefectural gov- ernment, as it affected air defense, were as fol- lows : (1) In every prefecture (with the exception of Tokyo noted above) the governor was the central authority and issued directives to all prefectural bureau chiefs, including the chief of police. (Ex- hibit B-10.) (2) All prefectures (including Tokyo) estab- lished an air-defense headquarters (similar to that shown in Exhibit B-ll). (3) In all prefectures, without exception, there was a dual administration in that the governor of the prefecture was also the director of the air- defense headquarters and the chiefs of the perti- nent prefectural bureaus were also chiefs of the corresponding bureaus in that headquarters. No new officials were appointed by the prefectures for air-defense purposes, air defense being con- sidered merely an “additional duty” of regular prefectural officials. (4) In all prefectures the chief of police was in charge of the fire department, was responsible for the enforcement of air-defense regulations and assumed full authority for emergency actions during air raids. f. In order to understand air defense in Japan (Exhibit B-12), it should be noted that there were no municipal police (all police departments being prefectural) and that the police exercised a degree of authority over the lives of individual citizens which would be intolerable in democratic countries. The police thus became the agency through which the government carried the air- defense program to the people. Other prefectural departments carried certain responsibilities with respect to air defense: the Department of Edu- cation was responsible for defense of schools and the evacuation of school children; the Economic Section was responsible for assembling emer- gency supplies of food and other necessities; the Communications Department was responsible for emergency communications. But in every prefec- ture the police department assumed authority for enforcing air-defense regulations, for the main- tenance of order and for the supervision of actual air-defense operations during raids. When mass raids occurred and serious emergencies arose, the police did not hesitate to take any and all author- ity which was deemed necessary to handle the situation, even though it impinged upon the juris- diction of other departments. Only when the police department had determined that the emer- gency was sufficiently abated were these respon- sibilities returned to those agencies which, by law, had the administrative authority. (Exhibits B-10, B-ll and B-12 covering the prefectural civilian air-defense organization of Hyogo pre- fecture illustrate the above.) 7. Administrative Organization on the Local Level a. Administrative organization on the local level took two forms: (1) the ward organization in the large cities, and (2) the local organization in towns and villages. b. Municipal officers cooperated with prefec- tural officials in civilian air defense (Exhibit B-13). The geographical subdivisions of the largest cities, constituting wards, as a general rule were identical with the areas under the jurisdic- tion of local police stations. There was thus a close connection between the local police in each ward and the local ward officials. It was, there- fore, at this level that the influence of the police on the volunteer civilian defense organization was most directly exercised. c. Since all of the police were prefectural 695046—47—3 25 police and no city maintained its own municipal police system, the prefectural police department also exercised supervision over air-defense organ- izations in the towms and villages throughout the prefecture. If a town were sufficiently large, there was a local police station working in close co- operation with local municipal officials who were generally also officers in the volunteer air-defense organization of the town. The smaller towns in many cases had only one police officer, and the small farm villages generally had only a “head- man” chosen by the village, who was visited at regular intervals by a police officer. The primary safeguard for local communities was the prefec- tural mobile police unit which could be called upon to meet a local emergency in any part of the prefecture. 8. Summary a. From the beginning of the national program in 1937 to the end of the war, the administration of civilian air defense in Japan was seriously hampered by three factors: (1) Bureaucratic confusion and conflict. (2) A misconception of the nature and scope of air-defense requirements under saturation raid conditions. (3) The failure of the government to allocate sufficient funds or full-time personnel for the pur- poses of air defense. b. The air-defense general headquarters and other administrative bodies of Japan produced many plans on both national and prefectural levels: plans, based on false assumptions, which were conflicting and inadequate but wdiich never- theless directed a certain amount of effort into air-defense channels. The air-defense bureaus also performed useful functions during post-raid periods. The government did not, however, pro- vide the leadership or the assistance for which it was responsible. When the mass raids began the full weight of air defense fell upon the people with such leadership as could be provided by the local police and by the officials of the local volun- teer air-defense organization. III. SPECIAL CIVILIAN DEFENSE AGENCIES A. AUXILIARY POLICE AND FIRE UNITS (KEIBODAN) 1. Introduction. The history of Japan is filled with instances of earthquakes, catastrophic con- flagrations and floods. This fact, coupled with the natural tendencies of the Japanese people toward communal endeavor, has found a natural outlet in the organization of volunteer emergency services. In the Tokugawa Era (1575-1865), the citizens of the growing cities of Japan, especially the merchants and property owners, banded to- gether into volunteer fire-fighting groups (Sho- bogumi) to protect their lives and property. These groups continued to develop through the Meiji Era (1866-1912) and into modern times, resolving themselves into local entities such as the self-protection units (Bogodan) of Tokyo. In 1939, along with Japan’s other preparations for war, it became obvious that some form of volun- teer civilian-defense group would be necessary to supplement the regular police and fire services and to act as a link between the government and the people in air-raid protection. Consequently, the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) were brought into being by a Ministry of Home Affairs’ law, dated 24 January 1939. This law allowed considerable elasticity in the local organ- izations and, within a few months, each indi- vidual prefecture had published its own auxili- ary police and fire unit law. It was only natural, therefore, that a substantial variation should be found in the organization, equipment and method of financing the units according to locale. The fundamentals, however, were nationwide. The people set about reconverting their existing forms of civilian emergency services into auxiliary police and fire units with enthusiasm, establish- ing rural and water auxiliary police and fire units (Suijo Keibodan) as well as regular city units. Although an official in the prefectural police de- partment was generally appointed as nominal coordinator for the units throughout his prefec- ture, there was little active coordination above the level of cities or rural districts. 2. Organization. Although the table of organ- ization of the auxiliary police and fire units showed considerable variations in different locali- ties, the object of the units, i. e., the formation of an intermediate link between the police and the public for effective operation of air-raid protec- tion functions, remained immutable. In order to add prestige to the organization, active members 26 of the unit were chosen on an honorary basis, primarily in consideration of their social stand- ing and service to the community rather than on physical and mental qualifications and technical ability. Male residents of the community be- tween the ages of 18 and 60 (in some prefectures the age group limits were altered) were eligible for membership. Although salaries were rarely paid to the officials or members of the units, special compensation laws provided benefits for those injured in the line of duty. a. Units (Keibodan). Depending on the needs of the individual communities, units were usually located geographically in some previously zoned area, such as a police district or grammar school district. Headquarters were usually in some gov- ernment building such as a school or police sta- tion. Memberships varied from 50 to 2,000 de- pending upon the size and importance of the unit’s area and its table of organization. b. Subunits (Bundan). In many localities, especially in those in which the units were com- prised of many members and covered a large area, a division into subunits was effected. In these cases the subunit usually acted as the operating agency and the unit as the coordinator. There were usually five to 10 subunits in a unit with from 50 to 200 members. Headquarters were lo- cated in an appropriate structure in the area in which equipment could be stored and an office maintained. Whether actual operations were car- ried on from a unit or a subunit, the division into arms and squads was similar throughout the areas investigated. Usually an office force and a group of messengers were maintained at unit and sub- unit headquarters. Although there were local modifications, division into arms was generally as follows: (1) Fire Arm (Shobobu). Approximately 40 percent of the active members of the unit (or subunit) were included in this arm. They were divided into squads, each squad having either a motorized gasoline pump or a large hand pump as its nucleus of equipment. (For a complete description and evaluation of this equipment, see the section of this report entitled “Fire Serv- ices.”) In all cases, the duty of this arm was exclusively the extinguishing of fires. It, more than any other, was a direct outgrowth of the volunteer fire groups of former days. The per- sonnel was usually the younger and stronger members of the unit. In certain cases where the introduction of prefectural fire services was a fairly recent innovation, an active rivalry, occa- sionally growing into heated competition, some- times developed, although in most cases coopera- tion was the rule. (2) Guard Arm (Keibibu). About 25 percent of the active membership was devoted to this arm. As opposed to the fire arm, it was usually broken down into squads based on specific duties rather than equipment. Again, considerable fluctuation was found in varying communities, but the usual breakdown was into approximately eight squads. The arm was equipped with those tools, such as shovels, picks, axes, bicycles, ropes and bells which were necessary for its successful operation. (a) Political Thought Squad (Ohianhan). Al- though the prescribed duties of this squad were to quash rumors and defeatist thoughts, and to report suspected disloyal activities to the police, its importance, especially under actual raid con- ditions, was negligible. (b) Traffic Control Squad (Kotsu Seirihan). During air raids this squad controlled traffic, di- rected drivers and pedestrians to shelter and maintained order at incidents occurring in the area. (c) JJnexploded Bomb Squad (Fuhatsu Shori- han). This squad was responsible for immediate evacuation of personnel from areas rendered dan- gerous by unexploded bombs and for the cordon- ning off of such areas. (d) Observation Squad (Kanshihan). At the time of the sounding of the “alert” warning, mem- bers of this squad mounted to high points in the area and, upon the approach of enemy planes, rang bells and special clackers as a final warning for members of the community to seek shelter. They also spotted fires during raids, reporting such incidents to unit or subunit headquarters. (e) Guide Squad (Yudohan). Members of this squad were responsible for the safe movement to shelter of previously designated helpless indi- viduals such as children, the aged and the ill. Prior to the arrival on the scene of the regular rescue service, the guard rescue unit (Keibitai), this squad also attempted to rescue persons trapped in buildings. (f) Alarm Squad (Keihohan). This squad was responsible for all citizens’ receiving all “alerts” and “alarms.” Special attention was paid to the deaf and those living in areas where reception of normal means of warning might be impaired. The usual method of dissemination was to send bicy- 27 clists through the streets, calling out the appro- priate signal. (g) Light Control Squad (Toha Kanseihan). This squad patrolled the area directing the dim- out at sundown and blackouts at the appropriate air-raid warnings. (h) Labor Squad (Kosakuhan). This squad participated in post-raid clearance and all other labor projects caused by raids or other calamities. In certain localities they also acted as laborers for army units deactivating unexploded bombs. (3) Emergency Medical and Gas Decontami- nation Arm. Approximately 35 percent of the members of the unit were engaged in the work of this arm. As a gas-protection agency, although the best the individual Japanese community had to offer, equipment and training were of a very rudimentary nature. (For a full description of the decontamination services contained in this arm, see the section of this report entitled “Gas Protection Service.”) Although most units and subunits made it a policy to have at least one doctor in each medical arm, equipment was usu- ally insufficient for any medical activity other than immediate first aid and transfer to higher echelons of emergency medical service. In some units, however, where the subunit system was in effect, the emergency medical arm would be at- tached to unit headquarters rather than to the subunit, and an emergency first-aid post was set up at unit headquarters. Equipment consisted of stretchers and varying amounts of first-aid medi- cine and instruments. Full coverage of this equip- ment will be found in the section of this report entitled “Emergency Medical Services.” 3. Officials. In keeping with the fundamental theory of developing the auxiliary police and fire unit as an honorary organization, it was usually the practice to choose officials on grounds of per- sonal character and service to the community, rather than on those of technical ability. In some cases it was found necessary to go through all the higher officials down to the arm leaders before a person competent to supply information on the activities of the unit could be found. a. Unit Officials. The term of office of the unit officials was a factor which varied from city to city, ranging from 2 years to a lifetime ap- pointment, terminated only by resignation, death or removal by the governor. Also, the method of choosing the leader of the unit varied. In most regions he was appointed by the local chief of police, sometimes on the advice of respected mem- bers of the community, sometimes through recom- mendation of the subunit leaders. In other cases, he was elected by popular vote of the members of the unit and then approved by the police chief. The system of choosing assistant unit leaders, of whom there were from one to five, included all the above methods with the addition, in certain locations, of the plan of having the leader ap- point his assistants directly. In most communi- ties the officials received no salary, although in certain places they received a token remunera- tion. Duties of officials were the leadership of the unit in all its functions and the maintenance of liaison with police officials. b. Subunit Officials. The choosing of subunit officials, leaders and assistant leaders was based on much the same system as that for unit officials, the method again varying with the locality. Some were chosen by local police officials, others by unit leaders, and still others by popular vote of the subunit members. Their terms of office were usu- ally the same as those of the unit officials, and they also usually received no salaries. Arm lead- ers were usually appointed by higher subunit or unit officers and were responsible for the opera- tions of their respective arms. Under the subunit system, although the actual arm leaders were placed under subunit control, the usual practice was for some official on the unit level, usually an assistant leader or an over-all arm leader, to co- ordinate the activities of all the corresponding arms, for example, all the fire arms, of the entire unit. There were also assistant arm leaders, squad leaders, and, occasionally, assistant squad leaders, usually selected through appointment by higher subunit or unit officers. 4. Operations. The air-raid functions of the auxiliary police and fire units were carried out in constant liaison with the regular police and fire services and under their supervision. Headquar- ters were open 24 hours a day on a rotating basis, and the members mobilized at the sounding of the “alert.” Upon the spread of an incident beyond the capabilities of the individual householder or the combined efforts of the neighborhood group (Tonari Gumi) or neighborhood air-defense group (Bokugun), assistance would be dis- patched from the unit, or, in cases of the subunit system, from the subunit. This assistance would be dispatched under one of three stimuli: aid could be requested by the individual or neighbor- hood group; it could be sent directly from the unit or subunit without a request from the sub- 28 ject in distress; it could be sent at the order of the local police chief. In any event, all incidents and movements of the unit and subunit were re- ported to the police with the least practicable delay and any operation of the unit or of any of its officials could be overruled by the police au- thorities. In the case of a number of incidents occurring simultaneously within one subunit’s area, with other subunits not being especially occupied, the unit officials would order the per- sonnel and equipment of one subunit to go to the assistance of its neighbor. In case of extreme activity in one unit, assistance would be sent from other units in the city either voluntarily, upon request of unit leaders, or at the order of the police. 5. Training. For activities of the auxiliary police and fire units, which were merely supple- mentary to local services already in existence (such as fire-fighting and medical services), training was given by local authorities most com- petent in those fields. For more specialized war- time duties, such as gas decontamination, national classes were organized for representatives from each prefecture and they, upon returning to their prefectures, called training meetings of high auxiliary police and fire unit officials. These offi- cials would then return to their own units and impart this training information to other officials and members involved. The units themselves, in fulfilling their original purpose of forming a link between the police and the people and acting as a model for air-raid protection activities, staged demonstrations for the benefit of neighborhood group and neighborhood air-defense group lead- ers and for the general public. 6. Funds. Although the national government set aside a certain appropriation for civilian air defense, little, if any, was received by the auxili- ary police and fire units. A certain amount of equipment was supplied the units both by prefec- tural and municipal governments, but many of the units relied entirely upon public subscription for the purchase of material. As a natural conse- quence, the units whose areas included the more wealthy districts were usually far better equipped than their less fortunate counterparts. 7. Comments, a. The importance of the auxili- ary police and fire units in Japanese civilian defense becomes more evident when one realizes that only large cities in the Japanese home islands had regular fire departments and that all other places were entirely dependent upon these units for regular fire protection as well as air-raid- defense service. Although it was impossible for any type of supplementary civilian defense agency to continue total operations in the face of the type of saturation raids which were visited upon Japan by the AAF, the auxiliary police and fire units acted as the crux of the voluntary civilian defense forces and performed admirably during the war. It must be remembered that these units had a solid foundation established by years of peacetime experience in municipal emer- gencies, such as earthquakes, floods, fires and famine. b. Furthermore, the characteristic nature of the Japanese people, their inborn obedience and spirit of cooperation, caused them to support the units whole-heartedly, and the prestige afforded by membership in the unit served to keep morale in the organization at a high point. Also, from the standpoint of air-raid service, the division into arms and squads which covered virtually all the necessary emergency services and were dis- patched from a single point in a relatively small area, facilitated the prompt operation of emer- gency services. c. Even though the occasional lack of intelli- gent leadership must have hampered early opera- tions, the fact that many of these units in the most devastatingly levelled areas of Japan were still in operation at the end of the war, fulfilling their peacetime fire service, is ample testimony of the ability of these organizations to take tre- mendous losses and still pursue their duties. Al- though this might have been due in part to the fatalistic and unselfish attitude of the members, the self-sufficiency of each of the units must also be considered a major factor. The lack of a strong national, or even prefectural, coordinating agency hindered uniform and thorough training. This lack, however, engendered independent unit action and eliminated the confusion which might have been caused by a dependence upon a central authority for operational orders. d. In spite of these merits, however, improve- ment along certain lines would have greatly in- creased the units’ efficiency. In some places the training and equipment of the units were incom- plete. This was because planning had failed to contemplate the effect of raids of saturation pro- portions. Thus, when they came, disruption of communications and lack of material and person- nel limited the capabilities of these units. It was impossible for them to secure replacements and 29 tate the complete control over the people which Japan’s" political course then demanded. Each individual was made responsible to the group and had his every action scrutinized and criticized by the group. The resultant uniformity of popular thought and action was not surprising, especially in a population so lacking in individuality as that of Japan. As Japan’s aggressive policy brought her inevitably closer to total war, a strong civilian defense agency to bring home to the peo- ple the necessity of firm household and neighbor- hood air defense became indispensible, and Japan’s ruling group was not long in realizing that in the neighborhood groups it had just the agency it sought. Consequently, about 1938, with the encouragement of the national government, the prefectures established the Neighborhood Group, Block Association and, in some cases, the Federated Block Association (Rengo Chokai) as government-sponsored citizens’ organizations and began to use them as agencies for air defense, rationing, training, intelligence and other war- time services. Neighborhood Groups (Tonari Gunii) 2. Organization. It must be understood that the residents of any given area had no choice in joining the neighborhood group and its affiliate agencies. Residence in the area was sufficient to make membership mandatory. Inasmuch as these agencies were organized on a prefectural rather than a national basis, the organizational varia- tions which existed in different localities make a general description inapplicable. Usually from 10 to 20 households formed an individual neigh- borhood group. Meetings were held once a month and emergency meetings when necessary, the meeting place shifting from one member’s house to the next. In some areas dues were collected on an ability-to-pay basis; in others no dues were collected at all. As the war progressed, one of the main objects of these meetings was training and the dissemination of civilian-defense informa- tion, the neighborhood group being considered the fundamental basis of air-raid protection, with one member of each household specially design nated for air-raid duties therein. a. Officials. Officials of the neighborhood groups served without salary, the honor of serv- ing the neighborhood being considered sufficient. With the exception of the air-raid-defense leader, concerning whom see below, the elders of the neighborhood were generally sought as leaders. reinforcements. Furthermore, officials, especially unit and subunit leaders, were chosen on an hon- orary basis and for their community popularity rather than for technical or physical ability. Al- though this gave the units prestige and “face,” such leaders delayed prompt action because they were incapable of making competent decisions without first discussing them with their subordi- nates. e. The value of an organization in any plan of air-raid protection is evident, but it is obvious that such an organization in a western nation would require more competent leaders and stronger national and local coordination. B. NEIGHBORHOOD GROUPS (TONARI GUMI), BLOCK ASSOCIATIONS (CHOKAI), FEDERATED BLOCK ASSOCIATIONS (RENGO CHOKAI) 1. Introduction. Japan has long been forced to look upon cooperative communal endeavor as a necessity in any national effort. With the growth of great cities and the resultant density of popu- lations, the amplification and greater use of neighborhood groups became of increasing im- portance. During the reformation of the Meiji Era (1865-1911), sanitation groups (Eisei Ku- miai) were established, especially in cities and towns. They were based on the feudalistic five- man groups (Gonin Kumi) composed of the heads of five families, which acted as liaison agents between the feudal lords (Daimyo) and the people. Although the sanitation group was charged primarily with the health and living con- ditions of persons living in its area, its operations gradually developed and came to include such varied functions as supervision of street lighting and hiring of a neighborhood watchman. About 1932, following the lead of the capital city of Tokyo, the sanitation groups throughout Japan changed their names to Block Associations (Chokai), and the area of entire towns was divided among these groups. At about the same time, another ancient organization called “Neigh- bors’ Mutual Assistance” (Rimpo) broadened its scope and became known as the Neighborhood Group (Tonari Gumi). Continuing to follow Tokyo’s lead, membership in these two organiza- tions ceased to be a voluntary matter and became compulsory, and the neighborhood group found itself subordinated to the block association. Local governmental agencies, especially the police, soon discovered that this system could greatly facili- 30 (1) Leader. Although the method of choosing a leader varied among the groups, generally he was elected by the group as a whole, each house- hold voting as one unit. The usual term of office was 2 years, although this, too, was a varying factor. The duties of the leader were to pass on information to the people, to lead them in such activities as rationing and savings, to represent them in the block association and to supervise air- raid activities (in those groups having no air- raid-defense leader and where the air-raid-de- fense group was not present). (2) Assistant Leader. An assistant leader to aid and replace the leader in case of his absence was also usually elected in the same manner as the leader and for the same term, (3) Air-Raid-Defense Leader. In cases where the leader of the neighborhood group was too old or was physically incapable of active leadership in an air raid, it became obvious that a special air-raid-defense leader would be necessary. In some cases this task would devolve on the as- sistant leader, in others a special air-raid-defense leader would be appointed. This man was similar in many ways to the American air-raid warden in his duties and actions. Depending on the com- munity, he was either elected by the group or ap- pointed by the leader. He received a certain amount of air-raid-defense training from the police and from the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan). He supervised the light con- trol of his area, assured the dissemination of air- raid warnings to all members of his group and attempted to control the bombing incident until the arrival of higher echelons of the emergency services. In certain areas, such as Tokyo, a neighborhood air-defense group (Bokugun) was established parallel to the neighborhood group to handle the air-defense functions of the group ex- clusively, leaving the regular group organization to handle such matters as rationing and savings. ~ o In this case the air-raid-defense leader became the leader of the neighborhood air-defense group. Although all able-bodied individuals were under obligation to serve the group at the incident, this air-defense leader usually specified certain indi- viduals for special jobs, for example, hand pump operators, water carriers. b. Equipment. It was the aim of the prefec- tures to equip each of their neighborhood groups with a two-man hand pump, specially manufac- tured for use of the groups. The shortage of ma- terials, however, did not permit this and many groups were forced to rely upon buckets and static water for extinguishing fires. In cases where pumps were available, they were sometimes issued by the prefecture, sometimes by the city, and sometimes bought through contributions of members of the group. As a consequence, the neighborhood groups whose area embraced the more wealthy sections were better equipped than the average. In certain cases, a small amount of emergency first-aid equipment was on hand, but this, like buckets, fire beaters, water crocks and other fire-fighting equipment, was more often found in the individual home than in the group. 3. Operations. Upon the occurrence of an inci- dent in the group’s area, all able-bodied person- nel joined in trying to bring it under control. If the members of the group, assisted by neighbors, were unable to control it, help was solicited from the nearest auxiliary police and fire unit or sub- unit or from the regular police and fire depart- ments. In cases where assistance was not forth- coming from any of those groups, help could be requested from neighboring groups or from the block association, provided that the block associa- tion was one of those which had an air-raid-de- fense arm. 4. Comments. The adaptation of the neighbor- hood group system to civilian defense functions by the Japanese was a logical step in the evolu- tion of these organizations which became the very foundation of the Japanese air-raid-protection forces. Here was the Japanese expression of “self-protection”—a group fighting for the pro- tection of its homes before the arrival of larger and better-equipped forces. It offered the great advantage of having a working organization with a responsible leader on the scene of a bombing incident a few minutes after its inception, the time when prompt action was most valuable. Further, it formed an efficient and orderly chan- nel for the dissemination of training, informa- tion and equipment from municipal, prefectural and national sources down to each individual household. Necessity had long conditioned the Japanese people to work cooperatively and in unquestioning obedience to orders. This un- doubtedly was an important factor in the com- parative success of the neighborhood groups. Its basic foundation of cooperation, coupled with the decided tendencies of the Japanese people in that direction, kept morale and efficiency high, and the coming of war found this existing organization ready to assume the emergency duties which the 31 conflict thrust upon it. On the debit side, as in most Japanese civilian-defense agencies, the most thorough cooperation and efficient action was in- sufficient to cope with air raids of saturation pro- portions. The number of simultaneous incidents, together with the casualties and confusion which were the natural results of the raids from March 1945 to the end of the war, overtaxed the capabili- ties of these services, but it is logical to assume that, without this group, loss of life and property would have been far greater. Block Associations (Chokai) 5. Organization. The name “Block Associa- tion” was in many cases a misnomer since the area of the association was usually larger than a city block, although in some cases a single large apartment house might contain a block associa- tion. Since the area of the block association usu- ally contained 10 to 20 neighborhood groups, it was, of course, impossible for all the people liv- ing in the area to attend each meeting. Conse- quently, a council, composed of the leaders of each neighborhood group of the association, met periodically to carry out the association’s busi- ness. This was usually to channel equipment and information from the local government to the people of their groups. In certain cases, how- ever, there were active operations carried out in the block associations, both civilian defense and other. In those cases the activities of the associa- tion were carried on by sections, one of the sec- tions being an air-defense section. In some areas this air-defense section of the block association was equipped with a number of neighborhood- group-type hand pumps as well as some others of a larger capacity. In rural areas, a rural block association (Burakukai) corresponded to the city organization. a. Officials. Officials of the block associations, like those of the neighborhood groups, received no salaries. The usual term of office was 2 years. (1) Leader. The leader was chosen by vote of the council, each neighborhood group leader hav- ing one vote. In certain communities a neighbor- hood group leader could not become a block asso- ciation leader, although in other communities this was encouraged. The block association leader guided the operations of his group in all fields and represented the block association in the fed- erated block association, if such a body were in existence. There was also an assistant leader, usually chosen in the same manner as the leader, whose duty it was to assist the leader in his executive and administrative functions and to re- place him in case of his absence. (2) Air-Defense Section Leader. In block associations which maintained active functions a division was usually made into sections, such as a taxation section, a savings section and a women’s section, each section having a leader and one or two active members. In localities where these divisions took place, one of the sections would invariably be an air-defense section the leader of which was usually selected by the block associa- tion leader for his qualifications in air-raid-de- fense matters. He was sometimes a member of an auxiliary police and fire unit. Although in most cases the only duty of this section was to main- tain liaison between the neighborhood groups and higher authority in air-defense matters, in some areas it also maintained an active air-raid-pro- tection service, with hand pumps supplementing those of the neighborhood groups and personnel assigned to specific air-raid duties. 6. Operations. If an air-defense section had been organized, personnel and equipment would be dispatched to incidents in the association’s area, either upon the request of neighborhood groups in need or assistance or upon the associa- tion’s own volition. It should be emphasized, however, that cases in which the block association operated as an active air-raid-defense agency were few, and, for the most part, its activities were confined to passing on equipment and infor- mation to neighborhood groups and individual households, 7. Summary. The existence of an active air- raid-protection agency in the block association seems entirely superfluous in view of the neigh- borhood groups’ air-raid-defense functions and the activities of the auxiliary police and fire units. From the standpoint of supply and intel- ligence, as well as supervision and training, how- ever, the block association formed an important link in the system of making the neighborhood group the foundation of air defense. To distrib- ute equipment to the thousands of neighborhood groups in a single ward or to pass on information to them without an intermediary would have en- tailed considerable administrative detail, subject to serious omissions, but the interjecting of such organizations as the block association and the federated block association made the distribution a relatively simple matter. Furthermore, the in- crease in efficiency in having the neighborhood 32 groups responsible to their respective block asso- ciations rather than to the city is evident. Federated Block Associations (Rengo Chokai) 8. Organization. The basic thought behind the organization of the federated block associations was to establish an intermediate step between the block association and the ward. It was to the block association what the block association was to the neighborhood group. Approximately 20 block association leaders would gather for pur- poses of facilitating administration of and dis- tribution to the block associations. It should be noted, however, that in certain localities, notice- ably Tokyo, the federated block association was not formally recognized. a. Officials. The officials of the federated block association received no salary and served varying terms of up to 2 years. (1) leader. The leader was selected by the council of block association leaders which formed the executive organ of the federated block associa- tion, although he himself was not necessarily of their number. He had charge of administration of the group and was generally a highly respec- ted member of the community. He had an assis- tant, usually chosen in the same manner as he himself, to help him in his functions and to re- place him in case of absence. (2) Air-Defense Section. There was usually an air-raid-defense section organized for the distri- bution of equipment and dissemination of infor- mation to the block associations. It performed no active air-raid-defense functions. Its leader was usually appointed by the association leader. 9, Operations. The operations of the federated block association—collection of taxes, manage- ment of rationing, distribution of air-raid-de- fense equipment—were merely expanded and con- solidated functions of the block associations and a convenient link between the block association and the ward. 10. Summary. The role of the federated block association in the chain of neighborhood group elements was relatively unimportant and coidd have been eliminated without serious conse- quences. It did, however, facilitate official con- trol of the everyday life of the people. And it was-this in which the government of the moment was primarily interested. IV. ORGANIZATION AND OPERATION OF JAPANESE CIVILIAN DEFENSE A. AIR-RAID WARNING 1. Introduction. The subject of air-raid "warn- ing embraces a discussion of the agencies by which enemy aircraft were detected, of the chan- nels through which and the headquarters to which this information was passed, of the author- ity to direct the dissemination of air-raid warn- ings and, finally, of the means and manner by which the probable areas of attack were warned of the danger of enemy air activity. The basic principle of the Japanese air-raid warning sys- tem was that the military was responsible for consolidating and evaluating information of enemy aircraft and directing civilian authorities to announce warnings, but that civilian authori- ties were responsible for the transmission of air- raid signals to the civilian populace. The chart on page 34 gives a quick resume of the system which is described hereafter in detail. Detection 2. Sources of Detection. Information of the flight of enemy aircraft was obtained from the following sources (given in their probable se- quence of detection) : a. Radio Interception. As American aircraft were preparing at their bases for attack, the crews made a check of plane-ground radio com- munication equipment. By use of short-wave ra- dio interception devices the Japanese wTere able to detect this conversation and could evaluate such information to the point that they could estimate the size of the attacking force and could determine the probable day and hour of attack within a margin of error not greater than 4 to 7 hours. b. Advance Radar Stations. Kadar installa- tions were located on advanced island posts as far as Chichi Jima and Haha Jima. This method of detection usually gave the first indication of the general direction of the flight, gave some idea of its strength and, at times, the approximate altitude. Information thus obtained was sent back to army and navy bases by radio. c. Picket Boats. The navy operated picket boats off the Japanese mainland to a distance of 80 to 1,000 miles for detection of enemy aircraft. Only a few of these boats were naval craft spe- cially designed for this duty. In the main private fishing boats, ranging from 17 to 250 tons were 33 MILITARY OBSERVERS AIR RAID WARNING DETECTION AGENCIES AND CHANNELS OF INFORMATION AND WARNING AIR DEFENSE OBSERVATION CORPS MAINLAND RADAR STATIONS ARMY HEADQUARTERS PREFECTURAL GOVERNMENTS GENERAL PUBLIC NAVAL HEADQUARTERS PICKET BOATS ADVANCED RADAR STATIONS RADIO INTERCEPTION UNITS requisitioned from their owners for that purpose. Generally, detection of enemy aircraft by these boats was accomplished by visual means, only the larger boats being equipped with radar. Infor- mation secured by these craft was radioed back to naval bases from which it was communicated to army headquarters. d. Mainland Radar Installations. The main- land of Japan was enclosed and interspersed with a series of radar stations and radar beams. The army radar installations were operated by air in- telligence battalions which contained nine radar companies, each of approximately 350 men. Coastal radar stations picked up flights as far distant as 155 miles from the shore, although low- flying planes often came in without being detec- ted. Information obtained by this service was communicated to army and navy headquarters, between which constant liaison was maintained, and was broadcast to all military installations. e. Air-Defense Observation Corps {Doha Kan- shitai). A series of static observation posts was established throughout Japan under the sponsor- ship of the Minister of Home Affairs and not as a military unit. Sites for these posts were selected by the army so as to insure adequate coverage and were then referred to the governor of the appropriate prefecture for organization and oper- ation by civilian personnel. Enemy information obtained by these posts was telephoned to a cen- tral post headquarters and from there relayed to a designated army headquarters. The observation posts were equipped with binoculars, compasses, telephones and plans of the immediate vicinity to determine direction of flight. In some prefec- tures the observers were paid for actual time on duty, and personnel in some localities was uni- formed, although that was not prescribed na- tionally for this service, f. Military Observers. Because the turnover of civilian personnel in the air-defense observation corps prevented maintenance of adequately train- ed observers on duty at all times, the most im- portant observation posts were manned by mili- tary personnel. These posts were operated by the air intelligence battalions referred to in para- graph 2d above and included, in addition to the radar units, two observation companies, each composed of ten observation posts with from 7 to 12 men to a post. Information from these posts, as well as that received by observers at anti-aircraft batteries and other military units, was telephoned immediately to army headquar- ters. Air-Raid Signals and Warnings 3. Authority. As is indicated in the introduc- tion to this subject, no air-raid warning signal could be sounded except upon express authority of the army (the navy, in and around naval bases) even though enemy raiders might have been overhead. Laws were also promulgated which prohibited the sounding of any whistles or sirens or any other act during the period of an air raid which might cause confusion with the authorized signals. As the various agencies of detection communicated information, of enemy aircraft to local army headquarters, the data were plotted in the operations room on a large map of the area of that particular army. This headquarters was responsible for alerting the active military forces, directing their operations and warning the civilian populace. From all the information available to him, the commander of the operations room then decided: (1) whether air-raid signals should be directed, and, if he decided in the affirmative, (2) within what areas signals should be given, and (3) at what time prior to the estimated arrival of the planes the signals should be sounded. This procedure under- went many changes as the war went on. In the early stages, air-raid signals were sounded throughout an entire army district area when one or more planes of any type were detected as far distant as Wake Island. As enemy forces moved closer to Japan and the frequency of raids increased, the practice of announcing warnings to the public on such premises kept the country in a state of almost permanent alert with a dele- terious effect on the morale of the people and on production figures. Measures were then adopted to remedy this situation. As to (1) above, it was decided that signals should not be given upon the detection of one plane or even of a few scattered planes, but only upon the detection of an organized flight of bombers or fighters. This practice was continued until the dropping of the atomic bombs, after which the original practice of sounding alarms upon detection of even one plane was resumed. Regarding (2) above, each army district area was broken up into warning zones which grouped certain prefectures together on a basis of target probability and convenience in dissemination of warnings. If necessary, these zones could be further sub-divided, using each 35 - SCHEDULE OF AIR-RAID WARNINGS [As promulgated by Supreme Air Defense Headquarters] Siren Bells Flags and Sleeves Lights Oral Placards Alert Long steady note of 1 minute duration (long steady note of 3 minutes duration) d One gong followed by 2 quick gongs. Three shielded red lights displayed in a vertical line. “Alert ordered” called out repeatedly. “Under alert order” written in white on a background of blue. Alarm Five blasts of 4 seconds each with 8-second inter- vals (ten blasts of 4 seconds each with inter- vals of 8 seconds) d One gong followed by 4 quick gongs. Lights blinked on and off for two minutes and then extinguished. “Alarm ordered” called out repeatedly. “Under alarm order” written in white on a background of red. Release Long steady note of 1 One gong followed by Three shielded red “Alarm released” Take down “alarm” from Alarm minute duration (long, steady note of 3 minutes duration) -1 2 quick gongs. lights displayed in a vertical line. called out repeatedly. warning and put up “alert” warn- ing. Release from Alert This signal was not pre- scribed by national de- cree. In some areas the army had prescribed such signal, which was an- nounced by two blasts of 30 seconds each with 8- second intervals. Not prescribed by na- tional decree. Used in some areas thus: one gong followed by 4 quick gongs (differing from the “alarm” in that the 4 gongs, following the first, had longer intervals). • Flags and streamers taken down. Lights extinguished. “Alert released” called out repeatedly. Take down placard. • 1 Denotes signal prescribed up to 1 May 1945. prefecture as a sub-zone. This procedure nar- rowed down the area to be warned and permitted normal activities in those localities which were not considered probable targets. Concerning (3) preceding, it was decided to forego the sounding of public signals until there was just enough time to mobilize civilian defense forces, effect a blackout, take shelter and accomplish other pre- liminary steps and passive defense measures as were deemed necessary. The anticipated time warning available upon the sounding of each signal is described below under the discussion of the “alert” and “alarm” signals. The army deci- sion to announce signals was then communicated to the prefectural governments, from which it was disseminated to the municipal governments and police stations throughout the prefecture. These were then responsible for warning the peo- ple. * 4. Types of Signals. The manner of announc- ing the “alert,” “alarm” and “release-from- alarm” warning, described below, was fixed by national decree to assure uniformity throughout the country. The “release-from-alert” (or “all- clear”) signal was not directed nationally, but rested with the discretion of each army com- mander for his district. The types of signals and warning used, as they existed at the end of the war, are discussed below. The accompanying chart (Page 36) describes how the various sig- nals were announced to the general public. a. Confidential Telephone Warning. Immedi- ately upon receipt of the first information of the approach of enemy planes, confidential telephone calls were made to the prefectural governments, to military installations and to a selected list of important utilities and war industries. This in- formation was not disseminated to the general public, for at this early stage the probable area of attack could not be ascertained with any degree of certainty. b. “Alert.” This precautionary signal, usually the first public warning, was given in the warn- ing zones nearest the path of the approaching raiders generally as soon as they were detected by coastal radar installations, or as soon as the planes entered the area of an adjoining army district. Civilian defense forces mobilized at this signal, but traffic continued and no one was re- quired to take shelter. For status of lighting on this and other signals, see section of report en- titled “Protective Lighting.” c. “Alarm.” When enemy planes had reached a point approximately 15 minutes flying time away, this signal was given in the zones nearest the approaching raiders. Upon this warning the disabled, aged and children were sent to shelter, and the general public moved toward, but were not required to take, shelter. Watchers specifi- cally designated by the neighborhood groups (To- nari Gumi), neighborhood air-defense groups (Bokugun), or auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) or their subunits (Bundan) an- nounced the actual arrival of planes by the ring* ing of bells and loud cry of “Shelter,” at which time the general public was required to take shel- ter and all traffic ceased. d. Termination of “Alarm” (Reversion to “Alert” Status). Every effort was made to return the area to a normal status as rapidly as safety permitted. Accordingly, as soon as the enemy flight had cleared the area to a distance which would permit a: safety time factor of warning in the event of their return, a signal was given which returned the area to the status of “alert” as described above. This signal, quite appropri- ately, was identical with the “alert” warning (See chart on Page 36) and was always given after the “alarm” signal. It was not given if any bolhbers remained in the area, but, if only one or two observation craft or fighters remained, it was announced as soon as practicable. e. Termination of “Alert” {“All-Clear”). As indicated before, this signal was not prescribed by national decree but, in those army districts in which the “all-clear” signal was adopted to ter- minate the “alert” period, it was announced when it was evident that all the enemy fliers had left Japan and there was no immediate danger of their return or of the arrival of another flight. 5. Methods of Announcing Public Air-Raid Signals. The methods by which the various pub- lic air-raid signals were communicated to the public were as follows: a. Sirens. The chief method of conveying air- raid signals to the public was by the use of sirens, generally of a uniform 20-horsepower electric type which were conservatively spaced to insure adequate coverage. The 20-horsepower type of siren in general use is shown on Page 38. In nearly every area studied the municipal siren sys- tem was centrally controlled by an automatic switch under prefectural control. In Tokyo a central control switch, in addition to that under control of the Metropolitan Police Board, was operated by army headquarters. Siren systems 37 were well planned to provide adequate auxiliary methods of control, such as the subdivisions of municipal areas in Tokyo into warning zones, each equipped with a central control switch for operating sirens in that particular locality, the c. Other Means. In addition to the use of sirens and radio for dissemination of air-raid-warning signals, auxiliary and supplementary means were used to insure that all persons (the deaf, sick, and those whom the sirens and radio might not 20-Horsepower Siren. Type in general use for dissemination of air-raid signals. provision for individual siren control to which individual operators were assigned and kept in- formed by telephone or radio communication and, finally, by the practice of sonic relay from one siren to another. Sirens were conservatively located to provide considerable overlapping of zones of coverage. This assured adequate dissem- ination of signals and provided alternate cover- age for areas where sirens became inoperative. b. Radio. When the B-29 raids on Japan began in November of 1944, the Japanese adopted the use of radio during periods of air raids, pri- marily for acquainting the public with the status of air-raid signals. At the time the first public signal was authorized, army headquarters cut into the regular broadcasting system to announce air-raid signals and to acquaint the public with enemy air activity and its effect. These broad- casts continued until the departure of the enemy raiders and the announcement of “all-clear.” reach) were warned of enemy air activity. These means included bells or gongs, flags or streamers, lights and placards. In addition to these me- chanical means, designated members of the neigh- borhood groups, neighborhood air-d e f e n s e groups, and auxiliary police and fire units or subunits circulated throughout assigned areas loudly calling the warnings. 6. Comments, a. Generally, the Japanese sys- tem of air-raid warning was well-planned and efficiently operated. Even during periods of satu- ration bombing, no general breakdown of the sys- tem occurred, although the devastation of large areas destroyed many of the sirens, connecting lines, and other equipment which restricted the extent of the siren coverage in many places. In some localities shortages of equipment caused deficiencies in mechanical operation which could not be remedied because of the unavailability of the necessary supplies, but, generally, the extent 38 and type of equipment and the manner in which it was employed insured adequate warning of air raids. From the standpoint of army operation in directing air-raid signals, the system proved flexible, and the factors considered by the mili- tary headquarters in arriving at the decision to sound signals, when and where, took into con- sideration changes in enemy military tactics to the end that the periods of public warning com- menced early enough to give sufficient advance notice of the arrival of enemy planes to the pub- lic and yet were sufficiently limited so as to in- terfere as little as possible with normal civilian pursuits and essential production. Specifically: b. Sirens. The type of sirens used and their conservative location so as to provide consider- able overlapping of zones of coverage insured adequate dissemination of siren signals and pro- vided alternate coverage for areas where sirens became inoperative. Centralized control of sirens provided prompt and uniform sounding of sig- nals but gave rise to possible disruption of part or all of the system in the event of the destruction of the central control or of power lines. This contingency however, was well provided for in the establishment of an alternate central control (as in Tokyo) ; by the breakdown of the siren system into smaller zones each with a central control (Tokyo) ; by provision for individual operators at each siren, connected by ’telephone and either with or without radio communication; and by sonic relay from one siren to another. c. Radio. The use of radio for transmission of signals and the giving of pertinent air-raid in- formation, after the announcement of the first public signal, followed a course midway between the German practice of announcing to the public all information of enemy air activity immediately upon its receipt and the American system of prohibiting any radio announcements except for limited military releases during the course of the enemy action. The Japanese practice, as a sup- plement to the siren system, insured wider dis- semination of air-raid signals and served to prevent panic by keeping the people informed of a danger that was imminent. No need for ra- dio silence (as a means of preventing enemy craft’s homing on broadcasting stations) oc- curred under the Japanese practice, inasmuch as when the first audible signal was given the planes had already neared their target and little help could then be had by homing on a broadcasting station, even though the planes might be equipped to use such navigational aid, which is doubtful in view of the existence of more precise navi- gational equipment. d. Auxiliary Methods of Announcing Signals. In addition to the broad coverage afforded by the sirens and radio, Japanese planning commend- ably provided auxiliary means of dissemination of air-raid signals which insured receipt of warn- ings by the sick, deaf and those situated so as to be beyond reach of the siren and radio. These measures included colored flags or sleeves, lights, bells, placards and oral announcements of the sig- nals by specially designated members of volun- teer groups. e. Sounding of Signals hy Army Headquar- ters. The location of the central switch for sound- ing Tokyo sirens in the army headquarters avoid- ed time lags in transmission of signals to this important area and prime target. Obviously this practice could be used only over a limited area, but where the army headquarters is located in or near a large metropolitan area such army siren- control serves to speed transmission of air-raid signals. f. Alternate Information Center or Warning Central. All channels of enemy air information led into the army headquarters operations room and from this one place all directions for sound- ing air-raid signals were sent throughout the army district area. Destruction of this headquar- ters would have seriously crippled the entire air- raid-warning system within the army district. Of two headquarters examined, one was located in a reinforced-concrete structure designed to give protection against bombs and fire; the other in an office-type building. Here, as found in the study of control centers, was another instance of plan- 39 ning which did not take into consideration the magnitude and destructiveness of saturation raids, for, in spite of the extreme importance of army headquarters and its vulnerability to bombs and lire, no plan for organization of alternate headquarters was discovered. B. CONTROL CENTERS 1. Introduction. Control centers, as discussed in this report, were those headquarters to which reports of bombing incidents were sent and from which more than one air-raid service was dis- patched. Headquarters of municipal services, such as lire and police, even though playing an im- portant part in the civilian defense system, were permanent peacetime headquarters controlling the one particular service, and are, therefore, not included in this discussion of control centers. The control center occupied a vital place in the plan of Japanese civilian defense, tantamount to the control post or headquarters of an army combat unit. It was here that a complete picture was available of the effect of enemy action throughout the entire area under its jurisdiction; it was from here that emergency services were dispatched and a record kept of those already in operation and of those still available for duty. 2. Operation. a. The Control Center of the Auxiliary Police and Fire Unit (Keibodan) or its Subunit (Bundan). As is indicated in the sec- tion of this report entitled “Auxiliary Police and Fire Units (Keibodan),” such units operated as individual organizations, dispatching services from their control centers. In cities where these units covered a greater area, the main operating headquarters was that of a component of the unit known as a subunit (Bundan). In those cases where the various services were dispatched from the control room of the subunit, the control room of the unit was used chiefly for over-all super- vision and for providing reinforcements by shift- ing forces from the area of one subunit to an- other, although unit headquarters occasionally did retain some services for initial dispatch. All incidents, regardless of their severity, were re- ported to the control center of the unit or sub- unit, as the case might be. These reports, indi- cated either that the incident appeared to be within the control capabilities of the service present, or that reinforcements were necessary. Reports to these control centers were made by the most rapid means—usually by designated messengers—and gave as accurate a description of the incident as circumstances would permit. While reliance was generally placed in the re- ports concerning the need for assistance, the leader in command of the control room had the final decision in the dispatch of emergency ser- vices. The unit or subunit control center was equipped with an operations map on which were plotted the incidents in its area and a chart on which were recorded the availability and dispatch of the emergency services. Reports of all inci- dents were forwarded immediately from these centers to the municipal lire and police stations usually by telephone or, that failing, by the most rapid means available. It was from these centers, too, that requests were made to adjacent units for reinforcements. b. The Main Control Center of the Prefecture'I Government. The main control center of the prefectural government (Metropolitan Police Board in the case of Tokyo), located in nearly every instance in the prefectural building or po- lice headquarters, was the over-all headquarters for operation of the civilian defense forces throughout the area. Incidents were reported via two telephone lines from the police and fire stations to the main control center. One of these lines was connected directly with the main con- trol center, while the other ran through the head- quarters of the guard rescue unit (Keibitai) to the main control center. The latter line served a dual purpose: as a means of reporting incidents to the guard rescue unit and as an emergency line between the police and lire stations and the main control center. Original dispatch of the various civic and municipal air-raid services, i. e., from the unit or subunit headquarters and from the municipal lire and police departments, was made immediately upon information of the incident and did not await decision from this center. If, however, the over-all picture of damage suffered indicated the advisability of shifting forces from their original dispositions, such decision ema- nated from this headquarters. In addition to shifting forces already engaged, this control cen- ter also commanded certain other services. The nature and size of these differed in each prefec- ture. Generally they consisted of reserves of transportation, rescue units and auxiliary ser- vices which might be required for duty in those areas which had been hardest hit. There were on duty at the main control center leaders or representatives of all the air-raid services, with whom the commander usually conferred in the 40 dispatch or reallocation of forces. Here, too, an operations map was maintained for plotting inci- dents, and records were kept of the services dis- patched. The prefectural governor was over-all commander of this headquarters but, generally, operations were controlled by an air-defense headquarters commander, usually the head of the police division of the prefectural government. Requests for further assistance were made from this headquarters to neighboring prefectures or to the army. 3. Reports. In addition to the messages sent through channels during the course of operations, written reports were compiled as soon as accurate information could be gathered. These reports originated with the units or subunits, were con- solidated by the police and fire stations and for- warded to the main control center where they were again consolidated for the entire prefecture. These reports contained complete information of the raid and its results including time of air-raid signals, damage to buildings (partly or entirely destroyed; private houses, public buildings, fac- tories and utilities), casualties (dead, seriously injured, slightly injured, with additional break- downs for age and sex) material and equipment expended and bombs dropped (incendiary, high explosive, unexploded). 4. Comment. The importance of control cen- ters of every echelon, as directing and coordi- nating agencies of all the civilian defense forces is obvious. Successful operation of the emergency forces during periods of bombing without a strong central control, regardless of the profi- ciency of personnel and adequacy of training and equipment, would be higly improbable. It is striking to note that even though the organiza- tion and interior mechanical and physical set-up of the Japanese control centers were well planned and operated satisfactorily under air-raid con- ditions, little thought was given to the selection of protected locations for these headquarters or to the establishment of alternate or emergency headquarters. In Nagasaki the main control center was located in a bombproof shelter constructed in the side of a hill, but in no other place was there discovered any such protection for a control center. And at no time during the field study was there any evidence of the organization or even planning of an alternate control center in the event of the destruction of the existing installa- tion. In Tokyo, the first and obviously one of the prime targets for American planes, it is surpris- mg to learn that, even after the Doolittle raid in April 1942, no immediate effort was made to or- ganize a separate control center. Operations were conducted from individual offices of the several officials concerned, located throughout the prefec- tural building. It was not until shortly after the first raid on Yawata in June 1944, that plans were made for the construction of the main con- trol room which was finally built in the basement of the Metropolitan Police Board building and remained there until the end of the war. C. INCIDENT CONTROL 1. Introduction. “Incident Control” expresses that authority or command which prevailed at the scene of a bombing incident and which direc- ted the employment of the emergency services dealing with it. This command authority could reside in one person who could continue in con- trol throughout the entire operation or it could shift from one to another of the leaders of the various services required at the spot. The Japa- nese adopted the latter method and shifted con- trol to successively higher echelons during the course of the action. This basic principle was applied uniformly throughout the cities studied, its application varying locally with differences in the organization and employment of the vari- ous emergency services. 2. Operation. The following explanation is given to illustrate the application of the prin- ciples of incident control: (This discussion as- sumes the participation of all the services, although employment of succeeding higher eche- lons prevailed only when the incident continued beyond the capabilities of the forces on the spot. a. The Neighborhood Group (Tonari Gumi) or the Neighborhood Air-Defense Group (Boku- gun). The first air-raid-defense officer to assume command at the scene of an incident was usually one of three men: the leader of the neighborhood group, the air-raid-defense leader of the neigh- borhood group, or the leader of the neighborhood air-defense group. Whichever one assumed com- mand directed the efforts of the members of the household and the assembled neighbors in using the household air-raid-defense equipment, aug- mented by the hand pump with which the neigh- borhood groups or neighborhood air-raid-defense groups were usually equipped in putting out the fire. The control of this officer was usually short- lived because of the prompt arrival of other eche- lons. The arrival of reinforcements of similar 695046—47—4 41 groups under command of a like leader did not divest the officer then on duty of his authority, which is illustrative of another rule of incident control, i. e., as between like groups the leader of the service in whose area the incident occurred continued in command. b. The Auxiliary Police and Fire Unit (Keibo- dan) or its Subunit {Bundan'). Generally, the next organization to assist was the fire or guard arm of the auxiliary police and fire subunit, or the unit itself in those areas where it was not broken down into subunits. In certain localities the block association (Chokai) contained an air- defense section which was employed even before the auxiliary police and fire unit or its subunit. In any event, the arrival of the leader of any of these services caused control of the incident to shift. The application of another principle of incident control is to be noted—the authority of the leader of an arm generally passed to the as- sistant leader or leader of the organization of which it was a part upon the latter’s arrival. One exception to this rule was the case where the leader of the defense section of the block asso- ciation was a member of the auxiliary police and fire unit or its subunit and where he had been specially designated to such position. Where municipal services, discussed below, were engaged, the basic principle might be applied through a gamut of succeeeding senior officials, including even the governor of the prefecture. c. The Municipal Services. Upon the arrival of one of the municipal services, the leader of that service became the incident control officer. As between diverse municipal services or rein- forcing services of equal echelons, the rule of seniority among leaders prevailed. Command re- mained, however, in the local municipal chain regardless of the rank of any reinforcement from another municipality. 3. Comment. The Japanese plan of incident control, under which authority shifted through leaders of succeeding echelons of emergency ser- vices, operated successfully. Officials concerned with its operation were unanimous in expressing satisfaction with its planning and operation. The system, however, might not have worked too well among people who lacked the unquestioning obedience of the Japanese. As opposed to this practice, the appointment of a specific incident control officer to continue in command of an inci- dent from start to finish (as used by the British) would obviate the necessity of acquainting sue- ceeding control officers with the status of the inci- dent. On the other hand, sufficient specifically designated officers, well versed in the functions of all civilian defense services, would not have been available in the large raids suffered in Japan where a great number of incidents occurred si- multaneously. D. UNEXPLODED BOMBS 1. Introduction. The term “unexploded bombs” includes delayed action bombs and duds. Original plans for the disposal of unexploded bombs provided for the use of civilians. Organization and training of civilians for this duty, however, did not progress very far, for officials of the Ministry of Home Affairs felt that, in view of the danger involved, such duty properly belonged to the military. To that end each army head- quarters was charged with organizing and train- ing units for this work, civilians being responsi- ble only for reporting the presence of such bombs and for taking precautionary measures prior to the arrival of an army bomb disposal squad. 2. Operation. a. Detection and Reporting. The discoverer of an unexploded bomb or of a crater in which a bomb might lie immediately reported his findings to the nearest police author- ity, to the headquarters of the appropriate auxil- iary police and fire unit (Keibodan), or its sub- unit (Bundan), whichever was closest, giving the location of the bomb, time of discovery, whether it was above ground or imbedded, and a descrip- tion of the bomb if he could. These reports were then forwarded to the local military unit charged with the responsibility of bomb disposal in that area. Civilian training in identification of types and sizes of bombs was meager. Early publica- tions contained little information of this nature and, with the exception of a few exhibitions of captured enemy materiel, little effort was made to acquaint the public with the characteristics of the latest types of enemy bombs. b. Precautionary Measures. Civilians (police and other officials as well as the ordinary citizen) were prohibited from handling unexploded bombs, with the exception of incendiaries. Im- mediately upon the discovery of a bomb, civilian officials were required to cordon off the area, to remove all people from it and prevent the entry of traffic into it. This action was taken by the first official who became aware of the situation (either a municipal officer or a member of one of the civilian defense organizations described else- 42 where in this report). There existed, however, in the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) an arm specifically charged with the function. Cordonning regulations specified a minimum area of a radius of 54 yards (50 meters) for bombs up to 1,100 pounds (500 kilograms), which area might be changed by the leader of the bomb disposal squad after examination of the projectile and the surrounding area. With the exception of cordonning, no other precautionary measures, such as covering or embanking the bomb or crater, were taken prior to the arrival of the army bomb disposal squad. c. Neutralization and Disposition. Under the plan of army responsibility for disposal of un- exploded bombs, allocations of areas of responsi- bility were made so that definite channels of reporting were established from municipal offi- cials to the nearest military unit. Army tables provided for the formation of two unexploded bomb disposal squads in each infantry, artillery, cavalry and service regiment, three per engineer regiment and one or two for each special unit. Members of these squads were regular members of the military organization and were specially trained in disposal techniques. They were detail- ed for such service only when necessary and undertook it in addition to their normal military duties. Training and organization of these squads were the responsibility of each separate army headquarters and wTere not, therefore, uniform. In some units the squads contained men for labor duties, as well as one or more soldiers technically trained to neutralize the bombs, but in many areas labor details were also drawn from local auxiliary police and fire units, designated for that purpose. These labor details freed the bomb, if embedded, and hauled it to a designated collection point. No evidence Avas discovered of the use of civil prisoners for such work. Tech- nical directives of the army for bomb neutraliza- tion included instructions for defusing but, gen- erally, bombs Avere rendered harmless by the ap- plication of a thermite charge to the side of the bomb. The charge burned through the casing and burned out the explosive charge within. Bombs thus neutralized Avere collected for salvage purposes or, in the case of a neAV type, were sent to designated military units for technical study. Directives provided that bombs lying near im- portant facilities or areas, such as war industries, power utilities, vital communication arteries, military installatons and the like Avere handled promptly, bur no effort was made within 48 hours to dispose of bombs which were lying where detonation would have no serious effect. In the case of time bombs, this period was extended to a minimum of 80 hours. Incendiary bombs were collected by local officials and turned over to mili- tary authorities. 3. Comment. Reports of air force operation in- dicate that the number of unexploded bombs in Japan was small in comparison with those in Germany. Consequently, the unexploded bomb disposal facilities of the Japanese army were not greatly taxed and functioned efficiently through- out the war. Meager civilian instruction in bomb identification gave rise to incorrect and unneces- sary reports and, obviously, would have caused considerable confusion, had the American raiders dropped a higher percentage of high-explosive bombs with a resultant larger number of unex- ploded missiles. E. FIRE SERVICES Fire Protection 1. Introduction. The lire services investigation in the principal cities of Japan included the study of the history and development of the fire department and of its effectiveness during air raids. Information was obtained by interviews with officials of the police, lire and water depart- ments; by checking fire department records; by inspecting fire equipment, fire stations, training and drill methods, lire prevention organizations, lire boats, water supply and distribution systems, lire communications methods and related sub- jects. a. Development of Japan's Fire Protection. (1) Founding of Knight Fire Fighters (1640). Near the beginning of the Tokugawa Era in about 11)40 when Japan was under the feudal system, knight lire fighters (Buke Hikeshi) were ordered by the central government to protect the castles and minor houses in Edo (now Tokyo). It was estimated that 250 brigades, large and small, were formed at that time. The knight fire-lighter brigades were under the Bugyo-Sho which cor- responded to the present day Metropolitan Police Board. Down through the generations the fire- fighting forces have been under the direct super- vision of the police. (2) Organization of Volunteer Fire Fighters in 1720. In 1720, when Edo (Tokyo) a city of one and a half-million people was partially destroyed 43 by fire, the inefficiency of the knight lire fighters was exposed. Thereafter the government organ- ized volunteer civilian fire-fighter units and dis- pensed with the employment of knights of the feudal lords. This organization lasted 178 years. Its only modernization was the importation of a steam pumper in 1872 and the purchase of a large number of hand-operated pumps. (3) Establishment of Fire Brigades in Cities and Towns under Police Authority (1898). In 1898, a neAv law provided for the establishment of fire brigades under the control of the police. All cities, towns and villages were considered within the scope of this law, and firemen, in- cluding the chief, were chosen civilians, so that the brigade still retained its voluntary status. (4) Establishment of Full-Time Fire Depart-, ments in Large Cities {1918). In 1918 for the first time in Japan, a lire brigade was established under the government’s direct control with fire- men devoting their entire time to the fire service and being paid by the government. This fire- fighting force was established in six big cities in Japan, viz,, Tokyo, Osaka, Kyoto, Nagoya, Yo- kohama and Kobe. During the last 2 years of the war a few important industrial communities, such as Nagasaki, were included among the cities with full-time fire departments. In all other cities mentioned above, however, there still exis- ted the same volunteer fire brigades. 2, Organization of Fire Departments, a. Cen- tral Government Chain of Command. The fire departments of Japan were authorized and direct- ed from the ministerial level through the police bureau of the Minister of Home Affairs in Tokyo. In turn, the governors of the prefectures were the administrative heads of the police de- partments within their jurisdictional areas. The prefectural directors of the police bureaus, by Order of the governors, supervised administrative matters relating to fire departments. b. Fire Department Section of Police Depart- ments. A section or subsection of the prefectural police departments administered all the affairs of the fire departments, including assignment and transfer of personnel, budget, purchase and loca- tion of fire equipment,1 fire prevention and other related matters. The heads of these sections were police officers who were without fire training but were usually graduates of an imperial university. c. Selection of Fire Chiefs. The fire chiefs of regular fire departments, with the exception of Tokyo, were appointed by the prefectural police boards and approved by the prefectural gover- nors. In most instances the chiefs of the fire sec- tions of the police departments were assistant or division police inspectors, and their appointment was more in the form of a transfer from police to fire duty. In Tokyo, however, the chief of the fire department was appointed by the Minister of Home Affairs with the sanction of the emperor, but qualifications for this position did not require fire department experience. (1) Subordinate Fire Chiefs. It was a common practice to transfer police officers into important fire department positions, including those of division and battalion chiefs. The regular mem- bers of the fire departments, particularly officers, were quite vociferous in denouncing the high- handed manner in which the police departments controlled the fire departments. (2) Advancement in Grade Below the Rank of Chief. The promotion of firemen in the fire de- partments of the various cities in Japan was quite similar. In Osaka, for example, second-year firemen advanced to sergeants by successfully passing competitive examinations, written and oral. Sergeants after one year in grade were eligible to advance to subofficers in the same manner. Subofficers after 5 years in grade were promoted to captain on merit and ability without an examination. d. Selection of Fire Department Personnel. Prior to December 1911, the recruiting of firemen in the various prefectures was in general the same. There was a slight variation in some cities as to age, height and weight requirements. It was required of recruits that they be able-bodied, between the ages of 19 and 35 years, at least 5 feet tall, have a minimum weight of 115 pounds, and 8 years of schooling. Boys, however, be- tween the ages of 15 and 17 years were recruited as junior firemen. Their duties consisted pri- marily of serving as messengers, office boys and fire alarm operators. e. War-Time Recruiting. During the early part of the war the people of Japan were of the opin- ion that air raids on their homeland were not possible. Experienced and trained firemen were not exempt from military service. It became necessary, therefore, to reduce the physical stand- ards, to lower the minimum age to 17 years, to increase the maximum age to 44 years, and to waive schooling requirements in order to fill the vacancies created by the induction of fire fighters into the armed services. Actually, only men unfit 44 for military duty were available for the fire ser- vice, with the result that fire departments were soon made up of inexperienced and untrained men. f. Increase in Fire Department Personnel Dur- ing 19UU and 1915. As the Allied forces moved closer to the Japanese home islands an intensive program was initiated by the Ministry of Home Affairs to increase the size of fire departments and to establish new departments in certain industrial cities which had been dependent upon volunteer firemen for their protection. Men were recruited so rapidly that proper training was not possible. Peacetime fire departments were in- creased from three to five times their normal size. Tokyo’s department was enlarged from 2,000 fire- men to 8,100 men including 2,700 junior firemen. An effort was made in that city during the last year of the war to establish a fire department of 12,502 firemen, but the man-power shortage in Japan made it prohibitive. The Osaka fire de- partment increased its personnel from 1,335 to 5,781, and Kobe’s department was expanded from 414 to 1,830 firemen. g. Working Schedule, Wages and Benefits. The national law established through the Ministry of Home Affairs provided for standard working hours and pension benefits, but permitted the pre- fectural governments to establish their own per- sonnel qualifications, promotion systems and wage scales. (1) Working Schedule. Firemen worked a two-platoon system, 24 hours on duty and 24 hours off duty, Avith an annual paid vacation of 3 weeks. Off-duty firemen Avere required to report to their respective fire station upon the receipt of an air-raid “alert.” During the last 6 months of the war few firemen spent more than an hour or tAvo at a time with their families owing both to the man-poAver shortage and the many air-raid alarms. (2) Fire Department Salaries. First-year fire- men as a group received salaries in normal times about one-half of the average workman’s pay. The workman’s pay scale, however, increased more rapidly during the war than the firemen’s so that the latter’s salary became approximately one-third the laborer’s The inducements to be- come a firemen lay in the permanency of the job, pension benefits and the social importance gained in the community by being a em- ployee. (3) Pension Provisions. The pension Hav in Japan provided for retirement of firemen through captains after 12 years of service at one- third their base pay. Technicians, battalion chiefs and above, were required to serve IT years before being eligible for the minimum pension. Firemen injured in line of duty were entitled to a pension the amount of which depended upon the extent of their injury. They were entitled, also, to full hospitalization and medical service. h. Air-Raid Casualties of Firemen. Japanese fire department training instructors devoted con- siderable time to lecturing firemen on the im- portance of bravery and duty in fire fighting. The expected number of firemen were injured and overcome by smoke in fighting large fires, but the casualties mounted as air raids increased, par- ticularly incendiary bombings in which high ex- plosives were also dropped. In fact, the fire chiefs admitted that firemen, together with auxiliary fire fighters, soldiers and sailors, took cover or fled when even a few high-explosive bombs were dropped in incendiary raids. In Tokyo, a total of 201 firemen was killed during air raids. Of that number, 1*00 met death in the 10 March 1945, B-29 incendiary raid. Severely injured firemen totaled 105 and slightly injured 109. In the city of Osaka 71 firemen were killed, 55 seriously in- jured and 374 slightly injured during air raids. From 4 February 1945 to 22 February 1945 in Kobe, 32 firemen were killed and 101 injured. The atomic bomb in Nagasaki killed 12 firemen and seriously injured 28. 3, Training of Firemen, a. Training Schools. Prior to the war it was the general practice of cities with regular fire departments to give re- cruit firemen 3 months of indoctrination in- struction at established fire training schools which were sections of police training schools. Tokyo and Osaka, however, maintained their training schools apart from the police schools. b. Type of Training. The fire-lighter training program in Japan was modeled after the Tokyo fire department’s program which, prior to the war, consisted of a three-months’ training course divided into 40 percent educational studies and GO percent physical training, including military drills and evolutions in handling hose, ladders and pumps. During the war, recruit firemen were given only 30 days training in the school (8 hours a day) before being assigned to fire stations. This short course of training featured strenuous physi- cal exercises, military drills as used by the Japa- nese army, and simple hose, ladder, and pump 45 Recruit firemen, Osaka fire department, standing a chief’s inspection at training school. Osaka recruit firemen removing hose reel cart from bed of pumper in a hose evolution drill, water being drafted from underground storage tank. 46 evolutions. During the entire period of training, firemen were housed and fed at the training schools. (See Pages 46 and 47 for illustrations of a training school.) c. Instructors. Sergeants, subofficers and cap- used in this standard drill which was the only pump and hose drill executed by the fire depart- ments inspected. Every movement of this hose evolution was precise and executed only by a command. It was the practice of Japanese fire Osaka firemen in training school with one section (65.5 ft.) of linen hose playing a yg-inch stream at 80 pounds pump pressure. tains were the training officers, and a battalion chief or higher official usually headed the school. The instructors were selected for their educa- tional background, physical fitness, knowledge of military drills, personality and experience. d. Training Equipment. Owing to the shortage of automotive pumping apparatus, gasoline, fire hose and fire-fighting appliances, the training schools were compelled to use dummy equipment and unserviceable tools and appliances for drill purposes. In the Tokyo training school, for in- stance, recruit firemen took their positions on a decommissioned fire pump as if it were rolling to a fire and, at commands given by a training cap- tain, they removed a hose reel cart from the hose bed, reeled out two sections of hose (131 feet), connected the suction hose to the pumper, then laid an additional two sections of hose back to the apparatus and attached nozzles. This con- cluded the hose evolution. Seven firemen were chiefs to declare an engine company out of com- mission if a full company of seven firemen were not available to respond to an alarm. They ap- parently had not learned to improvise and oper- ate their equipment without a full complement of men. e. Fire Station Drill. There 'was a program in most fire departments for daily drills and lectures. This was not done according to plan because of the shortage of qualified officers and the added responsibility placed upon the fire department in training auxiliary police and fire units (Keibo- dan). The rationing of gasoline to fire depart- ments restricted the use of pumpers in drills. During the tour of inspection of many fire sta- tions in principal cities of Japan, no drills were observed other than those requested by the in- spection party. 4. Fire Divisions, Battalions and Stations, a. Fire Divisions and Battalions. The large cities 47 A division headquarters station in Tokyo. A battalion headquarters station in Tokyo. 48 of Japan were divided into fire districts (Chiku) with a fire department division headquarters in each. These district were further divided into battalion districts (Kankatsu Kuiki), each con- taining a battalion headquarters station. From watch towers, however, from 60 to 125 feet high, were built on top of, or adjacent to, most of the regular stations. (See Page 50 for illustrations of watch towers on fire stations.) 5. Apparatus and Equipment, a. Pumping Nagasaki substation damaged by a high-explosive bomb (not atomic bomb) on 1 August 1945. two to five battalions made up a division (dis- trict). An assistant chief was in charge of each division and a battalion chief in command of each battalion. After the devastating incendiary air raids beginning in March 1945, districts and battalions were reduced in nuinber since many areas were completely burned out. In Tokyo, for example, 12 fire districts were reduced to 10, and in Osaka 25 battalion district were decreased to 12. (See Pages 48, 49 and 50 for illustrations of fire stations.) b. Fire Stations. There were from three to six fire stations in a battalion district depending upon its size or importance. Small stations hous- ing one company were called substations. Many such stations were built during the war in the fire department’s expansion programs. Enclosed hose drying towers, so common in American fire stations, were not used by the Japanese. Fire Apparatus. Japanese-built Nissan, Hekoku and Toyoda pumpers rated at 350- to 500-gallon-per- minute capacity were most frequently used. There were some American-built truck chassis, mostly Whites, Chevrolets and Fords, which were equipped with Japanese centrifugal pumps. A few American LaFrance fire trucks purchased in the United States 20 to 25 years before were still in service. Small Datson cars and motorcycles equipped with 120-gallon-per-minute pumps were in service in many stations, and were used prin- cipally in areas where streets were too narrow for the travel of standard size apparatus. (See Page 51 for illustration of small 120-gallon-per-min- ute equipment.) Motorized fire apparatus in im- portant cities was increased during the war from two to five times. In 1943, Tokyo had 280 pieces of mobile equipment, and in early 1945 it had 1,117 pieces; Kyoto increased its department A burned-out battalion headquarters station with 125-ft. watch tower in city of Osaka. Twenty firemen lost their lives in this station. A burned-out battalion headquarters station with 50-ft. watch tower in Tokyo. 50 from 35 to 80 pumpers. Most of the additional apparatus was acquired from small towns and village volunteer departments. Tokyo procured 559 new 450-gallon-per-minute pumps, which trucks, a Magirus (German-make) 85-foot exten- sion, was in service. The two Japanese-built 100- foot aerials had defective turntables and the motors were in need of repair. The Kyoto 85-foot Type of small Datson car and motorcycle with 120-gallon-per-minute pump used in Osaka. constituted the major portion of all fire appara- tus built during the war. (1) Equipment Carried on Pumps. The maxi- mum equipment carried on pumps was as fol- lows : 1 fire axe, pick type, 4 lbs. 1 ladder, beam, 12 ft. 1 ladder, roof, 12 ft. 2 pike poles, 8 ft..* 2 crowbars, 4 ft. 1 rope (1") 18 ft. 1 rope (U/2") 50 ft. 2 smoke masks, canister type. 3 spare nozzles, and 40 sections 2y2" single-jacket linen hose (65 ft. each). 2 hose carts. Only those companies in the high valued dis- trict carried all the equipment listed above. b. Ladder Trucks. There were but four aerial ladders in Japan: three in Tokyo and one in Kyoto. Only one, however, of the Tokyo ladder aerial ladder, Japanese-built, Magirus type, was mounted on a 1939 White truck. (Illustration on Page 52.) Each of the ladder trucks of these two cities was equipped with a 500-gallon-per-minute centrifugal fire pump, but was not provided with rescue gear, forcible entry tools, electric wire cut- ters, rope, extra ladders, heavy jacks, salvage cov- ers, life nets, shovels, axes, saws or other tools and equipment which are usually found on an average ladder truck in the United States. They were bare ladder trucks carrying only an aerial ladder and a pump. The longest ladders observed in the Jap- anese fire departments, other than the aerials, were 20-foot extension ladders which were carried on some pumpers. c. Fire Boats. The equipment of the marine sections of fire departments in Japanese seaport cities was inadequate by American standards for harbor lire protection. (1) Tokyo Marine Section. Tokyo with its estimated 100 miles of waterfront, including the harbor area proper and the canal system and 51 (Above) One of four aerial ladders in all of Japan. Magirus 85-foot extension ladder in Kyoto fire de- partment. (Right) Kyoto’s aerial ladder extended with a y8-inch stream from a ZVyinch line. rivers, had three small 500 gallons-per-minute fire boats in service in 1942. This number was in- creased early in 1945 by eight new navy-type patrol boats. The latter were 6-ton craft, 36 feet (11 meters) in length, 8.5 feet (2.6 meters) beam with a draft of 3 feet (1 meter) and were powered by an 80-horsepower, gas-kerosene, in- inadequate pumping capacity, meager equipment and crews of firemen with no knowledge of mod- ern methods, tools and appliances for shipboard fire fighting made them seem ineffective by American standards. (2) Other Port Cities' Marine Fire-Fighting Sections. Yokohama had at the outset of the war One of the two government-owned patrol boats in Nagasaki. Illustration shows two l/£-ioch and %-inch streams from a 350-gallon-per-minute pump driven by a Ford V-8 motor. ternal-combustion engine, capable of producing a speed of 12 to 15 knots. Each boat was equipped with a 500-gallon-per-minute, single-stage, cen- trifugal pump, powered by a four-cylinder, gas- kerosene engine. Each was also equipped with four 2!/2-inch outlets and one turret nozzle with H/g-inch tip. A boat’s crew was to have consisted of a captain, an engineer and five firemen but, because of the man-power shortage, each operated with a reduced complement. The fire-fighting gear carried on these boats was almost identical in amount and quality with that carried on land pumpers. Because of their maneuverability and shallow draft, these boats played an important part in fire fighting along the water front during air raids when land companies were unable to function. There was no record, however, of their controlling fire aboard ships in the harbor. Their one old 25-ton tug, equipped with a 1,000-gallon- per-minute fire pump. It was sunk during the 29 May 1945 air raid. Fourteen navy-type patrol boats similar to Tokyo’s were procured late in 1944 and early 1945. Osaka’s one 1,000-gallon- per-minute fire boat (tug type) was destroyed in the 13 March 1945 air raid. Kobe maintained one small boat of 350-gallon-per-minute capacity, and Nagasaki had two government-owned small craft for fire fighting. (Illustration, Page 53.) (For a detailed description of harbor protection see “Harbor Air-Raid Protection and Port Secur- ity” section of this report.) d. Fire Hose. A single-jacketed, unlined linen hose, 2-f/o inches and iy2 inches in size, was the standard fire hose used in Japan. The sections were 65 feet (20 meters) in length and were equipped with screw- and snap-type brass coup- 53 state of repair, and in all cities observed except Kyoto, engines were hand cranked. No stand-by apparatus was available for temporary use while equipment was out of service. g. Gasoline Supply. Prior to the March 1945 air raids all fire departments except Tokyo were restricted to a 2-hour gasoline supply for each pumper. During the 14 March 1945 air raid over Osaka, 48 pieces of fire equipment were destroyed for lack of fuel to move them out of the path of the flames. After this disastrous experience the transportation department increased the supply to 5 hours for each pumper. Even though Tokyo had 100,000 gallons of gasoline in reserve for fire department use, a total of 186 fire trucks was lost during air raids, 95 of this number being de- stroyed on 10 March 1945. An effort was made to refuel fire equipment during fires, but firemen hauling gasoline in drums were unable to locate their apparatus because of the smoke and ob- structed streets, and, consequently, much equip- ment was abandoned as the fires closed in upon it. 6. Auxiliary Police and Fire Units (Keibo- dan), a. Organization. The police departments exercised over-all supervision of the auxiliary police and fire units. It trained these units in guard duty and fire-fighting techniques. Auxili- ary firemen constituted about 40 percent of the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan). The leaders of the auxiliary firemen received addi- tional training at their nearest battalion head- quarters fire station. In Tokyo, for example, 5,164 men, known as special volunteer firemen, were to have spent 8 hours one day of each month at their nearest fire station for drills and instruction. About 60 percent of this number was regular in attendance. Prior to the war only six cities maintained full-time fire departments. Therefore volunteer firemen held an important position in Japan since all cities, including those with regular fire departments, depended much upon these units for protection. Auxiliary police and fire units were organized under a national law, but each prefecture prepared its own local ordinances and regulations in conformance with the national law. For details of this subject see the section of this report on “Auxiliary Police and Fire Units.” b. Duties. In actual operation the police and fire sections of the police departments could call upon these units for reinforcing service. In cities with no regular fire department these units main- tained fire stations and did fire fighting as volun- lings. All cities except Tokyo used the snap- type coupling in connecting one section to an- other, but a screw-type coupling was used in con- necting to pump gates. Tokyo used the snap coupling only for connecting to the hydrant and pump gates. Fire pumpers were equipped with two to four 2%-inch and 4-inch hard rub- ber suction hose sections, from 10 to 15 feet in length. Linen fire hose was tested at random by the manufacturer to 300 pounds per square inch. Fire departments did not test hose upon delivery or at any time during its lifetime. The Japanese Navy stripped the large cities of its new hose leaving them with hundreds of sections that had as many as 300 patches each. The hose in service would have probably burst at pressures in excess of 150 pounds, but working pressures rarely ex- ceeded 80 pounds. Most cities maintained one complete change of hose for each pumping appa- ratus. The U/2-inch hose was used on small 120- gallon-per-minute pumping apparatus. e. Other Fire Equipment. Fire apparatus, ap- pliances and special tools common in the fire de- partments of American cities were conspicuous by their absence in Japanese fire departments. Spe- cial mobile rigs and companies, such as salvage, light, C02, foam, rescue, demolition, airfield crash rigs and even water tanks with booster pumps, were never a part of their fire departments. The common portable fire extinguishers of the C02, carbon-tetrachloride, foam and water-pump-can types were not used by Japanese firemen. In Tokyo, however, a 5-gallon, back-type, liquid- foam extinguisher was on each fireboat. This type of extinguisher produced approximately 60 gal- lons of foam from each 5-gallon container. There were only 12 cans of spare liquid foam in the entire department. Tokyo had, also, 30 self-con- tained breathing apparatus (Drager two-hour type) which were stored at the central headquar- ters station and, if needed, were sent to the scene of fire by any extra apparatus available, usually arriving too late to be of service. f. Maintenance of Fire Apparatus. Only two cities, Tokyo and Osaka, operated a central repair and maintenance shop for the overhaul and re- pair of fire apparatus. Other cities depended upon privately owned garages or manufacturers’ mechanics for their repair work. The shortage of skilled mechanics plus the lack of replacement parts accounted for an average of 20 percent of fire apparatus’ being out of service in 1944 and 1945. The fire equipment generally was in a poor 54 Type of hand-drawn, 120-gallon per-minute, motor-driven pump on two-wheeled cart, used by auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan). Hand-operated pumps from 20- to 50-gallon-per-minute capacity used by auxiliary firemen of the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan). 55 (Above) Cement water tanks (70 gallons) for fire protection in neighborhoods. (Right) Barrel for water supply of hand pumps in neighborhood. 56 teers. They compared favorably, in man power and equipment, with the full-time fire depart- ments. c. Equipment. In cities with regular fire de- partments the auxiliary police and tire units were firemen, were of little help in controlling fires caused by saturation incendiary air raids. e. Student Volunteer Firemen (Gdkuo Tai). Students, IT to 20 years of age, exempt from military service, were organized into fire-fighting Small cement-lined water hole and 30-gallon water tanks in background in Nagasaki atomic bomb area. provided with a few small cars, motorcycles, and many hand carts, all equipped with gasoline- driven, 120-gallon-per-minute pumps. Hand- operated pumps from 20- to 60-gallon-per- minute capacity also provided in addition to bamboo ladders, pike poles, shovels, axes, fire beaters, rope and buckets. (See Page 55 for illustrations of pumping equipment.) d. Neighborhood Groups (Tonari Gumi). There were thousands of men, women and children in neighborhood groups who were given some train- ing in fire fighting by the leaders of auxiliary police and fire units. They equipped themselves with small hand pumps, concrete water tanks (30 to 70 gallons), wooden water barrels, small cement-lined water holes, buckets and fire beaters. (See Pages 56 and 5T for illustrations of water containers.) They were credited with extinguish- ing many incipient fires but, like the auxiliary units for the purpose of assisting the regular fire department personnel. These student firemen worked one day in every three at their nearest fire station and, in the event of an air-raid alarm, off- duty students reported to their respective sta- tions. This was a national plan and proved very successful in Tokyo, but it was the only city in Japan where it was put into effect. A total of 3,460 student volunteer firemen worked with the Tokyo fire department, and 65 of them were killed fighting fires. f. Special Fire Brigades (Tokusetsu Bogodan Shobohan). Industry was charged with provid- ing its own plant protection. Factories, manu- facturing plants and other places of employment organized their own fire-protection units. Large shipyards, aircraft plants and other war plants maintained full-time firemen in addition to vol- unteer fire brigades. These units received some 695046—47—5 57 assistance from prefectural fire departments in training their personnel in fire-fighting measures and in the operation and maintenance of equip- ment. Drills were conducted several times a week. (For detailed information on this subject see section of this report on “Factory Air-Raid Protection.”) 7. Fire Alarm Systems, a. Alarm Boxes. Elec- tric fire alarm boxes were not extensively used in Japan, and those in use were obsolete and un- reliable. These boxes were on posts and standards at street intersections in high valued districts. b. Telephone Alarms. A special telephone num- ber was used in principal cities for reporting fires. Telephone exchanges in the several fire dis- tricts maintained one trunk line to their nearest battalion station. Phone fire alarms were relayed over a fire department line from the battalion stations to the fire stations or substations in the immediate fire area. (Photo Page 59.) These calls were followed up by a bicycle or motorcycle messenger. During the last few months of the war foot messengers were used in relaying fire alarms. There were no central telephone alarm A type of fire alarm box in Japan. (See Page 58 for illustration of a fire alarm box.) They were connected to the nearest fire station, except in Tokyo, where a central alarm office was maintained. No auxiliary power was provided for the alarm circuits and maintenance was poor. Short circuits and false alarms due to defective equipment were frequent. At the conclusion of the war practically all fire alarm boxes were in- operative due to air raids and lack of mainte- nance. No auxiliary fire alarm boxes were con- nected to the fire alarm circuits, but in a few instances large department stores and industrial plants maintained a fire alarm box which was connected with the nearest fire station. offices for dispatching fire equipment. Some large residences, factories and business houses main- tained private telephone lines to their nearest tire stations, but the average Japanese home and small business had no telephone. In Tokyo, the entire telephone tire alarm system was knocked out during the March 1915 raids and had not been restored by November 1945. c. Watch Toxoer. All division, battalion and most of the large lire stations were equipped with watch towers from GO to 125 feet high. The tow- ers were located on top of, or adjacent to, the tire stations. In a few instances towers were placed on tall buildings in the immediate vicinity 58 (Above) Electric fire alarm board in a battalion head- quarters in Osaka. (Left) Telephone fire alarm board in a fire station in Osaka. 59 (Above) Flush-type 2y2-inch fire hydrant in common use in Japan. (Right) Post-type 2y2-inch fire hydrant found in a few large Japanese cities. 60 of the station. The watch tower was considered the most dependable means of detecting fires. Some of the fire chiefs estimated that 90 percent of all fire alarms in normal times, as well as dur- ing air raids, was discovered by tower watchmen, A 24-hour fireman watch was maintained in the towers, with the watch changing every hour. No effort was made to coordinate the towers and locate fires by triangulation. Each tower op- erated as a separate unit and the fire watchers were supposed to know their districts well enough to give a fairly accurate report by phone to their fire stations regarding the location of the fires. d. Messenger Service. Messengers (junior fire- men) played an important part in the fire de- partments’ communications systems. Each tele- phone message concerning fires, or dispatch of equipment and men, was confirmed by a written message delivered by special messengers. During air raids there were many telephone failures, and message service was the only means of communi- cations. e. Radio. There were no radios used in the fire service, land or marine, in Japan. 8. Mutual Aid and Mobile Reserve, a. Mutual Aid. Mutual aid proved ineffectual. The prin- cipal difficulties encountered in dispatching fire apparatus over long distances (20 to 30 miles) were frequent motor failures, breakdowns and shortage of gasoline. There was a record in one prefecture of 60 pumpers having been sent to the aid of an adjacent prefecture and only two pumpers having arrived. On another occasion a prefecture dispatched 178 pieces of fire apparatus to a near-by city, but only 86 reached their desti- nation and they had to be refueled upon arrival. b. Mobile Reserves. No attempt was made to establish nationalized mobile fire-fighting units with highly trained personnel using standardized equipment as was done so successfully in Eng- land and Germany. The Japanese military had priority on all automotive equipment and man power in the nation and, as they were of the opinion that their homeland would not be sub- ject to mass air raids, no preparation was made for additional fire-fighting equipment manned by well-trained personnel. Even the large cities and industrial plants were inadequately equipped with serviceable lire apparatus, and a large per- centage of their equipment consisted of small pumping units acquired from communities out- side the industrial sections. 9. Water Systems, a. Source of Water. Japan, which is six-sevenths mountainous with an area of 146,747 square miles equal only to the area of California, has unlimited sources of water. Its many mountain lakes and hundreds of rivers traversing the small coastal plains supply an abundance of water to the most densely popu- lated districts of the world. The largest of these coastal plains (Kanto), containing the third largest metropolitan district in the world (Tokyo), had an average annual rainfall over a period of 30 years of 64 inches. Many sections of Japan have in excess of 100 inches of rain yearly. Ground water is always present at 5 to 20 feet below the surface. b. Storage of Water. Large storage reservoirs were not generally considered necessary as there was a constant supply of water to the purification plants. c. Water Mains. Water was supplied to the city distribution systems through canals, tunnels and pipes. The mains from the purification plants fed grid distribution systems through 18- to 70-inch cast-iron pipes. The business and in- dustrial areas were well looped, cross-connected and equipped with isolation valves. There were, however, many dead ends in residential and out- lying districts. The mains of the average dis- tribution system were 2% to 20 inches in size. The normal demand upon the mains was in many instances greater than their capacity, and at times pressure dropped to zero. The average house- holder provided himself with a small tank or half barrel which he kept filled by allowing a constant flow from the house faucet. This was done to assure the family water when it was needed for domestic purposes and fire-fighting use. Water mains were from one to four feet below the surface which made them vulnerable to high-explosive bombing. (1) Maintenance. Water departments main- tained specially trained crews for repairing breaks in mains. Supplies and repair equipment were strategically located about the cities, and emergency repair crews in some instances re- paired damaged mains within 48 hours. This service, however, was not adequate to cope with large air raids. (2) Air Raid Damage to Mains. A high-explo- sive bombing raid over Osaka in June 1945 knocked out the power supply to the pumping plant in addition to damaging many water mains, and there was no water in any mains for over a month. The damage to 19 principal mains had 61 not been entirely repaired 4 months later. The atomic bomb in Nagasaki caused known breaks in three 4-inch, six 6-inch, two 12-inch, and one 28-inch cast-iron mains. The 28-inch main was 4 feet below the surface and located approxi- mately one mile from the center of the bomb blast. In the parts of the city where water had not been restored to the distribution system there was no way of knowing the number of breaks in the mains. It was believed, however, that many damaged pipes were in those areas. d. Hydrants. More than 90 percent of all fire hydrants in Japan was of the flush type (located below the street level and covered with a steel plate) with standard single 2y2-inch hydrant outlets on 21 to 4-inch risers (Photo Page li/o-inch interior wet standpipes equipped with 11/2-inch linen hose. e. Wells. Wells were plentiful in Japan, but little use was made of them in fire fighting. In Kobe alone, there were 20,000 wells which had pitcher pumps or rope and buckets to draw water, and their only fire-fighting use was for filling small water tanks. Some large buildings and factories used wells with power pumps to supply their own needs. Nagasaki had 10,000 wells that averaged 3 feet in diameter with a water level of 3 to 20 feet. Many of these wells could have been used for fire fighting, but no survey had been made to determine where drafting could be done. Kyoto was the only large city investi- gated which had made plans for the use of wells Fire department suction hose sump in shallow stream in Kyoto. 60.) There were a few' double 214-inch hydrant outlets in high valued districts and some post- type hydrants in the large cities. There was no adequate system in Japan of testing and main- taining hydrants. Many hydrants leaked and, being below the surface, the sumps were often full of water, which required firemen to make hose connections below water. Some modern buildings were equipped with exterior dry stand- pipes and 214-inch hose connections. A few had in fire fighting. One hundred eighty-three wells, G feet in diameter, with a maximum water level of 15 feet, were listed as available for drafting purposes in an emergency. Wells were seldom used to augment the regular water distribution systems. f. Other Sources of Water. Most of the prin- cipal cities were traversed by canals, moats and rivers with an unlimited quantity of water which could have been used in drafting water for fire 62 Static water tanks, 27,500-gallon capacity, for emergency use in fire fighting. (Left) The narrow streets and wooden buildings of Kyoto, Japan’s only large city not bombed, as illustrated, are evidence of the type of con- struction in the highly con- gested areas. (Below) The same residential area as seen from the roof of a near-by modern building. 64 fighting. In many places along these streams the banks and bridges were too high for fire pumps to lift water, and pump platforms were not provided. Some small streams were too shallow to cover suction hose, and Kyoto was the the only city which attempted to correct the condition by installing covered sumps in beds of shallow streams (Photo, Page 62.) Concrete reservoirs (static tanks), both open and covered, were used extensively for auxiliary water supply. The aver- age capacity of these tanks was 27,500 gallons, but they were too small to furnish an adequate quantity of water for controlling large fires (Photo Page 63.) They were filled from fire hy- drants in the immediate areas. Neighborhood groups were supplied with wooden barrels with capacities of 300 to 1,500 gallons, and concrete tanks of 70-gallon capacity. Fire Prevention 10. Fire Prevention. The term “fire preven- tion” had an interpretation in Japan different from that in the United States. To the Japanese it meant not only preventing fires but also the methods and tactics used in extinglishing fires. There were no organized fire-prevention bureaus with trained inspectors such as are commonly found in fire departments and insurance inspec- tion offices in the United States. All matters per- taining to precautionary measures, to fire-fight- ing regulations and even to building restrictions were enforced after a fashion by the police. The fire departments had no authority to enforce cor- rective measures, but they were permitted to call to the attention of the police any hazardous fire conditions noted. The police, if they so desired, could enforce the few meager fire-prevention laws and ordinance which were broad in scope and interspersed among the building regulations pro- mulgated by the Minister of Home Affairs. As a result of the devastating earthquake and fire of 1923, steps had been taken in reconstruction to mitigate the effects of such a disaster. In Tokyo, for instance, in rebuilding the city, 3 large parks and 50 smaller ones were laid out to serve as fire breaks and places of refuge for persons whose homes might be burned out. Also, six new ave- nues, 120 feet wide, and 120 new streets, were cut through the city. These changes were highly beneficial from a fire-prevention point of view. There remained, however, the great density of population and the overcrowded slums with their flimsy houses built wall to wall, block after block, with streets of 12 to 20 feet separating blocks. This condition was common in all principal cities of Japan (Photos, Pages 64 and 66.) Modern office buildings were to be found flanked by nar- row streets and crowded alleys that had not changed for many years. 11. Building Construction. The principal cities of Japan had in their main business districts westernized, fire-resistive, earthquake-proof build- ings. In spite of the planning and progress, however, the wood and paper houses of the workers were around the modern buildings. The condition was aggravated by the drastic lowering of the few building restrictions during the de- pression in Japan from 1927 to 1931 and, finally in 1938, the use of steel was prohibited in all private construction. Therefore, at the time of the air raids, 98 percent of all buildings in Tokyo, Japan’s most modern city, were of wood and paper, with the result that the B-29 incendiary raids virtually levelled the city. The same situa- tion and result prevailed in all other important cities of the country which were subjected to bombings. 12. Building Code. The Ministry of Home Affairs regulated building laws in all Japanese provinces. Some consideration was given to zo- ning for business, industrial and residential dis- tricts. The first building code was published in 1919, and was made up of extracts from the building codes of cities like New York, London, Berlin and Chicago. The code, however, had little effect on construction, enforcement being in the hands of the police. There was great laxity in enforcement of regulations; even in business districts most of the modernization and improvements were due solely to the owners’ desire to protect their own properties and, in some cases, to become eligible for insurance cover- age by British firms. The building code was re- vised after the earthquake in 1923. It was, never- theless, still inadequate and inconsistent. The Minister of Home Affairs delegated the power to issue building permits to the police department because it was in a better position to enforce com- pliance with the regulations. a. Zone “A” covered the business sections, the downtown areas which were the modern parts of cities with fire-resistive, earthquake-proof mod- ern buildings from one to eight stories. (Height limit for buildings in Japan was 100 feet.) b, lone UB” comprised the business areas in or adjoining the residential sections. The regula- 65 Slum district in Nagasaki protected against the atomic bomb by hill in backgrounu. Street too narrow for use of fire apparatus. Nagasaki residential district not burned by fire caused by atomic bomb. 66 tions were similar to the Zone “A” regulations, but limited the height of buildings to 65 feet, and specified outer walls of fire-resisting mate- rials, wired-glass on metal frames or steel win- dow shutters, doors swinging outward, and in- terior wet standpipes with 65 feet of linen hose. c. Zone UC'' covered the residential sections of cities. The building code was very flexible re- garding the type of material to be used, but it did specify that abutting properties should be at least 3 feet apart. Where that regulation could not be complied with, the abutting walls were to be back-plastered with a fire-resistive cement. Heating units, stoves, flues, and the like (which were very few compared to the number of buildings) were covered under the code, and specifications regulated the distance from walls to floor. Wherever possible, properties were to be protected by the erection of fire-resistive walls, approximately 7 feet in height, around individual residences, but that provision was not mandatory. d. Theaters and Places of Public Assembly. The building code placed some emphasis on motion picture houses and auditorium, but re- quirements were far below the standards of most American cities. They specified emergency exits, center and side aisles, fire-resistive motion picture booths, quick-closing, manually-operated cover- ings for projection ports, and soda-acid extin- guishers to be strategically located about the building. e. Inflammable Liquids. The building code reg- ulated the handling, transportation and storage of inflammable liquids. It was subdivided into provisions for storage or handling of quantities over 211 gallons (800 liters), and for the han- dling of between 10 gallons (40 liters) and 211 gallons. Where large storage tanks were located, the erection of walls of fire-resistive construction and 6 feet high wTas required. The regulations for inflammable materials were specific but not up to date. f. Hazardous Chemicals and Explosives. The police boards were responsible for the enforce- ment of regulations set up in the code for han- dling, storing and manufacturing hazardous chemical and explosives. Acids were required to be stored in separate fire-resistive buildings with proper ventilation. The manufacturing of chemi- cals was confined to class “B” industrial areas set up for hazardous manufacturing only. The storing, handling and manufacturing of dyna- mite and high explosives were well regulated under army supervision. g. Sprinkler Systems. The building code called only for some form of fire protection, but build- ing owners in a few cases, particularly in knitting mills, had installed automatic sprinkler systems and standpipes. h. Electric Code was a part of the building code. It provided protection against electrical hazards to buildings, their contents, and occu- pants. It regulated primary and secondary supply wires and related equipment and covered other subjects such as switches, switchboards, lamps, sockets, appliances, motors, hazardous locations, transformers and lightning arrestors, i. Wartime Building Regulations. The Minis- try of Home Affairs in April 1944 issued a re- sume of laws and general rules pertaining to building construction and protective measures against air raids. It was not until after the March 1945 large-scale air raids that much effort was made to comply with some of these regula- tions such as reinforcing foundations and roofs, covering windows, removing ceilings to leave attics exposed, covering openings under the eaves with plaster, and the like. In cities where some of the added protective measures were completed before the March 1945 incendiary raids, the rec- ords indicated that there had been little success in controlling the spread of fire. In Kobe, for instance, of 30 prominent buildings so protected, 23 were burned, 7 were still intact but 5 of these were in districts not involved in fire, and the other two were schools which had had the ad- ditional protection of fire breaks made by the removal of nearby wooden buildings. In Osaka, however, the Shimi Physical and Chemical lie- search Institute, a limit-height, reinforced-con- crete building received 49 direct 6-pound in- cendiary bomb hits in four air raids but did not burn because the roof was protected by 8 inches of concrete. 13. Firebreaks (Demolition of Buildings). Beginning in 1944 and continuing until near the conclusion of the war, firebreaks were created in important cities by demolishing wood structures in certain areas. The plan called for the removal of buildings to create two types of fire breaks. The first type consisted of lanes 36 to 120 feet wide in highly congested residential and business districts. In some instances these lanes were several miles long (Photos Pages 68 and 69.) The 67 Firebreaks constructed by removing buildings on both sides of a street in Osaka. Incendiaries were dropped on both sides of the firebreak, burning out the area. The demolition of buildings around a plant in Osaka, as illustrated, saved it from destruction by fire. 68 second plan was to protect important buildings and plants by removing inflammable material around them for a distance of 100 to 200 feet. In five important cities studied a total of 346,629 buildings was demolished in the firebreaks pro- gram. In most instances fire lanes were too nar- densely populated and highly inflammable cities in normal times. To the Occidental it was incon- ceivable that a city the size of Tokyo with seven million people, many of whom were packed into the worst type of slum quarters, could have had only an average of 1,000 fires per year (normal A wide firebreak created in Kyoto by removing hundreds of buildings for a distance of several miles. row to prevent flames from jumping them, and saturation bombing completely nullified the pur- pose of these lanes as fires were started on both sides of them. They did, however, provide ave- nues of escape for the public. About 10 percent of the important buildings protected by fire- breaks were saved from fire but, it must be noted, these buildings had additional protection in the form of massed fire equipment at the expense of less important areas. 14. Weather, a. Precipitation, Humidity and Fog. Over a period of 30 years the Tokyo area had an average annual precipitation of 64 inches; there were 149 rainy days, snow fell on 14 days and 20 days were foggy. Over this same 30-year period the relative humidity averaged 74 percent. The high humidity and great number of rainy days in Japan may have been the prime factors in the small number of fires recorded in the times) when metropolitan American cities record 10,000 to 25,000 fires annually. 15. Operations Under Air-Raid Conditions, a. Prearranged Fire-Fighting Plan. The battalion districts of the large city tire departments (with the assistance of the volunteer firemen) operated as independent fire-fighting units. The battalion chiefs in adjacent districts could, however, at their own discretion dispatch reinforcements of apparatus and men in extreme emergencies. Fire- fighting units were not controlled or coordinated from a central headquarters. Chiefs of police affairs had been advised by Japanese army intel- ligence that American bombers would always fly in formation at high altitudes and drop their bombs in a particular target area. On this infor- mation it was thought that by means of fire breaks created by removing houses, plus the available fire-fighting equipment and personnel, 69 any fires created could be confined to the par- ticular areas bombed. b. Actual Operation. The B-29 saturation in- cendiary raids which began in March 1945 did not follow the pattern expected by the Japanese. The B-29’s did not fly over Japanese cities in formation but came singly and in groups of three at low levels from all directions at intervals of 20 to 45 seconds and continued the operation from iy2 to 3 hours. Consequently, thousands of fires were burning in all parts of the cities almost simultaneously. Communications systems were knocked out, water pressures in fire mains drop- ped to near zero, fire fighters, fire stations, and even large areas were surrounded by converging flames. The smoke was so dense that even fire- men who knew the cities well became lost. This condition caused tremendous confusion among the people attempting to find safety. Auxiliary firemen became more concerned in attempting to protect their own properties or to escape burning areas than in operating as members of organized fire-fighting units. With the communications sys- tem out of operation and messengers unable to get through to the various fire stations, the fire companies operated in a haphazard manner, losing much of their apparatus either because they were surrounded by fire or because they lacked the fuel to move out of the path of the flames. The tremendous fires caused near panic which was accelerated when a few high explo- sives were interspersed with the incendiaries. Even firemen left their equipment to seek shelter when high-explosive bombs were dropped. The devastating raids beginning in March 1945 broke the fighting spirit of the home fire-fighting front. Auxiliary police and fire units discontinued drills and professional firemen were discouraged and blamed the military for their fire losses and failure. (See Exhibit D for report on a great air raid, taken from archives section of Ministry of Home Affairs.) 16. Typical Incendiary Air Raids, a. Tokyo Air Raid of 10 March 1945. (1) The first satu- ration incendiary air raid struck Tokyo during the early morning hours of 10 March 1945. The wind velocity at the beginning of the bombing was about 4 miles per hour but as the fire became more intense and the spreading fires merged, the velocity increased to hurricane pro- portions making it difficult to stand up. This con- dition was to be expected as all great fires tend to create a cyclonic effect. (2) This raid caused the greatest destruction ever visited upon any city. A total of 83,793 per- sons lost their lives. People running for refuge were trapped by the bombings ahead and around them and were encircled with flames and black smoke. They looked for protection to the canals and rivers but in some districts the shallow canals were boiling from the heat which seemed to be compressed by the wind, and the canals were full of people. In some places one swarm of humanity after another crowded into the water and by the time a third or fourth wave of frantic people had jumped, the first wave lay on the bottom. Those who survived the ordeal were burned around the head and neck by the constant rain of sparks. (3) Fire-fighting equipment proved pitifully inadequate. The firemen rushed to a burning area and worked until the fire there got beyond their control, then they went elsewhere. They tried to concentrate their efforts on the big fac- tories but the results were almost unnoticeable. Ninety-six fire engines, 150 hand-drawn gasoline- driven pumps and 1,000 sections (65 feet per section) of hose were burned. Eighty-five fire- men were dead from the fire, 40 missing, and the casualties of auxiliary police and fire units amounted to more than 500. Forty percent of the capital city was burned to the ground. b. Tokyo Air Raid of 13 and 14 April 1945. This incendiary raid mixed with a few high ex- plosives was very much the same as the 10 March 1945 attack. The loss of life was small compared with the previous raid as people escaped to the burned-over areas. The property damage, how- ever, was enormous and left practically the entire city in ruins. c. Osaka Air Raid of 14 March 1945. The satu- ration incendiary raid over Osaka (Japan’s sec- ond city) 4 days after the first large bombing of Tokyo was almost an exact duplicate in de- struction of the Tokyo raid. Sixty percent of the city was aflame almost immediately; communi- cations systems were out; water pressure in fire mains was near zero, and fire-fighting units were surrounded by fire.. d. Kobe Air Raid of 17 March 1945. This raid caused such havoc that more than 68,000 homes were completely destroyed and 242,466 people were made homeless, according to Japanese sources. All available fire apparatus in the pre- fecture, in addition to 86 pumpers from Osaka prefecture, were of little value in controlling the hundreds of fires in all parts of the city. The 70 auxiliary firemen soon gave up their posts to seek shelter away from the heat and smoke. The limi- ted gasoline supply for fire apparatus caused much of the equipment to be abandoned. A total of 116 fire pumpers burned in four air raids. 17. Hiroshima Atomic Bombing of 6 August 1945. The city of Hiroshima, for over a mile in all directions from the ground zero point of the bomb explosion, was laid low and, except for the charred and tangled mass of wreckage which re- mained, was almost completely obliterated. The engines out of 44 within a radius of a little more than a mile were completely destroyed and sever- al others were damaged. Although many members of the department were killed, there still remain- ed a sufficient number of trained men to handle the apparatus which were operative. By the time they might have reorganized, however, the con- flagration had reached such proportions that any elfort they could have made would have been futile. 18. Nagasaki Atomic Bombing of 9 August Demolished fire truck was all that was left of fire station in the immediate area of atomic bomb blast in Nagasaki. Twelve firemen were killed in this station. effect of the detonation and the shock incident thereto were so great that little or nothing was, or could be, done to prevent or stay to ensuing conflagration which reached its peak within 30 minutes after the explosion and continued until it burned itself out. Because of the time of day when the bomb exploded (shortly after 0800) meals were being prepared over fires in many homes. V nquestionably numerous fires were started by debris falling on these open flames, thereby assisting materially in the spread of the conflagration. Fire engines in Hiroshima had been moved previously to locations near impor- tant buildings and, when the bomb struck, 10 fire 1945. The fires following the atomic bombing of Nagasaki spread in all directions from the blasted area. The instantaneous heat wave preceding the blast burned people and scorched wood surfaces, particularly telephone and power poles on the exposed side, for a distance of 2.6 miles in all directions from the center of the blast area. Many wood-frame buildings within the area were com- pletely destroyed by the blast but showed no signs of destruction by fire. Most of the fires caused by the atomic bomb were probably of a secondary nature. The flimsy and highly inflammable ma- terials that might have been ignited by radiation from the bomb explosion did not burn because 71 the fire was probably snuffed out Dy the blast which immediately followed. (See Pages Tl and 72 for illustrations of the effects of bomb blast.) Fire fighters made no attempt to enter the de- fers who had not been too successful in police work and were palmed off on the fire department as administrators and fire-fighting officers. Regu- lar firemen with long years of service were resent - Concrete smoke stacks as illustrated were knocked down by the atomic bomb—a condition which was not noted elsewhere by high-explosive bombing. stroyed areas, owing to the turmoil and confusion within the city, and by the time uninjured fire fighters regained their composure, fires had kin- dled in blasted buildings and were racing in all directions. At the very height of the fire the wind reversed its direction and fanned the flames back toward the burned-over area. The prefec- tural building and homes on the north side of the national highway were thus saved from burning. One fire station was completely destroyed by the bomb blast, and the remaining four stations had their windows, doors, ceilings and roofs damaged. Twelve firemen were killed outright by the atom- ic bomb and 28 were seriously injured, some of whom died later. (See Page Tl for illustration of fire station in which the firemen were killed.) 19. Comments, a. Five Department Organiza- tion. The Japanese fire services were not well- planned and organized as fire-fighting units. Chiefs and high ranking officials charged with fire protection were for the most part police offi- hi! of the police control and general administra- tion of their departments. b. Training. Fire-training-school instructors were inexperienced in modern fire-fighting tech- niques and subjects, such as hose and ladder evolutions, pump operations and maintenance, ventilation, overhauling, salvage, rescue, water systems, alarm systems, building construction, fire prevention and related subjects. Recruit fire- men were trained almost entirely in military drills and physical exercises. Their practical fire drills consisted of a simple hose and ladder evo- lution. c. Equipment. Fire-fighting equipment in com- mon use would not compare favorably with that of small town volunteer fire departments in the United States. Fire pumps of from 350- to 500- gallon-per-minute capacity, with meager tools and appliances, were standard equipment in Japanese fire departments. Mobile fire rigs, such as salvage, light, rescue, foam, C02, demolition, 72 air field crash trucks, even water tanks with booster pumps, were unknown to Japanese fire- men. The ordinary first-aid fire extinguishers of the C02, carbon-tetrachloride, foam, and water- pump-can types were not a part of the Japanese fire equipment. Marine sections of the fire depart- ments were as poorly equipped and trained as land companies, and shipboard fire fighting was not a part of their training. Small fire boats with maximum pumping capacities of 500 gallons per minute were inadequate to control the large fires to be expected under normal conditions along the water fronts of important harbors. d. Water Systems. Full use was not made of the unlimited water supply in Japan. Fire mains and hydrants were too small and too few. Isola- tion valves were not well located, and breaks in the mains during emergencies caused large and important areas to be without water or with pressures too low to be of much value in fire fighting. Many rivers, canals, moats and wells were without approaches for drafting water by fire pumps. Static water tanks were used ex- tensively for auxiliary water supply but they were too small to be of real value in controlling large fires. e. Fire Alarm Systems. Electric fire alarm systems were obsolete and inadequate. Each divi- sion and battalion district in large cities operated as an individual fire department with little or no coordination among districts. Central alarm of- fice control was not successfully carried out be- cause of poor reception over the antiquated and poorly maintained phone system. Two-way radio communication was not attempted in fire depart- ments, and the discovery and reporting of fires were done mostly from watch towers and by bicycle messengers. Thus fires often advanced beyond their incipient stage before fire apparatus was dispatched. f. Depletion of Experienced Fire-Fighting Personnel During the War. Able-bodied men with years of experience in the fire service were inducted into the armed services and their posi- tions were filled with inexperienced and untrained firemen of low physical and mental qualities. Skilled auto mechanics were the first men drafted into the army and navy, which was probably the prime reason why 20 percent of all fire-fighting equipment was constantly out of service during most of the war years. g. Auxiliary Police and Fire Units (Keibo- dan). Fire-fighting organizations in small towns and villages depended entirely upon the auxiliary police and fire units for their fire protection, and in some instances these groups were as well equipped and trained as the regular fire depart- ments in larger cities. Auxiliary firemen in cities subjected to saturation bombing were as ineffec- tual in their fire-fighting efforts as were the regu- lar firemen. h. Student Volunteer Fireman (Gakuo Tai). Students exempt from military service and as- signed as voluntary firemen in fire stations were reported by fire officials as being the most capable, willing and courageous volunteer fire fighters in Japan. i. Fire Inspectors and Fire-Prevention Codes. The lack of organized fire prevention bureaus with trained fire inspectors, and the nonexistence of fire-prevention codes were in keeping with the unpreparedness of the Japanese in fire protection. j. Building Construction. The few modern-type buildings were constructed by private interests for their own protection, rather than in com- pliance with building laws. Even these buildings were in many places surrounded by the typical Japanese buildings of flimsy wood construction which made the exposure hazard great. k. Demolition of Buildings. The demolition of buildings to create fire breaks was of little value as protection against saturation incendiary air raids. Not more than 10 percent of the important buildings so protected were saved from fire. The cross city lanes created by demolition of build- ings did not prevent the spread of fire as bombs were dropped on both sides of the fire breaks. They did, however, provide avenues of escape for the public. l. Mutual Aid. The few attempts in the use of mutual aid were unsatisfactory, as fire equipment from neighboring communities arrived hours too late, ran out of gasoline or broke down out on the road and did not arrive at all. m. Gasoline Rationing of Fire Department. Fire departments were not given sufficient recog- nition in the distribution of meager gasoline supply. Many fire trucks burned during big fires for lack of fuel to move them out of con- flagration areas. n. Conclusion. Japanese firemen and auxiliary firemen with their inadequate training and equip- ment fought fire to the best of their ability until high-explosive bombs were dropped along with incendiaries and then they abandoned their equipment and took cover. Considering the over- 695046—47—6 73 all conditions in Japan—its highly congested and inflammable areas; its inadequate water systems and antiquated alarm systems—a modern fire de- partment could not have coped with the hundreds of simultaneous fires created by the large scale incendiary air raids. F. EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICES 1. Introduction, a. The facts forming the basis for this report were gathered in studies of Osaka, Kobe, Kyoto, Nagasaki and Tokyo, for each of which an individual target report has been sub- mitted. Generally speaking, the methods and techniques employed in these several localities followed a uniform pattern, which was to be ex- pected because of the fact that planning was essentially a function of the central government. Also, authority for the execution of the medical aspects of civilian defense stemmed from central- ized sources. To a large extent, however, only the general plans and policies were dictated by the Tokyo government, and the adaptation of these plans was left to the local units of government. It was natural, therefore, that in the surveys of the several target areas some differences in the administrative procedures should have been ob- served. The variety of targets studied, however, was such as to afford a fair cross section of Japan’s best efforts to furnish medical aid to the civilian population in emergencies arising from bombing and bombardment. b. From the beginning of the sustained attacks upon the Japanese home islands to the close of hostilities, the civilian defense forces faced a great variety of problems, ranging from minor raids with few casualties to the great raid upon Tokyo when approximately 80,000 persons were killed. Different types of raids also caused dif- ferent types of casualties. By far the commonest were the incendiary raids which killed by suf- focation and heat and yielded enormous numbers of nonfatal casualties from burns. From the com- paratively few demolition bombs the casualties were principally due to direct violence causing lacerations and fractures. But the most sensa- tional and perhaps the most dangerous of all were the atomic bomb explosions which laid waste everything within their effective range and gave rise to casualties not only from burns and blasting, but also from radiation effects. • c. The objective of the studies upon which this report is based was to determine first the nature and extent of problems encountered by the Japa- nese in the field of human casualties and, second, the methods employed and their degree of effec- tiveness in meeting these problems. As will be seen from the discussions which follow, the sheer magnitude of the destruction wrought by air at- tacks upon Japan has rendered obsolete many of the generally accepted plans for prevention of, and care for, civilian casualties in time of war. d. The term “Emergency Medical Services” as used in this report denotes all of the organized emergency activities, with the exception of gas defense, instituted and maintained by the medical and allied professions for the alleviation and care of human casualties resulting from enemy action. First-aid facilities and emergency hos- pitalization are discussed jointly under the head of “Emergency Medical Service” which constitu- tes the first subdivision of “Emergency Medical Services.” The other two subdivisions are “Eed Cross Service” and “Mortuary Service,” respec- tively. e. The adoption of emergency measures for relief of human casualties had no clearly defined date of origin. The program came into existence by slow evolutionary stages rather than being born fully developed. Air-raid maneuvers designed to make the public air-raid conscious were re- corded in newspaper accounts dating back to the middle of July 1928. The first documentary evidence obtained to show a public interest in this subject in the form of instructions relative to organization for first-aid services bears the date of July 1941. The director of the mortuary service in Tokyo stated that 5 years previously the military authorities had estimated that there might be as many as 30,000 dead per year in Tokyo over and above the normal death expec- tancy. Thus it is clear that plans for emergency care of casualties were taking concrete form be- fore the attack on Pearl Harbor. On the whole, however, the earlier stages of the emergency medical program were indicative of offensive rather than defensive thinking. In view of the propaganda by which the people were led to be- lieve that the war was being progressively won by Japan and that the home islands would never be invaded, it is quite remarkable that any in- terest at all was aroused in defensive measures. Emergency Medical Service 2. Introduction. All grades and types of non- fatal injuries resulted from the air raids in Japan, ranging from slight to grave. For the former, 74 emergency first-aid facilities were sufficient, but for the latter hospital treatment was necessary. All phases of emergency treatment, therefore, are covered in the discussion of “Emergency Medical Service.” In this section attention is devoted to the first-aid services and to the hospital services. 3. Organization. The emergency medical ser- vice of Japan wTas organized under the jurisdic- tion of two separate ministerial offices: the Minis- try of Welfare (Kosei Sho) and the Ministry of Home Affairs (Naimu Sho). The two national offices, working in conjunction with each other, sent orders and directives to the prefectural gov- ernments relating to the organization and main- tenance of an air-defense medical program to care for air-raid casualties on the Japanese main- land. At the prefectural or local level the respon- sibility for establishing an air-defense medical setup was vested in the governor who delegated this part of the J apanese defense program to the prefectural health section (Eiseika), a subsidiary of the prefectural home affairs section (Shomu- ka). The prefectural police department (Keisa- tsu Bu) worked in close liaison with the health section to see that orders and directives were exe- cuted. All doctors, dentists, nurses and midwives were organized into their respective professional associations and each assigned according to indi- vidual qualifications to the various medical instal- lations that were created to care for air-raid casualties. First-aid squads (Kyugohan) of the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan), volun- teer workers of the neighborhood group (Tonari Gumi), and special school patriotic units (Toku- betsu Gakko Hokokutai) furnished “on-the-spot” emergency first-aid treatment to the air-raid vic- tim (Organizational Chart, Page 76). 4. First-Aid Services, a. On-the-Spot Treat- ment. The first medical group to go into an area that had been bombed were volunteer workers from auxiliary police and fire units, members of school patriotic groups and volunteer workers from neighborhood groups. Treatment consisted of elementary first-aid procedures such as band- aging, splinting, stoppage of hemorrhage and artificial respiration. b. Transportation and Evacuation of Casual- ties. As soon as possible after air raids, casual- ties were given “on-the-spot” treatment and separated into various categories of injuries by the first-aid groups mentioned above. Casualties whose injuries were very minor were treated and sent to their individual homes, while those more seriously wounded were given first-aid treatment and sent to near-by first-aid stations (Kyugosho) or directly to first-aid hospitals. Because of the scarcity of mobile equipment, patients were usually transported from the scene of disaster to first-aid stations and hospitals by litter bearers. Ambulances were practically nonexistent by the end of the war and the role played by them in the transportation problem was negligible. Small numbers of trucks were available for transport- ing wounded through transportation pools operat- ed by the local governments and dispatched to the scene by a central control room of the prefec- tural police departments. In many instances streets within the devastated areas were impas- sable to trucks and other vehicles because of the post-raid debris and crowding by masses of people. c. First-Aid Stations. As early as 1941, plans were being formulated for establishing first-aid stations at strategic points within the large cities of Japan. First-aid stations were to be located in treatment rooms of public school buildings but, in April of 1942, after the first air raid over Tokyo, this plan was modified in some localities by shifting them to doctors’ offices and the smaller hospitals. In locating the first-aid stations the objective was at all times to disperse them at strategic points and in accordance with the con- centration of population. This policy was clari- fied and other specific standards were established in a directive issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs in November, 1944, as follows: (1) First-aid stations shall be established for each 5,000 to 10,000 population. (2) Physicians’ offices shall be used for first- aid stations but when these cannot accommodate all of the injured, stations will be set up in schools, public halls, hotels and other similar and appropriate institutions. (3) First-aid stations must be located along the roads and streets so that they are easily ac- cessible to all persons. (4) A shelter must be in close proximity to the first-aid station to accommodate those casual- ties awaiting treatment. (5) First-aid stations shall have a lighted, marked lamp at night. (a) Personnel of First-Aid Stations. In charge of each first-aid station was a physician appoint- ed by the local prefectural health section chief. On the average, depending upon the population of the district served, there were 3 to 5 doctors, 75 AUXILIARY POLICE AND FIRE UNITS BLOCK ASSOCIATION CHANNEL MINISTRY OF WELFARE PREFECTURAL POLICE DISTRICT POLICE ORGANIZATION—EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICE OF JAPAN MEDICAL INSTALLATIONS ( I ) First-Aid Stations (2) First-Aid Hospitals (3) Special First-Aid Hospitals (4) Reserve Installations PREFECTURAL GOVERNOR MINISTRY HOME AFFAIRS GENERAL AFFAIRS SECTION PROFESSIONAL SOCIETIES { 1 ) Physicians (2) Nurses (3) Dentists (4) Midwives (5) Pharmacists HEALTH SECTION FINAL REPORT, C. D. D. 2 dentists, 1 pharmacist, and 10 nurses in each station. "When an air-raid “alert” was sounded certain predetermined first-aid service members proceeded to their appointed posts and awaited developments, and others were called in, if it was considered necessary. At the air-raid “alarm,” all first-aid personnel proceeded at once to their posts of duty. possessed by the first-aid stations usually in- cluded, however, cotton, gauze bandages, disin- fectants, splints, medications for treatment of burns, some opiates and heart and respiratory stimulants. A very small and insufficient amount of antitetanus serum was available for use. There was no blood plasma for civilian use but in some instances first-aid stations were equipped to give SURGICAL INSTRUMENT SET Type of portable surgical instrument set furnished by the Hyogo Prefecture for use in first-aid stations. (b) Equipment of First-Aid Stations. The equipment in the first-aid stations was either fur- nished by the prefectural health sections, cost being defrayed by the national and local govern- ments, or by the physicians in whose offices the first-aid stations were located. There was a wide range of variation in equipment in different local- ities. Where doctor’s offices or hospitals were utilized as first-aid stations the existing equip- ment and supplies were presumed to be reason- ably adequate for casualties in moderate num- bers, but supplies were soon depleted and had to be replenished, if possible, when casualties be- came excessive. At improvised first-aid stations in schools and other similar locations a high degree of uniformity as to equipment and sup- plies was lacking. This was more or less to be expected since the furnishing of these items was a responsibility of each prefecture or munici- pality. The list of medical equipment actually blood transfusions. Surgical instruments and in- jection sets (Photos, Pages 77 and 78) were ster- ilized by pan boiling, by using wood-heated sterilizers, or were sterilized within the hospitals and brought to the first-aid stations. First-aid stations were equipped with a portable water tank in case the water main to the building was destroyed, but there was usually no separate and independent lighting unit. Beds, in the American sense of the term, were not provided in the im- provised first-aid stations but tatami mats were used to some extent. In general the equipment of the first-aid stations throughout Japan was meager. (d) Types of Construction. First-aid stations, as such, were not specially constructed by the na- tional or local governments. In a few instances the Red Cross did build and operate specially con- structed first-aid station (Photo Page 79). Base- ments of public school buildings, doctors’ offices, 77 railroad terminals, department stores and some- times churches and shrines were utilized for first- aid stations. It was customary for each large factory to own and operate an independent first- aid station or small hospitals for use of its em- ployees and families. d. Reserve First-Aid Stations. Reserve first- aid stations (Yobi Kyugo Sho) were created to Sho) were established in infant and maternity clinics throughout Japan and staffed by nurses and midwives during air-raid alerts. A special duty of the personnel assigned to these stations was to assist women in childbirth who had been rendered homeless as a result of air raids. 5. Hospital Services, a. Types of Hospitals. In the air-defense medical setup of Japan, hos- INJECTION SET Type of portable injection set issued to first-aid stations by Hyogo Prefecture. take care of air-raid casualties in case the estab- lished first-aid stations should be destroyed or otherwise damaged. The reserve stations were located throughout the cities and outlying dis- tricts and were staffed by personnel from first- aid stations far removed from the site of damage or from first-aid stations where there were only few casualties. In some instances, also, person- nel were assigned on a reserve status by the chiefs of the local health sections and in others the Red Cross held workers in readiness for this purpose. The reserve stations were opened on orders from the health section chief, and necessary equipment needed was brought to the station at that time. As in established first-aid stations, no beds were available at the reserve stations. Patients were given emergency treatment and sent either to their homes or to the first-aid hospitals. e. Maternity First-Aid Stations {Josan Kyugo pitals to be used for the treatment of air-raid casualties were designated as first-aid hospitals and special first-aid hospitals. Casualties were evacuated from the first-aid station directly to first-aid hospitals, and those patients requiring specialized surgical treatment or those requiring a long hospitalization were evacuated further to special first-aid hospitals (Tokubetsu Kyugo Byoin). Each hospital had its own staff of physi- cians, dentists and nurses but, if, after large air raids, an overcrowding of patients existed, ad- ditional personnel was assigned to the hospitals by the local health section chiefs. Any doctor’s office or establishment that maintained 10 beds or more for the treatment of patients was classified as a hospital. b. Type of Construction. The installations that were classified as first-aid hospitals and special first-aid hospitals were usually of concrete or 78 brick-veneer construction. In the cities surveyed, only a very small percentage of the buildings were of fire-resistant construction. c. Equipment and Maintenance of Hospitals. The equipment of hospitals was meager. Surgi- reasonably clean, and grime and squalor were the outstanding characteristics of all. In one of the prefectural hospitals an appendectomy was in progress at the time of the visit. The patient was writhing under an inadequate local anesthesia; RED CROSS FIRST-AID STATION There were six of the above type stations constructed by the Japanese Red Cross Society throughout Osaka Prefecture. cal, X-ray and laboratory equipment was ordi- narily in usable condition, but there had been no new replacements for approximately 10 years. The shortage of all types of drugs and specialized equipment such as X-ray film and developing materials constituted one of the most serious problems. Of even more importance than equip- ment was the matter of maintenance, as this afforded a good index to the medical, surgical, and nursing techniques which determined in a large way the patients’ chances for successful re- covery. Although not all hospitals in the target areas were visited, the inspection included the best, as well as some of the worst, so that the samples represented a fair cross section of the hospital system in Japan. None of those visited could even approach a Class A hospital deter- mined by American standards, and some were so filthy as to beggar description. None was even the operating table was draped with a brown tarpaulin encrusted with blood from previous operations, and on this the instruments rested; the gowns of the doctors and nurses were of a similar brown material showing signs of previous use without washing; no gloves were worn; and the surgical dressings were of reclaimed material which had the appearance of having been used repeatedly before. The use of reclaimed dressings was, in fact, the custom observed in all of the hospitals, due, no doubt, to the shortage of cot- ton. The dressings were characteristically of a dirt-stained hue and, in the presence of crude sterilizing facilities, sterility was hardly possible. The one item of technique most meticulously em- ployed was the wearing of face masks. This seemed to be somewhat of a fetish with the Japa- nese, as the wearing of face masks by the lay public is a customary sight on the city streets. 79 The general unkempt condition of the hospitals was enhanced by the fact that the preparation of food for patients and the laundering of their clothing was done by members of the family in the ward or patient’s room over a smoky charcoal were used as hospital wards, and patients were removed to concrete or brick-veneer buildings. In most instances these buildings were shabbily con- structed and were themselves a great fire hazard. Blackouts were enforced during air-raid alarms, Entrance to Underground Shelter—Red Cross Hospital, Osaka, Japan This shelter was of reinforced concrete—had a capacity of approximately 100 persons. It was used almost entirely by officials and the staff of the hospital. brazier, and generally also this afforded the only source of room heat. Operating rooms seemed to be the customary place for drying operating gowns and other surgical linen. Soap and other detergent materials were conspicuously absent, which accounted to some extent for the micro- scopic dirt. Under these circumstances the stand- ards of medical and nursing practice could be nothing but deplorable. d. Air-Raid Protection in Hospitals. During air-raid alerts ambulatory patients went directly to preassigned locations, either into the basement of the building or into dugout shelters on the premises outside the building (Photo, Page 80). Bed patients were carried on stretchers to the shelters, or to the center of the lower floors of the building. Anticipating incendiary air raids, many of the larger hospitals, as a fire preven- tion measure, razed all wooden buildings which and strategic points in the hospitals, such as operating and X-ray rooms, were equipped with special blackout curtains. 6. Medical Training. Beginning in 1943 each prefecture annually sent a delegation of physi- cians to Tokyo for a refresher course in air-raid preparedness and in treatment of air-raid casual- ties. This course, sponsored by the Greater Japan Air-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Boku Kyo- kai) was didactic in nature, lasted for 5 days and consisted of lectures on shocks, hemorrhage, burns, war wounds, poisonous gases, fractures and practical demonstrations in artificial respi- ration, bandaging, splinting and transporting patients on litters and improvised litters. Upon return to their respective prefectures the physi- cians gave a course of instruction to all members of the several professional organizations. Train- ing in medical procedures and first-aid treatment 80 reached the people through two main channels: first, through the block associations and, second, through the auxiliary police and fire units. Physicians who had received instructions from those who took the course in Tokyo wTere assigned to teach the leaders of the block associations and of the auxiliary police and fire units who in turn taught the neighborhood group leaders. The neighborhood group leaders gave a practical course in first aid to all persons under their jurisdiction. Some elementary first aid was taught to the people by the Red Cross but, be- cause of the acute shortage of paper, printed first-aid instructions were not freely distributed to the public (“Red Cross” section). The Greater Japan Air-Defense Association, hoAvever, prepared for general distribution a simple manu- al on various types of air defense, including first aid. The press played an important part in the dissemination of medical information to the pub- lic, and the leading newspapers would run special columns on first-aid treatment, classification and identification of poisonous gases, their effect, and treatment. These columns were either written by members of the health section or by doctors in consultation therewith. Through the radio, speech es on medical subjects were made, not as a regu- lar course of instruction but primarily to stimu- late the people constantly to be prepared to meet medical emergencies. Special instructions on first- aid treatment were given by industrial surgeons to employees of factories. 7. Medical Supplies. All medical supplies issued for civilian use were allocated to the pre- fectures on a pro-rata basis. An acute shortage of medical supplies was experienced by the medi- cal profession during the war years. The situation assumed alarming proportions toward the end of 1943, and the Japanese government took cogni- zance of the impending critical shortage by setting up an advisory committee for the purpose of standardizing the many types of medicines appearing on the market. Many of the medicines were sufficiently similar to be utilized for the same specific purpose. No real progress along these lines was made and the shortage continued to grow more acute. To aggravate the situation, the civilian population flocked to the drug stores, purchasing the few supplies available, which soon depleted the stocks. The following items were extremely scarce: bandages, alcohol, plasters, oils, antiseptics and anesthetics. Biological sup- plies of all kinds were almost wholly lacking. 8. Operations, a. Minor Raids. In appraising the operations of the Japanese first-aid and hos- pital facilities, cognizance must be taken of the air-raid expectancy as determined by the mili- tary and propaganda authorities. The people were consistently led to believe that few if any bombing planes would get through the anti-air- craft defenses. It was reasonable, therefore, for them to plan for only minor air-raid damages. Certainly they had no forewarning to warrant preparations against raids of such proportions as ultimately descended upon them. For such raids as they anticipated the first-aid and hospital facil- ities were mediocre. b. Major Raids. The major air-raid catas- trophes, however, introduced many unforeseen factors. When casualties reached the first-aid stations, the policy was to hold them there not more than 1 hour. It is doubtful as to how closely this schedule was followed, first, because the presence of casualties in large numbers made it practically impossible for the first-aid workers to classify and treat all patients within that time; and second, because at such times transportation facilities were not likely to have been sufficient to evacuate all patients to hospitals promptly. Also, due to heat and suffocating gases many patients could not be reached without a delay of hours or even days. Undoubtedly, many died for lack of first-aid care under those circumstances. Progress in transporting casualties to first-aid stations was further seriously handicapped by the debris clogging the streets and highways. Moreover, the raids did not spare the first-aid stations and first-aid personnel. In Tokyo and vicinity, for instance, 419 out of 857 first-aid sta- tions were destroyed in the great raid of 9 and 10 March 1945; 132 out of 275 first-aid hospitals were destroyed as were 97 out of 196 first-aid maternity hospitals. At the moment of most urgent need, therefore, the operations of first-aid facilities were severely crippled. This same situa- tion was encountered in other cities which suffer- ed widespread devastating raids. In addition to the depletion of first-aid facilities, the sudden and enormous surge of injured persons com- pletely overwhelmed the remaining first-aid forces. These circumstances may be vizualized by the fact that in the raid of 10 March 1945 over Tokyo 5,024 persons were seriously injured and 97,033 slightly injured; and at Nagasaki the most conservative estimate of the injured was 45,000. 81 9. Comments. First-aid preparations and equipment of the Japanese were designed only for small-scale operations and in no instance could they be considered wholly adequate. Under the pressure of heavy casualties their effective- ness approached the vanishing point. How many persons perished for lack of medical and nursing care is, of course, a matter of speculation, but under the circumstances visited upon them, it was inevitable that the number should be consider- able. Morale among the medical and nursing per- sonnel was seriously shaken, as evidenced by the fact that whereas the normal number of doctors in Tokyo was 8,905, the census as of 1 September 1945 showed only 2,176; and the number of nurses dropped from 26,200 to 3,600, Obviously, there was a mass migration to points of safety, and a consequent desertion of professional duty. Although the city of Kyoto was not seriously bombed, the preparations there for first aid suf- fered a drastic decline after observation of what the Kyoto authorities considered the compara- tively futile efforts of first-aid services in Osaka and Kobe following the heavy raids upon those cities. Red Cross I 10. Introduction. The Japanese Red Cross So- ciety (Sekijuji Sha) originated as a volunteer relief service under the name of Hakuaesha and administered to the sick and wounded during the Kagoshima Civil War in 1877. In 1877 the Japa- nese Red Cross Society became a member of the International Red Cross Union in Geneva, and in 1919 it was officially affiliated with the League of Red Cross Societies, which status it still holds. The Japanese Red Cross Society, therefore, was born on the battlefield. In times of war the Japa- nese military authorities leaned very heavily upon it for personnel trained in the emergency care of the wounded—so much so in fact that only nurses with Red Cross basic training or re- fresher training in Red Cross hospitals were ac- cepted in the army. In like manner, doctors with Red Cross training were preferred. 11. Organization, a. Central. From the very beginning, the Japanese Red Cross Society had been the object of special attention from the imperial family. The honorary president was al- ways a prince of the royal household and the active president and two vice presidents were ap- pointed directly by the Emperor. The general affairs of the society were administered by 10 di- rectors among whom were included the president and vice-presidents, while a standing council of 30 members made decisions on all of the more important policies of the society. The Red Cross was related to the governmental machinery in two different ways, which illustrated its dual functions of both military and civilian service: in times of war the Ked Cross was under the jurisdiction of the War Ministry; in peacetime it was under the Ministry of Welfare. All ad- \ ministrative heads, both national and local, to- gether with their administrative staff, were paid workers. Local committees, however, operated on a voluntary basis. The over-all organization of the national headquarters was as follows: Department of General Affairs: General Affairs Section Local Affairs Section Housing and Development Section Department of Foreign Affairs: Foreign Affairs Section Research Section Junior Red Cross Section Department of Relief: Nurses’ Training Section Public Welfare Section Relief Section Relief Materials Section Department of Finance: Auditing Section Supplies Section Construction and Renovating Section Accounts Section b. Local. In each prefecture there was a branch of the Red Cross having jurisdiction over all political subdivisions. This branch was fur- ther subdivided into local committees and sub- committees for villages, towns, municipalities, or wards. The prefectural governor, by reason of Lis office, was automatically chairman of the local branch. The director of the prefectural branch was nominated by the prefectural governor and was appointed by the president of the national society. The local committee and subcommittee chairman and members were appointed by the prefectural director. (Organization Chart, Page 83.) 12. Administration. General policies were for- mulated by the national headquarters and trans- mitted to the prefectural branches for execution. The prefectural branches, however, possessed a fair degree of autonomy in the development of local programs. For illustration, they could ini- 82 ORGANIZATION OF THE JAPANESE RED CROSS HONORARY PRESIDENT HONORARY PRESIDENT NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS LADIES VOLUNTEER NURSING ASSOCIATION RED CROSS MATERNITY HOSPITAL CENTRAL RED CROSS HOSPITAL L OCAL BRANCHES LOCAL BRANCHES LADIES VOLUNTEER NURSING ASSOCIATION LOCAL RED CROSS HOSPITALS SEASHORE SCHOOL PRENATAL AND POSTNATAL CLINIC TUBERCULOSIS SANATORIUMS DISPENSARIES LOCAL RED CROSS MATERNITY HOSPITALS COMMITTEES SUB- BRANCHES SUB-COMMITTEES tiate fund-raising campaigns for the accomplish- ment of local objectives such as the building of hospitals and clinics, subject only to approval from the national headquarters. Although the veto power was seldom exercised, it was an effec- tive deterrent to local enterprise in some in- stances, as in Tokyo where the local branch was restrained from building a hospital that would compete with the hospital owned and operated in Tokyo by the national headquarters. All supplies were distributed from the national headquarters upon requisition from the branch office. There again the approval of national headquarters was a prerequisite to the fulfillment of the order. 13. Functions of the Red Cross, a. National. Although the national headquarters of the Red Cross was primarily a policy-making and coor- dinating body, it did, nevertheless, engage in local activities as, for instance, the operation of hospitals. As shown in the over-all outline of the national headquarters there was a department of relief which in peacetime furnished not only medical and nursing aid, but also material aid in the form of food, clothing and shelter. It is surprising, therefore, that in the great bombing disasters practically no assistance of the latter type-was afforded at any time by the lied Cross either at the national or local level. During the war, however, medical and nursing services were considered more important. Little reference was made to the Junior Red Cross in the surveys of target areas, but this was an organization of no mean importance, for which the national head- quarters carried the m a j o r responsibility. Throughout Japan there were 10,000 Junior Red Cross units in the schools with an average enroll- ment of 400, or a total of 4,000,000 members. Their principal wartime function was to assist in home-front relief by such means as lay within their power. A report of the Junior Red Cross for 1934-37 stated that “the object of the Junior Red Cross Organization is to impress on the minds of little boys and girls the spirit of uni- versal love and the fundamentals of hygiene; to practice health habits and foster love for children of all parts of the world * * * to foster good habits, morally and hygienically, and to cultivate humanitarian ideals.” Perhaps its most important war service was in the form of labor groups to work on the farms in the interest of increased 83 food production. This practice was seen in post- war operation between Osaka and Kyoto, in- cluded in the function of the national headquar- ters as a central supply organization was the preparation and distribution of printed material for publicity and teaching purposes. In the field of nurse training the national headquarters un- derwrote the job of recruiting nursing students and financing their training whenever local de- ficiencies existed. And finally, the national head- quarters maintained 30 relief committees for pris- oners of war. These handled more than 410,000 letters and packages for prisoners, both Allied and Japanese. b. Local. The principal Red Cross services were carried out through the local branches. Foremost among these services were the operation of hospitals and clinics and the training of nurses. (1) Hospitals, Clinics and First-Aid Stations. There was a total of 38 Red Cross hospitals in Japan with a bed capacity of 7,600. Included in this list were those operated by the national head- quarters to which reference has already been made. These were the general hospital in Tokyo with 500 beds; a tuberculosis hospital in Hiroshi- ma, capacity unstated; a general hospital of 600 beds at Suwa in Nagano prefecture, and two small hospitals of 50 beds each in the same pre- fecture. The latter two were reserved exclusively for the navy. With that exception, at least 10 percent of all beds was reserved for civilian use, but the military forces had first claim on all other beds. The Red Cross hospitals were staffed en- tirely by Red Cross personnel. The military forces made no contribution toward the main- tenance of the hospitals, but paid the same per diem rates as were charged for civilian patients. As an accessory to the hospitals, the Red Cross conducted local clinics, and in some instances, as in Nagasaki, these were the only Red Cross medi- cal installations in the prefecture. In the localities of the more severe air raids when the govern- mental first-aid facilities were overtaxed, the Red Cross in some instances set up supplemental first- aid stations. For example, six such stations were established in Osaka (Page 79). (2) Training of nurses in peacetime as well as in war was an outstanding service performed by the Red Cross. Nurses trained in Red Cross hos- pitals occupied a position of undisputed suprem- acy in the nursing profession. It was presumably for that reason that the army would accept only nurses having some degree of Red Cross training. Those who had had the full course of training in Red Cross hospitals were preferred, but others who had been trained in other hospitals were eligible for army service after a 3-months re- fresher course in a Red Cross hospital. It is ob- vious, therefore, that the nurse training facilities of the Red Cross were strained to the limit to meet the demands of the military forces. The standard course for nurses required a 3-year period of training, and admitted only those who had been graduated from high schools. The mili- tary demand for nurses, however, made it neces- sary to admit students with substandard prelimi- nary training and to shorten the course of in- struction. As a war measure, therefore, students were accepted upon graduation from grade school, and the course for this group was re- duced to 2 years. The latter were known as B class nurses, whereas those meeting the standard requirements and pursuing the 3-year course were A class nurses. During the war years there were 1,900 A class nurses and about 1,000 B class nurses trained annually, but after the cessation of hostilities the training of B class nurses was discontinued. Upon graduation there was no distinction made between A and B class nurses in so far as duties or pay was concerned. It was natural, however, that the A class nurses should be sought for the more responsible positions. The training program also extended to a special group of nurses who had received basic training in other than Red Cross hospitals. These were brought in for a 3-months course in order to be conditioned for military service. The total num- ber processed in this way was not obtainable. All of the expenses incident to training—for food, quarters, clothing and books—were borne by the Red Cross. After graduation both A and B class nurses were obligated to service with the Red Cross for a period of 12 years which, in sub- stance, meant that they were in the Red Cross reserve for that period. A unique item in the tour of duty of nurses on the fighting fronts was the fact that they served only 1 year at a time, after which they were brought back home and replaced by others. After a year at home, how- ever, they were subject to reassignment with troops in the field. (3) Each of the Red Cross general hospitals had an obstetrical department, and in Tokyo there was a special maternity hospital. These facilities were utilized in the training of mid- wives who received a 2-year course of instruction. 84 This is a highly important function since vastly more babies attended at birth by midwives than by doctors. Graduates were bound for 2 years to work in an institution designated by the Red Cross, and for a period of 6 years thereafter they were required to be in readiness to respond to calls from either the national headquarters or a local Red Cross branch. (4) Training of the Public. As far back as 1927 a plan was instituted for training the pub- lic in hygiene through the facilities of the local branches. With the advent of war the emphasis was shifted from hygiene to the care of the wounded. The Red Cross, therefore, supplemen- ted the first-aid training program carried on by the governmental units. The pattern varied in different localities, but the general plan was to send out teams, each consisting of one doctor and two or more helpers who had had army expe- rience, to conduct lectures and demonstrations before regional 2-day meetings arranged in ad- vance. Stress was placed upon the attendance of the leaders of neighborhood groups and of block associations at these meetings, as they were ex- pected to teach in turn first-aid methods to their constituent groups. Similar courses were given to school girls and to womens’ organizations, but the course was not standardized and no certifi- cates of proficiency were given. In some instances, however, a series of lectures and demonstrations covering a period of two or three weeks was given to selected groups of girls in schools, upon completion of which certificates were given. (5) Public Health and Welfare Work. As has already been noted, welfare work was practically abandoned during the war and this function was shifted to the governmental agencies. Public health activities also continued but on a reduced scale. Although Japan had a health section in each prefectural government, the most significant public health work was done by the Red Cross. Since 1914, the Red Cross had carried on an active campaign against tuberculosis, including the establishment of clinics, preventoria, sani- toria, and the dissemination of educational and propaganda material. One of the interesting and successful projects in that connection had been the seaside summer schools for “delicate” children. This venture was so well received that a report for 1934 shows 39 such schools in which 4,552 children were cared for. Another highly impor- tant project of the Red Cross had been the infant and maternal hygiene and consultation centers. These activities were firmly established in some of the larger centers of population and were rapidly spreading to others. While these public health measures were carried on supplementary to, and in conjunction with, the governmental health agencies, they represented practically the only service of this nature in Japan. 14. Finances. The Red Cross in Japan had from its beginning enjoyed the generous patron- age of the imperial family. Each year a large, but undisclosed, grant was made from that source for the support of the Red Cross program. The two principal sources of funds for operation and maintenance, however, were membership fees, and fees for service in the hospitals and clinics. a. Membership was so unique as to require special explanation. All memberships were for life with the exception of the regular membership which was granted upon payment of 3 yen per year, but even that became a paid-up life membership after 10 years of consecutive pay- ments. The regular life membership might be secured by the payment of 25 yen in a lump sum. Those who paid 200 yen or more at any one time or who were recognized as having rendered especially meritorious service to the society were awarded special membership. Regular or special members who subscribed for a further period of 10 years at 3 yen per year or another 25 yen in a single payment received a “Voluntary Medal” from the society. By making second and third payments as just described, the contributors re- ceive the “Second” and “First Class” medals, respectively. Those who contributed 1,000 yen or more in a single payment were made special members, and, in addition, received a citation “Yukosho” or “Order of Merit” with the sanction of the emperor. Those who subscribed over 10,- 000 yen in a single payment were given one of the regular imperial decorations called “Konju- hosho” or “Blue Ribbon Distinguished Service Medal”, in addition to the “Order of Merit” above mentioned. Honorary members were made only upon a resolution passed by the standing committee, without reference to contributions. From all membership fees and contributions re- ceived by local branches 10 percent was turned over to the national headquarters. b. Fees for professional and hospital services constituted the principal, if not the sole, revenue for the maintenance of the hospitals and clinics. All patients with any financial status were re- 85 quired to pay the full charge or as much of it as they were able. Those who could not pay were treated free. It is alleged that no distinction was made between charity and paying cases in so far as treatment was concerned. c. Special drives for Red Cross funds played a minor role in the financial plan, as the war pro- gram of the Japanese Red Cross underwent no expansion comparable with that of the United States. Such special drives as were staged were intended primarily to raise funds for local hos- pital construction and, consequently, were con- fined to local prefectures. 15. Comments. Although the Japanese Red Cross was a quasi-military service, its program rejected less emergency activity than that of any other organizations engaged in the care of human casualties of war. In other words the Red Cross of Japan did not go “all out” for war work to a degree comparable with the American Red Cross. Welfare work for disaster sufferers was left wholly to the governmental agencies, and there was no evidence discovered of work for the comfort of soldiers or assistance to soldiers’ fami- lies. A policy of this kind was in keeping with the depressed standards of living and comfort both among the civilian population and military personnel. The army, however, was wholly de- pendent upon the Red Cross for its supply of nurses. Mortuary Services 16. Introduction. The only evidence of long- range planning for large scale emergencies in the disposal of the dead from enemy action in Japan was found in Tokyo where it was said that in 1940 inquiry had been made from army officials re- garding the expectancy of deaths from war. As has been noted in the introduction to this section, an estimate of 30,000 annually was received. The mortuary service was therefore planned with that figure in mind. Elsewhere, however, plans had to be developed as the emergencies arose, since the impression had been created generally that the islands would not be invaded and that bomb- ing damage would be negligible. Directives sent out from Tokyo to the prefectures stressed the importance of utmost secrecy in connection with deaths from air raids. Bodies were to be disposed of in secluded places and funerals were to be carefully screened from the public gaze. The ob- vious intent, as well as the expressed purpose, of this policy was to avoid exciting the public. This circumstance naturally deterred any public cogni- zance of the need for a comprehensive program for disposal of large numbers of war dead, even though such casualties had been anticipated. 17. Organization. At the ministerial level there was no clearly defined central authority giving guidance and direction to this work. At the local level it was usually a function of the prefectural police department in some manner, and the police departments were under the over- all jurisdiction of the Ministry of Home Affairs. There was a great deal of confusion and uncer- tainly as to precisely where the responsibility for the work should be placed. It was apparently a job which no one wanted. In Osaka it was handled by the guard section of the prefectural police department, and in Kobe and Nagasaki by the criminal section; in Kyoto it was first a func- tion of the health department, later transferred to a section of the police department having com- mand and control jurisdiction over air-defense activities and known as “Keibuka,” and finally transferred to another section known as “Keimu- ka,” which had charge of personnel and accounts; in Tokyo the setup differed from all the others in the fact that the work was under the parks and cemeteries section, formerly a branch of the health department, which had been transferred to the bureau of planning and public works operat- ing under the governor of the Tokyo Metro- politan District rather than the chief of the dis- trict police. In all instances the undertaker’s as- sociation was involved either as the operating agency or in an auxiliary capacity. But, regard- less of the variations in the prefectural pattern, the ultimate units of organization which actually did the work were the mortuary squads of 8 to 10 men each, which were branches of the auxiliary police and fire units. These, as a rule, were made up of undertakers and their helpers, augmented wherever possible by men who had had experience with the handling of dead bodies on the battlefield. In some instances men had to be forcibly drafted into this service, as it was not only distasteful to the average person, but violated the religious concepts of the Japanese. In one instance only, namely in Tokyo during the great fire raids of 9 and 10 March 1945, did the army give any assistance. From the foregoing outline it is interesting to note how this work, as did most of the emergency program, finally gravitated to the police authorities. That was a logical development, not only because emergency 86 work required the exercise of the powers of com- mand, but also for the reason that identification was an important function of the police in which they were better trained to act than any other agency. (Organization Chart, Page 87). 18. Administration. When it was once decided were under the direction of civil authorities. De- tails as to the duties of mortuary squads and how they were performed will he discussed under the paragraph on operations. 19. Operations, a. Mortuary Squads. After many of the minor air raids when casualties were ORGANIZATION—MORTUARY SERVICE OF JAPAN MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS PREFECTURAL GOVERNOR A. POLICE DEPT. or GUARD SECTION or CRIMINAL SECTION UNDERTAKERS' ASSOCIATION B. PARKS AND CEMETERIES SECTION OF PUBLIC WORKS DIVISION DISTRICT POLICE AUXILIARY POLICE AND FIRE UNITS MORTUARY SQUADS BLOCK ASSOCIATION NEIGHBORHOOD GROUPS where this service should fit into the prefectural government, the administrative procedure be- came fairly simple. Mortuary squads were formed and assigned to their respective auxiliary police and fire units. They then worked under the direction of the district police offices, but under the tactical supervision of the chief of the service in the prefectural office and under the technical supervision of the undertaker’s associa- tion. Military personnel assigned to this work few, the task of disposing of the dead was carried out by undertakers in the usual manner without calling on the emergency machinery. Even at the sound of an air-raid alarm the mortuary squads did nothing more than hold themselves in readi- ness for action. Little was attempted until after the cessation of an air raid. According to a pre- arranged schedule, a specified representative of the undertaker’s association reported to the head- quarters of the auxiliary police and fire unit 87 when an air-raid alarm was sounded in order to determine the need, if any, for assistance. Should this need develop, the call was sent out through the chief of the auxiliary police and fire unit for mortuary personnel to report for duty in such numbers and places as the emergency might re- quire. In some instances the menial duties asso- ciated with the job were performed by members of the neighborhood group association, civil prisoners, or even soldiers. During the rescue and first-aid operations, however, the mortuary squads worked in close harmony with rescue and first-aid workers, as often a narrow margin sep- arated the living from the dead. When raids were followed by fire, as most of them were, it was commonly a matter of several days before dead bodies could be reached by the mortuary squads. Following the raid of 10 March 1945 on Tokyo, bodies were still being found in isolated places after 25 days. b. Identification and Notification. Each person was required to have sewed into articles of his or her clothing a cloth identification tag giving the name, address, neighborhood group to which the individual belonged, and, in the case of school children, the school attended. These, of course, were useless in those instances where the clothing was destroyed by fire. Fingerprinting was not used because of the stigma attached to it in con- nection with its use in the identification of crimi- nals. Responsibility for identification was placed upon the police department because the police were best trained and equipped for personal identification. Also, the local police officials by reason of frequent inspections of residences in their jurisdictions had a personal acquaintance with practically everyone in the community. It was doubtless for those reasons that in two of the target areas the criminal section of the police de- partment had charge of the disposal of the dead. When casualties occurred, an effort was first made to identify them on the spot, as the location of the person was an important factor in identification. When bodies were identified, relatives were promptly notified, if possible, and given an op- portunity to claim the body for private funeral. If it were impracticable or impossible to identify bodies at the site of death, further efforts were made at the locations where dead bodies were con- centrated. It was here that the families and friends of the dead were asked to assist in the identification. Body marks known to friends and relatives, and even the pattern of cloth, if any articles of clothing remained, were important aids to identification. It should he noted that accurate identification was not only of a sentimental and statistical value, but played a decisive role in establishing claims to various types of indemnity benefits. c. Transforation of the Dead. When deaths oc- curred within the bombed area the bodies were picked up by litter bearers and carried either to points of concentration or to locations on the periphery where the bodies could be reached by motor vehicles. For terminal transportation to crematories or burial grounds, hearses belonging to local undertakers were used in so far as pos- sible, but these were notoriously inadequate ex- cept in the case of raids resulting in small num- bers of casualties. Ambulances were practically nonexistent, and the few available were used for the transportation of the injured rather than the dead. The principal reliance, therefore, was upon trucks which were supplied upon request from the chief of the mortuary service by a motor pool in the central control headquarters. In the most dire emergencies even the supply of trucks failed, so that horse-drawn vehicles and any other wheeled conveyances were pressed into service. d. Collection and Storage of the Dead. The veil of secrecy enjoined by the early directors was completely swept aside by the grave neces- sities of war. Instead, when the heavy raids struck, points were designated where bodies should be collected and held for identification by friends and relatives. Thus, the ghastly exhibits were not only placed on public display, but the public was urged to make a critical inspection of them. Laid out in rows in the temple compound or some other open space accessible to the public, the bodies were to be held a maximum of 2 days in warm weather, and 4 days in relatively low temperatures. Wherever available, large floor spaces with overhead protection from the ele- ments were preferred for the temporary storage of bodies, but such facilities were the exception rather than the rule. e. Disposal of the Dead. Whenever bodies could be identified, relatives or friends, if they could be found, wore not only given an opportu- nity but were expected to claim the body for private disposal. All other bodies were disposed of at the expense of the municipality or prefec- ture. The predominating method of disposal was by cremation. Existing crematory facilities were utilized to the extent of their capacity, but in the 88 heavy raids they were found hopelessly inade- quate, especially in view of the fact that in not a few instances the crematories themselves were either partly or completely destroyed. When the load exceeded the capacity of the crematories, the emergency was met in one of two different ways. war dead was a duty shunned by all official agen- cies until mounting casualties forced the issue. For that reason the responsible authorities were lacking in both plans and equipment when ca- lamity descended upon them. The normal facili- ties for disposal of the dead were sufficient to Skeletal remains after open cremation following atomic bomb raid at Nagasaki, Japan. The prevailing method was to burn the bodies in the open either at a shrine or at a location in the devastated area. In the large areas of devas- tation as at Nagasaki numerous cremation points were observed. In Tokyo, however, a rather unique plan was adopted, whereby the bodies were given temporary earth burial in single graves, if identified, but otherwise in large pits containing 100 bodies each. The plan was to exhume the remains 5 years later when the flesh had disintegrated, and to cremate the bones. In the case of identified bodies the ashes were to be delivered to the family or friends, but the ashes of unidentified bodies were to be deposited at some appropriate shrine. 20. Comments, a. General. The disposal of take care of the situation resulting from minor raids, but even the most energetic emergency measures were totally inadequate under the im- pact of the cataclysmic raids. Perhaps the best approach to the solution of the problem was the plan devised by the city of Tokyo, as described in the preceding paragraph. Except in deference to religious customs and beliefs, however, there was no necessity of carrying the plan beyond the stage of earth burial. 21. Extreme Emergencies. As an illustration of some of the unique problems encountered as a result of massive casualty lists a recapitulation of the experience in Nagasaki after the atomic bomb will be informative. In response to the call immediately sent out to the 250 members of the 695046—47—7 89 mortuary squads, only 70 reported for duty. Many of them were, of course, either killed or injured; others had urgent problems at home in caring for their own families and friends so that they could not, or at least would not, disregard what they considered their most urgent duty. Of the 25,761 known dead resulting from the imme- diate effects of the bombs, it was estimated that about 75 percent was killed instantaneously which meant that the mortuary service was sud- denly confronted with the task of disposing of a prodigious number of dead bodies. Undoubtedly a large number of bodies was not located, as it was said that the stench of decomposing flesh hung heavily over the area for weeks. The loca- tion and identification of the dead were,, of course, the first objective, for which purpose a special group was chosen from mortuary squads. At first the heat was so great that they could not enter the stricken area, so that their activities were confined to the river banks and other places where the heat was relatively low. Some sections were inaccessible for a period of 3 days or more. Calls were sent out for all available help- ers from neighboring cities and in this way there was assembled a force of about 400 to augment the local workers. The crematories having been found unequal to the task placed upon them, the bodies were collected at convenient points within the ruins and burned in groups of five, using for fuel the combustible material collected from the wreckage (Page 89). The great raid on Tokyo presented problems similar in all essential re- spects to those described above for Nagasaki. G. RESCUE SERVICES 1. Introduction. The development of the rescue services as part of air-raid-protection organizations was effected before 1932 when Japanese organizations similar to neighborhood groups (Tonari Gumi) and block associations (Chokai) performed fire-fighting and other pro- tective functions in their respective areas. In order to develop more efficient operation and to secure more control over such groups, the prefec- tural governments, in 1932, issued directives that they would be combined on a prefectural level into the guard and rescue unit (Bogodan). This organization functioned until 1939 when the Min- istry of Home Affairs directed that all guard and rescue units be absorbed into a new organization to be known as the auxiliary police and fire unit (Keibodan). This new organization, in addition to the responsibilities of the former guard and rescue unit, was to assume the varied functions of air-raid protection. It was within the labor and guide squads of the guard arm of this organi- zation that the first real rescue service in con- nection with air raids was established (for a de- tailed explanation of the organization, refer to the “Auxiliary Police and Fire Unit (Keibo- dan)” section of this report). As a result of practices and drills, it was soon recognized that the capabilities of the rescue service of this or- ganization were insufficient to handle major res- cue incidents from air raids. Therefore on 20 April 1944 the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a directive to the prefectural governments order- ing the establishment by 1 May 1944 of the guard rescue unit (Keibitai) as a special organization under the prefectural police bureau. The direc- tive specified the functions of the organization as auxiliary police duties, guard duties, road clear- ance, panic control and morale building, with special emphasis upon rescue service during air raids. Guard Rescue Unit (Keibitai) 2. Organisation. The guard rescue unit (Kei- bitai) organization functioned as the principal rescue service unit during the entire period of air raids from the fall of 1944 to the end of the war in August 1945. It was generally establish- ed as part of the guard service in the peace pre- servation and maintenance sections of the police bureau in each prefecture. The directive permit- ted the prefectural governments considerable latitude in the organization of the unit, which re- sulted in the formation of units of 1 to 7 bat- talions. The number of battalions depended upon the area to be covered, the financial condition of the prefecture, and the availability of man pow- er. Each battalion was composed of one to three companies; each company had from 1 to 3 pla- toons; and each platoon was invariably made up of three squads. Each squad was composed of one squad leader and 10 men and since each pla- toon always had 2 leaders and 3 squads, the com- plement of a platoon was 35 men. The total com- plement of each unit varied because of the diver- sity in the number of companies. (Organization chart on Page 91). In no instance was a unit ever recruited to its full strength because of the heavy military drain upon man power. The chief (Kei- bitai Cho) of each established unit was the chief of police affairs of the prefecture, and he was 90 Organization of Guard Rescue Unit (Keibitol) Showing Chain of Command MINISTRY of HOME AFFAIRS (NAIMU SHO) PREFECTURAL GOVERNOR (CH1JI) POLICE BUREAU KIEBO KYOKU GUARD RESCUE UNIT (KEIBITAI) BATTALION (I TO 7 BNS.) I DAITAI) BN BN. BN. BN. BN. BN. ca COMPANY (1-3) (CHUTAI) CO PL. PLATOON (1-3) (SHOTAI) PL. SO. SQUAD (3) (HAN) so- assisted by police inspectors. Police superin- tendents commanded battalions, and lower rank- ing police officials were in command of the smaller units. 3. Personnel. The personnel of this unit were recruited from two sources: first, from individuals who had applied for appointment to the police force; and second, from regular members of the police force. In the first group, the applicant generally had to be a graduate of a city school, pass a physical examination, be 17 to 40 years of age, and pass a written test. Upon compliance with these regulations, the applicant was given a 50- to 90-day period of training which covered general police duties and rescue service. At the end of this training period the applicant was as- signed to either the regular police organization or to the guard rescue unit in accordance with his record and abilities. In the second group, the members were chosen from the regular police force personnel on the basis of good records in the performance of regular police duties, pro- vided they were not over 30 years of age. Every member of each unit was a regular employee of the prefectural government and, as such, received a definite salary and observed definite hours of duty, except during air raids when the entire personnel of a unit was mobilized. 4. Operational Control and Procedure. Each city or prefecture which had organized a unit was generally divided into areas in each of which ■was located a battalion or lower echelon head- quarters. These areas usually were composed of a number of police districts. When an air-raid “alert” was sounded all members of units were required to report immediately to their battalion headquarters. When an incident occurred it was reported generally through the police box to either the district police station or the battalion headquarters from where it was relayed to the control center. There the chief of the unit made the decision as to the size of the unit to be dis- patched and the battalion chief at the particular battalion headquarters was ordered to dispatch the specified unit or units. In some cases, where battalion commanders were given the authority to dispatch units, the report of the incident would be relayed from the police station directly to the battalion headquarters. Wherever this situation prevailed the chief of the entire unit, stationed 91 at the control center was kept constantly advised regarding the disposition of all units. The move- ment of battalions or their units from one area to another was under the direct supervision of the chief of the entire unit and was accomplished only when requests for aid were forwarded by battalion commanders. Communication among the control center, battalion headquarters and the senior officer at the incident was -maintained at all times either by telephone or messenger. The rescue responsibility of the unit at an incident was terminated just as soon as all trapped vic- tims had been extricated and turned over to the medical services functioning at the incident. 5. Training. While the primary function of the unit was rescue during and after air raids, the shortage of man power necessitated its use for other duties, mainly police, in the periods be- tween air raids. This situation greatly influenced the development of the training program. Ap- plicants for a position on the police force were given a 1- to 3-months training course in regular police duties such as the study of city ordinances, operation of police boxes, and patrol of sections of the city. At the conclusion of this training period, men were assigned to either the guard rescue unit or the regular police on the basis of examinations, physical make-up, and age. Very often the younger men were assigned to the guard rescue unit so that they could continue to receive police training in conjunction with the rescue-service training. The leader of each unit was solely responsible for the training of the per- sonnel. He planned the courses of training and issued directives that they be carried out. Schools were established in the prefectural police and fire departments, which were attended by all bat- talion, company, and platoon leaders who then returned to their respective commands and in- structed their personnel. In some instances, the commander in chief acted as the instructor but very often men with some engineering back- ground were brought in to give lectures and de* monstrations. The program was further ampli- fied by reports made by leaders of the unit who had visited other cities to study training pro- grams and who also had studied the operation of rescue services in bombed cities. The army had established an engineer corps school (Kohe- tai Gakko) in several prefectures, and they were made available for training guard rescue unit leaders regarding the types and capabilities of bombs used by the Allied air forces. The only practical training was obtained as a result of the units’ helping to demolish houses to form fire- breaks. No formalized curriculum was ever de- veloped and whatever periods of training were instituted were always sandwiched between the training in and performance of police duties. 6. Special Functions. Although rescue service was the most important of its air-raid-protection duties, the unit was also authorized to aid in road clearance after raids, control of traffic, guidance and direction of refugees, prevention of panic, and bolstering of morale. Particular emphasis was placed upon training the unit in the last two of these duties. This was particualrly true after the fall of the Mariana Islands when it became apparent that heavy air raids on the homeland were imminent. Investigations definitely proved that, during the later stages of the war, the fail- ure to establish good training procedures and to provide sufficient and adequate rescue equipment prevented the unit from performing rescue ser- vices and caused it to direct almost all of its efforts to fulfilling these auxiliary duties. Guard Arm (Keibibu) of the Auxiliary Police and Fire Unit (Keibodan) 7. Organization. Rescue service in the auxil- iary police and fire unit was concentrated in the guard arm (Keibibu). Some of the auxiliary police and fire units, in order to achieve better control and operation, were divided into subunits (Bundan). (For a detailed description of the auxiliary police and fire unit see that section of this report.) Although the guard arm was usual- ly divided into squads with specific duties, the shortage of man power compelled all members of the guard arm to perform the functions of res- cue, first aid, messenger and similar duties. In some localities the medical arm was also assigned the responsibility of rescue service along with the guard arm. 8. Personnel. Since all members of the auxil- iary police and fire units were recruited on a volunteer basis, the leader of the unit generally selected and assigned the members of the guard arm. Because the number of members varied ac- cording to the population of the area and the leadership of the unit, the number of personnel available for rescue service ranged from 200 to 16,000 persons in different communities. 9. Training. The training program is described in the section of this report on “Training of 92 Civil ian Defense Personnel and the General Pub- lic.” 10. Operational Control and Procedure. For an explanation of the air-raid operational control and procedure of the guard arm refer to the sec- tion of this report covering the auxiliary police and fire unit (Keibodan). Features Common to Both Organizations 11. Location of Casualties. The usual proce- dure for locating trapped victims was to find of removal was started from the sides but if the building had collapsed into the basement or into the shelters, the removal of debris was started from the top of the pile. The dangers of this method to the casualties were fully realized by the Japanese but nevertheless no other method was developed. Whenever rescue incidents occur- red in heavily constructed buildings, fallen beams and other weighty materials were removed by at- taching ropes and pulling them from the debris by means of trucks when available, otherwise, by Typical equipment of guard rescue units and guard arms for performing rescue operations. the entrances of the shelters and buildings which had collapsed and start the removal of debris at those points. Due to the generally small size and light construction of residential buildings, this had been found to be the most satisfactory meth- od. In some instances, rescue officials attempted to quiet all persons in the immediate vicinity so that the groans and ci-ies of trapped victims might be used to help determine their locations. At no time were mechanical devices employed to locate persons buried under the ruins. 12. Rescue Technique. The debris-clearance method was the only one taught and used for extricating trapped victims. If the debris was piled above the surface of the ground, the work groups of rescue personnel. Tunneling and bracing to prevent further collapse were seldom used. In some areas, plans had been proposed to develop an emergency engineering unit within the guard rescue unit which would have mechanical jack hammers and cranes as part of their equip- ment. These units were to have been formed by persons engaged in the building trades but due to the lack of facilities and the quick ending of the war, the plans never matured. 13. Equipment. Rescue equipment of the guard rescue unit was of the simplest and crudest type possible, consisting of hand implements such as saws, small picks, rope, sledge hammers, crowbars, shovels and the like (Page 03). No 93 equipment operated by motive power was avail- able. During the early part of the war a few trucks were available for transportation of per- sonnel and equipment to incidents (Page 94) but, due to destruction by raids and inability to secure parts and maintain proper mechanical condition, it was often necessary for the units to travel to voted about one page to actual rescue work and the rest of the pamphlet to the treatment of injuries. The training program seldom included any practical training even when areas bombed out by early raids presented excellent opportu- nities for such training. Too much time in the training program was devoted to such subjects Type of trucks which were available in very small numbers for transportation of personnel and equipment. incidents on bicycles or on foot. The guard arm had even less equipment and always moved to incidents on foot. Comments 11. The rescue services assigned to the guard rescue unit and guard arm of the auxiliary po- lice and lire units were among the most poorly organized and inefficient of Japanese civilian de- fense services. The reasons for this were: a. The training of the personnel was woefully inefficient as most of the instructors had no ex- perience in trades or work which was closely allied to the problems of the rescue services.' In some localities, the instructors secured all of their knowledge on rescue operations from a manual published by the Ministry of Home Affairs en- titled “Rescue of Air-Raid Victims” which de- as prevention of panic and bolstering of morale. b. The simple and crude equipment, together with tiie lack of vehicles, prevented the perform- ance of real rescue services. The absence of me- chanical equipment, so necessary in rescue ser- vice, was probably due to inadequate planning which had been based on estimates by the mili- tary authorities that Japan would not undergo heavy raids of high-explosive bombs. No sound detection implements were used to locate per- sons buried under debris. c. The personnel of these units was selected on the basis of performance of police duties and physical makeup rather than of ability or ex- perience to perform the type of work required. The number of rescue workers, if maintained at full streiigth according to the tables of organiza- tion, was adequate for small and medium-sized 94 raids but should have been augmented by mobile reserves outfitted with heavy equipment such as were observed in Germany. The failure to keep the units at full strength was attributed to the demands of the military service since no member was exempt from the draft. d. The false sense of security caused by the lack of accurate information given out by the military authorities definitely hampered the establishment of efficient rescue services. The military did not expect high-explosive raids in any great number or intensity and so advised that preparations be made to handle high-ex- plosive bombs not exceeding 500 pounds. H. POST-RAID CLEARANCE AND REPAIR I. Introduction, a. Scope of Report. This study covers the manner in which the Japanese prepared and executed plans for clearing streets, repairing roads and bridges and restoring public utility services disrupted by air attacks. The topic includes the repair and demolition of buildings, and salvage. b. Peacetime Background. (1) Government Operations. Ultimate jurisdiction over the more important roads and bridges, as well as over cer- tain public utilities in Japan, rested with bureaus within the Ministry of Home Affairs operating through comparable bureaus in the prefectural governments. National control was effected by direct grants for new construction, review of plans for all construction and by requiring the prefectures to submit their public works annual budgets for approval. When war broke out, there- fore, the prefectures looked to the national gov- ernment for guidance. (2) Municipal Operations. The major cities operated under the close supervision of their re- spective prefectural governments. Less impor- tant roads and bridges and side streets were peacetime city responsibilities, but the prefec- tures were directly responsible for the main arteries. The cities, therefore, turned to the pre- fectures for leadership. Water works or munici- pally operated street cars were an exception, how- ever, for the cities, in complete control in peaces time, were prepared to accept full responsibility for their maintenance and restoration in wartime emergencies. (3) Private Operations. Except for govern- ment interest in their financial affairs or govern- ment regulations affecting individual employees, private companies operating street cars or elec- tricity or gas distribution companies conducted their operations independently of government help or control. When the war emergency arose, particularly that of the air raids, they preferred to handle their problems, using their own re- sources rather than calling for government aid. 2. Clearance and Repair of Roads, Bridges and Waterways, a. The Problem. The first seri- ous planning for clearance and repair in Decem- ber 1943 was based on the assumption that, if and when American bombers attacked, the weap- on used would be high-explosive bombs. In the larger cities, certain wide streets were designated as priority ways for emergency clearance and re- pair so as to allow for movement of urgent traffic. It was felt that the enemy could newer drop enough bombs to create a problem that could not be solved by temporary re-routing of such traffic. Prompt clearance of the narrow streets in resi- dential areas was not considered essential for air defense. b. Administrative Changes. The paper organi- zation in the prefectures and cities usually known as the air-defense headquarters included in all cases the chiefs of the public works department, together with their deputies in charge of roads, bridges and waterways, respectively. Actually, the air-defense headquarters of a prefecture was a police-controlled arrangement for achieving coordination of damage information and dis- patching defense forces, including road and bridge personnel, to trouble spots. Thus, the final local responsibility for road clearance and repair rested with the chief of the defense headquarters, for it was he who issued commands to prefectural public works personnel. In some cities, local po- lice stations had this authority and could order out local units of prefectural or city public works forces. It should be emphasized that this clear- ance and repair planning involved no new agen- cies or personnel; but was simply a scheme for centralizing authority in the hands of the police. c. Construction Unit. At the same time that the air-defense headquarters were set up through- out Japan, there was established an emergency public works construction unit (Okyu Doboku Kosaku Dan) in each of the prefectures. A plan setting forth the organization, procedures, train- ing and operations of the unit was issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs and was designed to put the regular public works forces on a wartime basis. It recommended that no new personnel be added, but that existing forces be organized so as 95 to make the most effective use of personnel and equipment on hand. Suggested training was con- fined to “maneuvers” calculated to increase the speed with which the forces could be assembled and dispatched to places of need, and to “spiritu- al strengthening for increasing determination”. Each prefecture organized several companies of the unit and these were divided into platoons and squads located throughout the area. Reports of strength, equipment and training were to be sent periodically to the Ministry of Home Affairs, but, in practice, these reports were perfunctory, or were not forthcoming at all. d. Equipment. Only in the Tokyo Metro- politan District wTere the amount and character of clearance and repair equipment at all adequate to the problems that arose. In other cities, even before it had been commandeered by the army, road equipment was primitive and consisted largely of hand tools, except for rollers and trucks. When the army took over most of the last two items there was little motorized equip- ment left. Kobe claimed to have had bulldozers on order, but in view of the low priority given to civilian requirements, it was doubtful whether they would ever have been delivered, even if the plant manufacturing the bulldozers had not been destroyed. Between the destruction of equipment caused by the raids and the acute shortage of motor fuel, the public works departments were virtually without motorized equipment after the air attacks started. e. Auxiliaries. At about the same time that the emergency construction unit was established, there was set up on a national basis a labor patriotic unit (Romu Hokoku Tai) from which was recruited the emergency repair unit (Kinkyu Kosaku Tai), organized by local police districts and subject to their authority. The members were artisans of various kinds, carpenters, masons, plumbers and electricians who, although paid for the services they performed, were nevertheless under orders from the police and were liable to call at any time no matter what their regular occupation might be. A second source of aid was the special guard unit of the police (Keibitai), one subdivision of which, under instructions from the Ministry of Home Affairs, was presumably to train itself in techniques of debris clearance and repair of public installations. Assistance was considered to be available from the auxiliary po- lice and fire units (Keibodan) and also from neighborhood groups (Tonari Gumi). In the planning for clearance, no specific inclusion of the army was made, either at the national or local levels. Debris clearance in industrial plants was left to the owners. f. Operations. (1) Clearance. Despite rather elaborate plans, clearance operations were con- fused and slow. This was partly due to lack of coordination among the several groups responsi- ble for the work and partly because there did not appear to be any great urgency in the matter. The personnel, equipment and organization were adequate for handling damage from stray bombs dropped during the first few high-explosive raids which were aimed primarily at industrial tar- gets; but as soon as the great fire raids began, the plans broke down almost completely. There was practically no clearance work done during the raids themselves because of (1) the intense heat, (2) the dispersal of clearance personnel, and (3) the fuel shortage which had virtually eliminated motor traffic. After the raids were over, the principal streets w’ere cleared by the emergency public works construction unit, and the various auxiliary clearance units described above worked on a local neighborhood basis. The latter was somewhat haphazard since the streets to be cleared were, in most cases, in areas that had been completely burned down. The Japanese did not have to cope with the serious clearance problems created by high-explosive attacks on buildings of heavy construction, as was the case in Germany, and that Was fortunate because they did not possess the necessary equipment. The practice was to bring such motor transportation as was available for rescue to the edge of the bombed areas and to remove to that point the trapped and injured by hand-carried stretchers; there was no other immediate reason for opening up the streets. The role played by the army va- ried from city to city; in Tokyo the army sup- plied considerable help on its own initiative, sending 5,500 troops to assist in clearance work on one occasion, but in most cities the army fur- nished little or no help, and was said by civilian officials in Osaka to have felt itself above that kind of work. In case the Japanese mainland might become an area for land fighting, one would suppose that the army would have made plans for clearance to facilitate military traffic. No such planning involving civilian participation was discovered. Records of clearance activities by public works construction units were claimed to have been destroyed; and no records of clearance 96 work of auxiliary groups were said to have been kept. Of the latter, however, the work of the auxiliary police and fire units was described as being the most effective. (2) Repair. There was no recorded instance of road or bridge repair while an air raid was actually in progress. Except for isolated dam- age done during the early high-explosive raids, relatively little damage to roads and bridges re- sulted from the later incendiary raids. Steel and concrete bridges were unaffected, although wooden bridges in the burned areas wTere either totally consumed or were burned beyond repair. High-explosive bombs damaged riverbanks in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe; and priority for quick action was given them because of the danger of flooding adjacent areas. Poor coordination of forces, lack of transportation, disrupted commu- nications and lowered morale combined to reduce the effectiveness of repair efforts almost to the vanishing point by the end of the war. Auxil- iaries did not possess the necessary technical skill nor the equipment to be of much value. In many cases, repair of streets was complicated by simul- taneous repairs to ruptured water mains or underground gas or electric installations. When the damage was local and when transportation and communications were still intact, the street damage from the early raids was repaired with fair speed and efficiency. The mass fire raids caused a general breakdown of all emergency public works repair services, and delays in the restoration became greater. During the late spring of 1045, these delays extended from a few days to several weeks. It was one month, for example, before the Tokyo waterways had been cleared of burned out bridges and debris after the great March raid. Even a single 500-pound bomb-hit near an elevated station in downtown Tokyo in April 1945, caused a street to be blocked for 16 days, despite the use of 250 labor- ers in the street repair alone. In this case, as in many similar instances, the road repair was held up not only by lack of organization among the several groups responsible for repairs to under- ground installations, but by poor discipline of curious crowds and general confusion resulting therefrom. 4. Restoration of Public Utilities, a. Water Supply. In all Japanese target cities, the city- operated water works were regarded as highly important to air defense. Each metropolitan area set up an emergency water restoration unit (Sui- do Kosaku Tai) similar in organization to the emergency public works construction unit of the road departments. No new personnel were added nor was the wartime training given the regular personnel systematic or thorough, for it was felt that the peacetime forces were already qualified to handle all emergencies. Breaks in water mains caused by the early high-explosive raids were re- paired in a matter of hours, but there was a marked falling off in efficiency as the raids in- creased in severity, as water personnel became casualties or were dispersed, and as transporta- tion failed. Untrained auxiliaries from the po- lice guard units and the auxiliary police and fire units attempted on several occasions to make tem- porary repairs to damaged water mains, but such efforts were uniformly futile because of the lack of technical training. Not only did the inefficient repair operations hamper fire-fighting activities, but road, gas, electric and street railway restora- tion operations were set back by delay in the con- trol of flooding. b. Electric Distribution and Gas Service. Whether privately or municipally operated, these public utilities went through the motions of establishing their maintenance forces on a war- time basis, but the net result was simply the giving of an emergency title to these forces. Calls for help from wartime auxiliary organizations were infrequent, and such as were made occurred on the basis of immediate expediency rather than reflecting advance planning. In general, the private companies relied upon independently hired labor, or upon summoning trained person- nel from neighboring communities. Under the difficult transportation conditions, delays in re- storing service were inevitable. So complete was the destruction of areas served by these utilities that it was not generally thought worthwhile to attempt restoration of services during the last few months of the war. The repair of even the most important installations was ruled out by lack of materials. c. Street Car Systems, Of all the public ser- vices, government or private, including road maintenance, the most efficiently organized for restoration were those of the surface transporta- tion systems. Like the gas and electric companies, street car systems elected, in general, to manage their restoration problems without appeal to emergency auxiliary units, believing that untrain- ed help would be of small value; but, unlike most of these companies, street car organizations were 97 generally unable to depend upon help from tech- nicians in near-by communities. In Tokyo, and to a lesser extent in other cities, emergency repair squads were stationed in various parts of the city, wTere supplied with necessary equipment and were given special training through simulated bomb-damage situations. Except for the complete destruction wrought in the two cities hit by the atomic bomb, street car service was partly or entirely restored ahead of other public utility services in all of the major Japanese cities. Re- pairs to tracks were often delayed by inefficiency in street clearance, bridge restoration and water- main repair but, considering their vulnerability as targets, street car installations and equipment, after repeated bombings, were brought back into operation with an effectiveness not characteristic of Japanese restoration efforts as a whole. 5. Repair and Demolition of Buildings, a. Re- pair. While the prefectures and cities had con- struction departments charged with making plans for post-raid repair of buildings, there was little by way of planning and virtually nothing by way of operations. It was presumed that a plan of official action would evolve when raids began, but there was never any serious govern- mental intention to restore any buildings except those belonging to the government, even in the case of hospitals, food warehouses or other privately owned structures used by the public. The householder was left strictly to his own de- vices. The fire raids destroyed wooden buildings beyond repair but some stone and concrete build- ings were left standing, partly burned out, main- ly in downtown areas. Whatever repairs were possible to these buildings was left to the self- protection units (Tokosetsu Bogodan), special building guards composed of employees of each establishment. By the time the air raids began, the shortage of building materials was so acute that even tentative repair plans were abandoned in favor of a building utilization program where- by government and business activities were moved to buildings that survived the raids. Tem- porary housing for homeless persons was non- existent, and such individuals either moved in with families whose homes escaped destruction, or went to the country. d. Demolition. The subject of removal of dan- gerous walls that might menace passing traffic, so important in German civilian defense oper- ations, received scant attention in Japan. Had the large cities received major high-explosive raids, a serious problem in Hie downtown sections would have arisen in this respect. In spite of the expectation that high-explosive bombs would be the main weapon employed by the enemy, no preparations for demolition were made. When damaged buildings became a public menace, the official policy was to hold owners responsible, and no official action was taken with respect to un- supported until they actually fell into the street and became objects of street clearance. No case of the use of dynamite or carbon dioxide tubes for demolition was recorded; even demoli- tion to create firebreaks was done manually so as to save materials. 6. Salvage. The only salvage operation in which there were official interest was that of col- lecting metals. The combustible nature of most Japanese structures was such that the tremendous fires burned everything, including household pos- sessions. In view of that, looting was not a serious problem nor was the disposition of prop- erty which had been deserted by owners during raids. The government carried on a metal sal- vage program before the raids began through a government-operated metals salvage control company (Kinzoku Kaishu Tosei Kaisha), in which all metals not essential to daily living were collected from homes and business establish- ments, paid for and sent to war industries, A national law provided that all salvageable metals remaining on burned-out property beyond 30 days after a raid could be collected by the com- pany and, if left unmarked by the owners, auto- matically became the property of the government without any compensation. Materials salvaged from the extensive firebreak programs could be retained by the owners or might be purchased by the government; if bought by the latter, they were allocated on a priority system to war in- dustries. While trucks and fuel were available, the metals collection program operated with con- siderable efficiency, but the air attacks completely demoralized salvage efforts, dispersing salvage personnel and making it necessary to divert trucks to more urgent uses. 7. Comments. Planning for clearance, repair and restoration in Japan lagged far behind that for other phases of air defense. Even when the national, prefectural and city air-defense head- quarters were set up in 1943 and 1944, and pub- lic works departments were officially included in over-all defense plans, there resulted only minor preparatory activity among the various public 98 works agencies concerned. In communicating its instructions to the prefectures, the Ministry of Home Affairs did not indicate that there was any great urgency about these preparations, and it is reasonably clear that the national public works officials did not themselves know what was developing on the fighting fronts. With such a late start, it would have been impossible for the Japanese to have made any preparations that would have fundamentally altered the extent of destruction to road, bridge and public utility in- stallations; nor could much have been done about assembling restoration equipment and materials that were critically scarce. Limited amounts of both materials and equipment were possessed by the army, but they were unavailable to civilian users, even for official purposes. On the other hand, there was much in the way of recruiting and training volunteers or conscripts, and of coordinating the several auxiliary defense organ- izations that would have resulted in a more ef- fective use of the available man power and in a quicker resumption of relatively normal oper- ations. With the exception of Tokyo, the pre- fectural officials complained that they were short of labor and that it was impossible to compete for such labor as remained because of the high wages paid by war industries. This situation could have been avoided, had there been an earlier and a more realistic anticipation of the problems that were to arise. Load work in Tokyo was hampered by the over-employment of laborers, where there were always several times as many men as were needed on any given job. The oper- ations in Japan were summed up accurately by the chief of the public works department in Osa- ka prefecture when he said that confusion and uncertainty among restoration agencies invari- ably following a major raid was “typical of the Japanese—too much organization and not enough coordination and cooperation.” V. PROTECTION OF FACTORIES, UTILITIES, INSTALLATIONS AND BUILDINGS DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USE A. FACTORY AIR-RAID PROTECTION 1. Development of Program. The original con- ception of air-raid protection in Japan was not inclusive, and the first law (April 1937) omitted any special approach to factory protection. In November 1937 an effort was made, varying in degrees of earnestness among the prefectures, to establish a factory program designed to train personnel in the conventional activities connected with air-raid defense. But it was not until 1939 that a noticeable effort was made by the imperial government to induce factories to organize seri- ously. 2. Control and Responsibility, a. Control of factory air-raid protection was divided among three main agencies of the imperial government: the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Munitions, and the armed forces. b. Responsibility rested upon the shoulders of the owners in the case of privately-owned plants; on the operators, in the case of government-own- ed but privately-operated plants; and on army or navy authorities in the case of government- owned or operated plants and installations. c. In addition to the three main agencies, the Ministries of Welfare, of Agriculture and Forest- ry, and of Transportation also had interests in the protection of certain factories. Each of the above sponsored its own special policy for factory air-raid protection, and the result was continuous bickering and general dissension regarding who was responsible for each type of factory and how its protection should be administered. d. Originally the Ministry of Home Affairs had jurisdiction over air-raid protection in most of the empire’s factories and, in the early stages up to 1943, it made sporadic efforts to interest factories in air-raid protection. In November 1943 it became apparent that the Ministry of Home Affairs alone was not capable of adminis- tering factory air-raid protection, and jurisdic- tional divisions were made to correct this weak- ness. The Ministry of Munitions was to take jurisdiction over all plants which were engaged in heavy industry with the exception of ship- yards and arsenals. Shipyards and arsenals were assigned to the army or navy. All plants supply- ing medical supplies were left to the Ministry of Welfare; factories producing fertilizer were as- signed to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forest- ry; locomotive producers were placed under the Ministry of Transportation; and all small facto- ries not assigned to other ministries were grouped together under the Ministry of Home Affairs. e. In spite of this effort to clarify jurisdictional control, lines of demarcation Avere not clearly drawn, and a condition resulted Avherein some factories had to answer to the army, navy and the Munitions Ministry for their air-raid procedures. f. As part of the reorganization in 1943, the Air-Defense General Headquarters Avas establish- ed at ministerial level in an effort to cure some of the ills of Japanese air-raid defense, and the industrial air-defense section Avas formed Avithin its planning bureau. g. Staff personnel of the Ministry of Munitions was constantly changing and, as a result, protec- tion units of industries under its control suffered accordingly. This ministry had several field teams Avhose duty it Avas to visit, facilities after air raids, inspect damage, analyze results and suggest remedial action. Heavy industry through- out the empire Avas supposed to he covered but, toward the end of the Avar personnel and tran- sportation became so critical that it Avas impos- sible to cover more than fifteen major plants and these only infrequently. h. Prefectural police Avere called upon through- out the empire to assist in the administration of air-raid protection of all plants assigned to the Ministries of Home Affairs and Munitions. It was the policy to assign military and navy per- sonnel to plants under the control of those agen- cies but, because of the shortage of available mili- tary personnel, the police were called upon to function as inspectors. Generally speaking, air- raid protection Avas an additional duty for police personnel who had little technical knoAvledge of what was required of them and, as a result, in- spections in the factories folloAved the set stand- ards of pamphlets distributed by the ministries, and little initiative Avas used. i. Factories Avere required under basic air-de- fense Havs to organize self-protection units from among their employees. Pamphlets Avere issued from time to time by the various ministries, out- lining methods of organization but, in general, they Avere vacillating, Avordy documents designed to put the onus of protection on management. The ministries, the army and navy Avere strong on directives but Aveak on assistance given. Each agency Avas quick to state what should be done but did not assist by securing priorities for neces- sary materials. j. Comment. Organizations were Avell laid out on paper and, in all instances, formed into actual operating units as directed. Plans were elaborate, but equipment was in most cases too crude and ineffective to cope with concentrated attacks and large fires. The execution of plans as originally conceived was successful when there were scat- tered incidents but failed in heavy raids. 3. Organization. The directives and pamphlets issued by the government for the establishment of factory air-raid protection emphasized the re- quirement of “self-protection”—that is, the or- ganization of self-protection units (Bogodan) among the regular employees of the plant for the self-contained protection of premises and per- sonnel without outside aid and without the em- ployment of full-time personnel for the purpose. A typical organization prescribed that the chief executive or active manager be responsible for security and be the active head of the air-raid- protection organization. Beyond that point, management was given a free rein to form such organization as it considered best to meet each factory’s peculiar needs, using the suggested or- ganization as a guide. The only hard-and-fast requirement was that the responsible government- al agency must be satisfied that the protection, as organized, was adequate. Some of the typical features of organization were as follows: a. A small or medium-sized plant with a com- pact group of buildings usually organized only one unit consisting of selected personnel: leaders, foremen and the most able-bodied, with some at- tention to their residential proximity to the plant. The president or general manager assumed the position of chief and appointed a staff and headquarters group consisting of department heads for staff assistants and including selected telephone operators, airplane spotters, messengers and liaison personnel. Special squads of varying size and numbers to meet the requirements of local conditions generally included the following: guards (security guards, order guards, fire watchers, airplane spotters and guides) ; fire- lighting squads; rescue squads; first-aid squads (frequently the last two were combined in a rescue and first-aid squad) ; gas-protection squads; repair squads; food and supply squads. The balance of the employees were organized into reserve groups for special night duty or as replacements for the regular squads. This also made for easy handling in case of evacuation to the shelters, b. In large plants covering an extensive area, multiple units similar to the above Avere organ ized as necessary throughout the plant. These groups Avere commanded by prominent officials 100 of the plant and the entire organization was headed by the president or the active chief ex- ecutive. c. Fire-Fighting Units. These varied to a con- siderable degree. Some large plants had a pro- fessional, full-time department with equipment comparable to that of the usual Japanese city fire company. Others consisted entirely of part-time auxiliaries trained by the city fire department. Sometimes the units were consolidated into a central department and, in other instances, sepa- rate squads with their equipment were distribut- ed strategically throughout the plant area. Ad- ditional squads were given training in the use of sand, flails, water buckets, hand pumps, ex- tinguisher bombs, poles, ladders and the like in putting out incipient fires. The heavier equip- ment consisted of motorized pumpers up to 500- gallon-per-minute capacity. But there were fewer of these than of the hand-drawn motor pumpers with capacities of from 100 to 250 gallons per minute. There was extensive use of hand pumpers with capacities of about 100 gallons per minute. Morale and discipline in these units were general- ly high until a heavy strike or an overwhelming fire would emphasize to them the inadequacy of their equipment. d. Medical. Medical organizations were divid- ed into the emergency medical and hospital medical units. Large plants had well-equipped and well-staffed hospitals on the premises which ministered to daily industrial injuries as well as to air-raid casualties, whereas smaller units had arrangements with local hospitals for assistance when needed. All plants, large or small, had regular first-aid squads operating from first-aid and casualty stations. Training and equipment of these units were commensurate with the size and wealth of the plant or the enthusiasm of the management. Large wealthy establishments which were well equipped before the war with hospitals and medical staffs had a fairly sound medical policy. Small units, or units which were born of the war, were exceptionally lacking in all but the most rudimentary first-aid equipment, chiefly because nothing else was available. One typical large industry plant had a 101-bed hos- pital, staffed by 22 doctors, 40 regular nurses, 11 student nurses and 13 pharmacists. It had com- plete operating and X-ray facilities. This hos- pital was augmented by three casualty stations and 1200 stretcher stations which were well equipped for major and minor first aid, respec- tively. On the other hand, less fortunate fac- tories with bombed-out hospitals had no doctors and none but the must rudimentary first-aid packets which, in many cases, did not even in- clude antiseptics. e. Repair. Repair units in large installations were organized around the plant maintenance department and were assisted by volunteer units in those areas of the plants involving special proc- esses. In small industries, repairs were con- ducted by departmental workmen with the tools of their trade. Toward the end of the war, how- ever, because of the lack of repair materials, many repair units confined their activities solely to clearance. f. Reserve. The organization of reserve units followed two patterns in Japan: one method was to group all persons of poor health, poor hearing or other infirmities, persons with little education, menials, and personnel who could not easily re- turn to the plant during off-duty hours into an inactive reserve which was to be called upon only in case of dire emergency; the other method was to assign the above-mentioned personnel, as inac- tive members, to air-raid-protection units in their particular departments. g. Food. Most large corporations maintained emergency supplies of food for the relief of em- ployees in critical periods. In many instances efforts were made to fortify the national ration to bring it up to 2,600 calories per day for the factory workers. In cases of protracted raids or severe damage to workers’ homes, the factory made a practice of feeding workers and their families until they could become re-established. h. Control Centers. Control centers, like medi- cal establishments, varied with the wealth of the plant, but on the average they were inadequate. Some large installations had elaborate primary and secondary control centers. One large plant had a control center located in a subterranean basement of the administration building and an- other on the roof of an adjoining building. The roof control center was the main unit and was built of heavy concrete and steel, surrounded by medium anti-aircraft units and concrete spotter stations. Equipment included telephones, emer- gency switchboards, auxiliary power, public ad- dress systems and private wires to strategic lookout posts and other stations of the plant. Pill boxes, control center and spotter stations would have succumbed to direct hits by 500- pound high-explosive bombs but otherwise served 101 as good shelter. The basement shelter would have withstood all armor-piercing high explo- sives under 1,000 pounds. Other centers varied from improvised offices in wooden structures to hillside caves. 4. Shelters, a. Usually shelters were conspicu- ously inadequate. Lack of materials (steel and concrete) prevented the construction of shelters that afforded protection against anything but fragmentation and blast. There were notable ex- ceptions as, for example, the tunnel shelters in the Nagasaki Shipyard of Mitsubishi and the concrete and steel shelters of Japan Steel in Tokyo. By and large, most shelters were im- provised basements, earth and wood structures, and slit trenches. They were neither lire nor gas proof and were insufficient in number. b. The general policy adopted by industry was one of conservation of workers’ productive time. Evacuation to shelters was effected quickly at the eleventh hour, a moment frequently determined by management itself on the basis of intelligence received from the army and from its own observ- ers. Frequently two sets of shelters were provid- ed, if space was available: reinforced basements and shelters within the factory compound, and trench shelters in open spaces away from the plant. The latter were to be used only if it were determined that the plant was to be the direct target of an attack. Shelter and evacuation disci- pline waned toward the end of the war as raids became heavier and more frequent. 5. Water. Sources of water were city mains, near-by sea or river water, and private water systems fed by deep wells or storage tanks. City pressure mains had theoretical pressures up to 65 pounds per square inch but were of little value due to the terrific city drain during large-scale raids. Private systems were usually electrically powered and failed during raids, thus leaving only static reserves of water for protection. That, coupled with poor and insufficient pumping equipment, gave an over-all capacity that was, without exception, inadequate to cope with large- scale incendiary raids. 6. Protective Equipment, a. Pumping equip- ment was generally inadequate either in size or number of units. The best motorized pumpers mounted on truck chassis had 500-gallon-per- minute capacity. Equipment of auxiliary units included hand-drawn gasoline pumps of from 120- to 250-gallon-per-minute capacity, or hand- operated of 25- to 100-gallon-per-minute capaci- ty. Hose was in all cases insufficient and the maintenance of it and of the pump equipment was so poor as to preclude efficient operation. Shortage of fuel made frequent tests of equip- ment out of the question so that frequently, when personnel tried to use it, it failed and burned with the buildings it was designed to protect. b. Chemicals were in use in many factories, but most of the metal hand extinguishers had dete- riorated for lack of care and inspection. Some plants used globular glass containers filled with carbon tetrachloride or similar solutions. c. Hooks, ladders, beaters, mats, buckets for water and sand were in abundance but were generally useless against all but small, stray in- cendiary fragments. d. Automatic sprinkler systems were conspicu- ous by their absence, and in many cases manage- ment personnel did not even know of the exis- tence of such devices. 7. Air-Raid Warning. Many important indus- trial war establishments received an early con- fidential warning, subsequent warnings and other raid intelligence by telephone direct from the army warning central, the prefectural air-defense headquarters, or some other source, and were per- mitted discretion in the issuance of warnings within the plant. This was done to maintain production to the utmost. In other cases, the plant was included in the regular warning sys- tem affecting the public, but its officials could still hold employees to their work until their own orders for clearing the plant were issued. Still other plants were subject to the same warnings and rules of conduct as the general public. 8. Mutual Aid. Mutual aid was in general all to the plant and not from it. Arrangements were made to get help from city departments, other plants and auxiliary police and fire units (Keibo- dan). Interplant assistance was satisfactory but city and auxiliary police and fire unit assistance existed in name only because most individuals were usually too busy saving their own property to bother about that of others. 9. Operations, a. Operations were character- ized throughout the empire by futile efforts on the part of willing personnel, strongly organized into a workable team which failed because of the absence of equipment. When subjected to satu- ration raids, even in the largest and best equip- ped plants of the empire, the maximum accom- plishment was the protection of personnel by evacuation and the isolation of big fires. 102 b. In all raids, personnel of most factories stayed at their work during the “alert” period, then hastened to shelters at the leader’s command. When bombers came in waves, keeping personnel shelter-bound for long periods, fires attained a head start, and personnel could do little more than attempt to save undamaged buildings from the flames. c. August of 1945, deterioration and raid damage had made such inroads on equipment in most plants that there was not enough of it to handle incidental industrial fires. 10. Dispersal. While general dispersal plans were theoretically considered throughout the war, government orders to disperse seemed to have been given out to different industries at different times. Some received orders in October 1944; some later in February 1945; and others still later in June 1945. Dispersal was late in getting started but a few plants had critical equipment and processes up to 75 percent dispersed by May 1945 and would have been well dispersed or un- derground a year later. These were notable ex- ceptions, however. By and large, most factories were not dispersed over 25 percent and many heavy industries not at all. Methods included moving whole plants to rural areas, moving small machinery to private homes and school houses, and tunnelling. At the end of the war there were about 95 plants in underground tunnels, totalling about 7,000,000 square feet of floor space. These tunnels were generally so hastily engineered and constructed that they were insanitary and sub- jected machinery to serious corrosion. But they operated and produced. 11. Protective Measures. Protective measures included the separation of buildings, segregation of hazardous processes, rural storage of critical equipment and supplies, protection of valuable machinery with blast walls. In some cases large machines were recessed below floor level and cov- ered with steel plates. Blast walls were effective but fire lanes and separation were almost useless in the event of large-scale attack because of the dispersion and number of bombs. 12. Light Control. Compliance was rudimen- tary and included blackout curtains (until mate- rials became short) and the simple expedient of turning off lights at the “alert” signal. 13. Camouflage. Camouflage was in all cases poor. Lack of paint and materials hampered ef- fectiveness of all efforts which, in general, were exceptionally crude. 14. Comments. a. Management throughout the war demonstrated a vital interest in the protec- tion of property and personnel within the limita- tions of the mediocre equipment available to it.* It was strong on plans and weak in their execu- tion, mainly because of the material deficiency. b. Considering the handicaps under which it labored, the performance of the personnel was, in general, highly commendable. Whereas pre-raid absenteeism among regular employees, both male and female, ranged from 20 to 30 percent (and about 13 percent among student employees), ab- senteeism was increased by heavy bombing only about 10 percent among adults and 14 percent among student employees. c. Compared to all Japanese air-raid-protec- tion organizations, those of the factories rated very high—probably second only to those of the national railroads. d. No total figures were available but cross- section observations indicated comparatively low casualties among employees on the job. e. In spite of poor equipment and short-sighted water supply provisions, fires and damage were fought with a will. Post-raid recovery and re- sumption of production were commendably rapid, and failures were occasioned more by ex- haustion of basic materials than by any deficiency of the factory emergency-protection and restora- tion forces. B. RAILROAD AIR-RAID PROTECTION 1. Introduction, a. The railroads of Japan— only 70 years old—developed rapidly to a point beyond their needs in the first 60 years, then failed to keep up with the rapid industrial growth of the last prewar decade, and were punished with a functional overload during the war period. b. The mountainous topography dictated the scroll-like pattern of the network, caused the perimeter roads to follow the sharp convolutions of the coast line and made literally thousands of tunnels necessary. Many gaps, impracticable for railroad grading or tunneling, were closed by bus and truck lines. c. British capital initiated the system, and its early influence was still apparent in physical details. First-class sleepers and coaches were similar to those used in England, although the latter with bogie trucks were on the average of larger capacity, but were still smaller than the American type. The second- and third-class sleep- 103 ers and coaches resembled the American “tourist” type of sleeper and day coach, respectively. The predominant gauge was 31/2 feet, although other gauges were in use ranging from 2y2 to 4 feet 8y2 inches. d. Steam was the predominant locomotive power but much of the main line was electrified or equipped for dual service. Most inter-urban rapid transit was run by electric power. About 100 internal combustion locomotives were in use, largely on nongovernment railroads. e. Roadbeds in general were excellent; wood ties, crushed rock bed, rock fill and, in some coast- al strips, piling foundations were used. f. With prewar provisions for about 10 million tons of freight per month, the capacity was over- loaded during wartime to as much as million tons per month, which war damage and lack of maintenance reduced to 9 million tons before the end of the war. g. Passenger service designed for about five million per day actually moved eight million per day, even though 20 percent of the regular facili- ties were converted to freight use. Of these users, only 38 percent paid fares and the balance travel- ed on passes. The latter were railroad and gov- ernment employees and authorized war workers. h. There were 538,800 scheduled miles on the national railroad every 24 hours, as of 20 June 1945, about one-third of which was for passenger service. i. Other general statistics helpful to the under- standing of the Japanese railroad picture and pertinent to the realization of operating and security problems follow: regular government-owned “public” telephone system service for communication with outside agencies, the railroads maintained a separate complete communications system of their own, utilizing 478,000 miles of telephone and telegraph wire and hundreds of telephone exchanges and telegraph sending and receiving stations. Most of the lines were strung aerially along the rights-of- way and, together with exchange and relay in- stallations, were highly vulnerable. k. A map showing the national railroad net- work and its division into railroad operating regions called bureaus is shown on the following page. 2. Administrative Organization, a. About three-fourths of the railroads of Japan were gov- ernment owned and operated. Forty-three rela- tively small private companies owned and oper- ated the remaining one-fourth which consisted mainly of interurban lines, belt lines, connecting lines and small extensions in remote regions. These small lines were supervised, used and sub- sidized by the government when necessary during the war period. The organization described on the following pages is that of the government- owned railroad system. b. Government supervision at the national level was under the Minister of Transportation (until December 1943, the Minister of Trans- portation and Communications). This Ministry was also responsible for private railroads, marine transport, harbors, waterways and highways. Fre- quent reference is made to a “Minister of Rail- roads” but there is none other than the one Min- ister of Transportation. A railway council within the Ministry established all policies and con- ducted the business of the system. This council had the minister for its chairman, and its mem- bers were heads of nine staff divisions: (1) General Affairs and Secretariat. (2) Traffic and Operations, (3) New Construction. (4) Maintenance. (5) Mechanical Engineering. (6) Electrical Engineering. (7) Finance and Stores. (8) Private Railroads, Tramways and High- way Transportation. (9) Air Defense. c. The detailed operation was decentralized to eight regions or “bureaus” (Kyoku) with bureau headquarters at Sapporo, Sendai, Niigata, Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka, Hiroshima and Moji. Each bu- Item Amount Government- owned Nongovern- ment Total Locomotives 6,100 672 6,772 Passenger cars 11,000 1,010 12,610 Electric cars 2,000 9,616 11,616 Freight cars 120,000 9,626 129,626 48 Track (miles) 21,076 5,578 26,654 Bridges 36,279 6,603 42,882 2,285 Building space (million square feet) — 123 46 169 Land (acres) 151,753 121,000 272,753 Railroad stations 4,093 5,640 9,733 Communication lines (miles) 419,507 58,833 478,340 Automatic Signal lines (miles) 1,526 1,796 3,322 Electric sections (miles) 816 381 1,197 Electric power supply lines 19,977 Bus line working miles 2,645 j. Railroad Communications. Although all rail- road offices, stations and installations had the 104 JAPAN RAILROAD NETWORK DOUBLE TRACK SINGLE TRACK CAR FERRY RAILROAD BUREAU BOUNDARIES MILES reau operated as a separate system, the whole being coordinated by the ministerial railway council. Each bureau was headed by a “presi- dent” who was the active leader and director of the bureau’s affairs. To assist him, there was a staff corresponding to the staff at the national level. d. The bureaus in turn were subdivided into divisions and sections without complete decen- tralization—that is, important installations (such as large car shops and the like) geographically within the divisions or sections of railroad were directly supervised by the bureau. e. The organization was a quasi-military one. The employees were uniformed and given author- ity and pay in six echelons of rank: (1) “Chokunin”: appointed by emperor. They were the highest officials, heads of staff divisions, presidents of bureaus and directors of important installations. (2) “Sonin”: appointed by the diet on recom- mendation of the Minister of Transportation, highest officials next to (1) above. (3) “Hanin”: appointed by the Minister of Transportation. (4) “Tetsudoshu”: appointed by officials of “Chokunin” rank (foremen and similar officials). (5) “Koin”: appointed by officials of “Sonin” rank (highly skilled workers and minor offi- cials). (6) “Yonin”: appointed or hired by foremen and others of “Tetsudoshu” rank. g. Presidents of railroad bureaus, operating in multiple prefectures were equal in governmental and class rank with the governors of each prefec- ture. Matters of overlapping authority were al- most invariably handled by formally polite co- operation and coordination. Usually, great care was exercised by each not to infringe on the pre- rogatives of the other. Most possible causes of friction were anticipated by the two ministries (Home Affairs and Transportation) and “recom- mendations” handed down simultaneously, which “saved face” for all concerned. Policy control of nongovernment railroads and related private agencies was exercised through the bureau presi- dents. 695046—47—8 105 h. Annual surplus of revenue over operating expense during wartime averaged five hundred million yen. 3. Organization for Air-Raid Protection, a. Prewar planning for air defense was a nebulous affair. A great deal of main-line trackage follow- ed the flat coastline and was near tide water. Earthquakes, floods and tidal waves furnished much experience in meeting major emergencies and natural disasters. Home Office literature and exhortations on “Air Defense” were apparently ignored, but the canny and basically practical railroad officials carefully digested them and filed them away for future reference and reproduction, b. During the early wartime period, some actual organization was effected. The existing setup and chain of command were employed. The military scoffed at the possibility of heavy raids, but the railroads, nevertheless, proceeded with physical preparations such as construction of shelters, organization of warning systems, rules of conduct and strengthening of medical and re- pair forces. c. In June, 1943, a special organization was set up to handle defense. An “Air-Defense Gen- eral Headquarters” was added to the ministerial railway council, and air-defense sections to bu- reau staffs, which were headed by the presidents of each. The bureau staffs consisted of depart- ment managers—men of “Sonin” or “Hanin” rank. Divisions, sections and principal installa- tions, in turn, formed air-defense sections with superintendents in charge, it being required that the highest executive at each level be the active chief of air defense. The principle of self-protec- tion was employed in organization. It was a “must” for each unit, section and installation to organize a self-contained air-raid-protection or- ganization to protect its own personnel and prop- erty almost to the last extreme before calling for help from the next higher echelon, a parallel one or from the local authorities. The typical self- protection organization at the operating level (known as “Bogodan”) was as follows: (1) A director or chief. (2) A headquarters section and staff. (3) An observation and warning section (look- outs, messengers, telephone operators, criers). (4) A guard section to maintain order, direct evacuation and guard property. (5) Fire-fighting section or sections. (6) Rescue and first-aid section or sections. (7) Supply section. (8) Sometimes a gas-protection and decontam- ination section. (9) All others were organized into units or sec- tions to rotate alert duty by roster, furnish re- placements to the regular defense units and otherwise be ready for orderly evacuation. The size of a section or installation generally decided the size and number of such units, but all em- ployees had some part to play, d. Policies, regulations and rules were put into effect as follows: (1) Air-raid warning was received from the nearest army warning central and disseminated to those concerned at the discretion of the director (president) through the railroad com- munication facilities. Public alarms were ignored and action was taken only on command or local signal from railroad authorities, except where surprise bombs fell. (2) Lighting rules were of a practical nature. Blackouts in buildings were enforced. Outside illumination was dimmed and shaded, or extin- guished, if it were not essential to operation. Signal lights were dimmed by reduced current at the power source, and directional laminated shades were installed to prevent above-horizontal beams. Blackout shades on passenger coaches were drawn. (3) Traffic was regulated at the section or in- stallation level. Upon the warning comparable to the American “blue” the public was either evacuated from stations and other buildings or conducted to available station shelters, or a com- bination of the two. Employees went to shelters on the “blue” or the “red” signal at the discretion of the station master or other installation chief. If trains were approaching or were in stations, the station master decided on the movement or action to be taken. If en route in open country, the conductor was in command with full power of decision. Generally, if under direct attack or if attack were imminent, evacuation and dispersal were in order, but the general tendency was to keep trains moving until certain of direct attack. (4) Shelter Policy. The construction of shel- ters was liberal as to capacity but inadequate as to protection against high-explosive bombs or gas. Covered-trench shelters for 15 to 20 persons dotted the open spaces near all installations. Building basements were reinforced and existing tunnels and spaces under elevated track beds were reinforced and prepared for use by install- ing concrete or timber and gravel baffle walls. 106 All employees contributed labor for shelter con- struction during and outside of regular working hours. (5) Fire fighting was a weak link in the chain of defense, chiefly due to poor equipment. Equip- ment ranged from mobile motorized pumpers and portable hand pumps, to barrel or bucket bri- gades and beaters. Incipient fires were well han- dled but, invariably, heavy concentrations of in- cendiary bombs were too much to handle. Hence most efforts were centered on the isolation of big fires. (6) Emergency medical matters were well or- ganized. Each of the eight bureaus had a large, comparatively highly rated company hospital, equipped with a professional staff of doctors, nurses and pharmacists. The average was a 200- to 250-bed hospital with 50 physicians and sur- geons, 150 to 160 nurses. In addition, each bureau maintained 15 to 20 out-patient dispensaries with from one to five doctors and from 5 to 15 nurses each. The air-raid protection units of all sections and installations had well trained auxiliary units for first aid, rescue and evacuation. (7) Maintenance of railroad lines was organ- ized by bureaus and divisions. Emergency repair trains loaded with heavy repair tools and mate- rial were spotted in readiness at strategic loca- tions, averaging about five to each bureau. Ad- ditional emergency repair cars were loaded and spotted with at least one in every small railroad section. Material dumps were established with as heavy a supply as was available. The regular peacetime force of repair workmen (numbering about 30,000) was increased to 60,000 laborers and skilled repairmen and organized into 242 re- pair units supervised by a force of 4,000 engi- neers and skilled foremen and subforemen. (8) Maintenance of rolling stock was done by 15 factories and 25 railway workshops with roundhouse and car-repair shops for minor repair in each railway center, (9) Railroad communication maintenance force under the electrical engineer section of each bu- reau consisted of technicians, linemen, polemen and laborers totaling 21,000. They were sub- divided into bureau, division and sectional units. They were partly motorized but depended main- ly on rail transportation. 4. Operations, a. At the close of the war the railroads had not yet been a primary target al- though slated for early specific attention. Rail transportation and facilities, however, suffered considerably from secondary target attack and from secondary damage from fire and attack on other primary targets—certainly enough so that the air-raid-protection plan and organization were put to a severe test in which they turned in a fairly creditable performance. b. An appreciation of the extent of their emer- gency problems can be had by the following summary of damage sustained by the govern- ment-owned railways: Items destroyed Number Percentage Locomotives - — — - 891 14.4 Passenger cars — — 2,228 19.2 Electric cars _ 563 28.4 Freight cars _ _ — 9,557 8.0 Ferries _ _ — 23 48.0 Miles of track _ ________ 1,130 5.0 Bridges _ _ _ 42 1.2 Buildings (square feet of floor space) 16,150,000 13.1 100 2.4 Miles of communication lines 55,924 13.2 Miles of automatic signal lines _ 2,610 63.0 Power plants 18 26.0 Rolling stock. Factories and main repair shops ____ __ 21 52.0 Trolley wire (miles) 93.2 11.4 It is interesting to note that this percentage of damage averages 21.8; that Japanese railroad officials estimated offhand that the over-all rail- road damage was 20 to 25 percent ; that most of the damage occurred in the war period of 1945; and that in that period freight tonnage actually declined 39 percent from peak due to reduced capacity. Another index to the extent of “trial by fire” of railroad defense organizations was that over 13 percent of the extensive office and building space normally congested with workers was destroyed by raids. c. Lighting regulations were meticulously adhered to, a fact attributable partly to control at the source, partly to discipline. Most officials, however, declared that its protective value was slight because fires from pilot raids quickly illu- minated vast areas. The measure assisted, how- ever, in the conservation of valuable power. d. Train movements were at the discretion of the pertinent chief, station master or conductor. The policy of continuing movement was con- sidered better than immobility. If stations were under heavy direct attack, it was natural for all concerned to seek cover but, if under light or in- cidental attack, all were agreed that trains fared better when they proceeded on their way into open country. Most individual strafing occurred too suddenly to permit stopping and evacuating a train, although this was usually attempted if spotters could give a few minutes’ warning. 107 e. Control of organizations under raid con- ditions was outstandingly good. The leaders of air-raid protection were identical with the chiefs of regular services. The military type of organi- zation lent itself to automatic control in emer- gencies. Decentralization of authority down through the echelons of official rank provided the background for intelligent continuation of activi- ty at each level even when units or sections were isolated by destroyed communications. A well organized messenger and liaison service assisted in filling communication gaps. Further, em- ployees were generally of a higher type than those of most large organizations. f. The principle of “extended self-protection” —each section and installation responsible for or- ganizing its own defense unit (Bogodan)—oper- ated well under raid conditions. In actual prac- tice, the principle proved to be sound. The lead- er’s prerogative of planning his own organization to meet his peculiar needs was successful. This principle required the exercise of more initiative and more attention to detail than the stereotyped plan or table or organization would have called for. Again, the national characteristic of an exalted sense of personal responsibility for an as- signed task was an important element. Individ- uals were inclined to “carry the message to Gar- cia” even though they knew “Garcia” v;as in Timbuktu—or dead. Thus plans were carried through (or a reasonable facsimile thereof), even though the situation called for a change in plan and the use of initiative. The result was fre- quently costly but, in the main, operation was more successful than undisciplined abandonment of plans would have been. g. Maintenance of roads, rolling stock and communications—well organized generally— failed because of the few weak links: (1) Stock piles of repair material were deplet- ed and not replenished. Critical materials, chiefly steel and copper, were withheld by higher authority to an unsound degree. (2) Rolling stock was used long after it was so dangerous that train speeds had to be reduced. Although 50 percent of the shops were destroyed, the remaining ones could have handled more re- pairs, if material had been made available. (3) No system of mutual aid between bureaus was perfected. Improvement could have been ac- complished by a balancing and interchange of emergency labor and material. A few army rail- road units operated, but not extensively. (4) Electric locomotion—the most vulnerable —was the least prepared for restoration. Whereas track repair was quick and efficient permitting rapid resumption of steam traffic, electric power transmission, once dead, was dead for weeks and sometimes for months. (5) The railroad air-raid-shelter policy was liberal only in comparison with that of other large organizations. Capacities were ample, enough for all employees and passengers. Over $10,000,000 was expended. Although the shelters proved effective under the circumstances that ob- tained, the loss of life in them would have been enormous if either gas or a preponderence of high-explosive bombs had been employed. 5. Comments, a. Railroad air-raid protection was unquestionably outstanding in comparison with all other utilities and with other civilian de- fense organizations. Its advantage over other similarly organized utilities was that of sound and continuous leadership. Its standard organi- zation, well established long before the war, was undisturbed throughout. No internal reorganiza- tion or disputes of jurisdiction at the top im- peded the progress of the defense effort. System, discipline and morale already existed and the defense scheme, even if imperfect, fitted smoothly into the existing organization. b. Railroad officials were highly conscious of their vulnerability had the aerial attack switched to heavy high-explosive bombing or to use of gas, but did nothing about either except figura- tively to hold their breath. The actual perform- ance in protection of personnel was remarkable. While 20 to 25 percent of the physical facilities were destroyed and, in the face of the policy to keep trains rolling on schedule even through air raids, less than one half of 1 percent (2,500) of employees was killed on duty. In numbers, even fewer passengers (2,300) than employees were killed or injured. c. Maintenance policies were unbalanced be- tween personnel and material. Organization for repair and restoration was exceptionally good except that depleted material reserves were not replenished nor was the distribution of material properly coordinated. Electric locomotion proved to be much more vulnerable than steam and less subject to quick restoration. Steam-drawn train service was quickly restored even in the two atomic target areas. d. It is evident that no concentrated, large- scale strategical attack was directed specifically 108 against the railroad transportation system, yet there was approximately 20 percent “incidental” damage inflicted. It was quite apparent that this percentage of damage was almost the limit of the railroad’s ability to absorb successfully. Pos- sibly the organization for the protection of per- sonnel and the actual organization for main- tenance and restoration could have survived a great deal more punishment than they received. However, with the imminent exhaustion of repair materials, it seemes likely that direct blows against the railroads in mid-1945 might well have paralyzed the nation. e. Japan was highly dependent on its rail- roads. Highway transportation was so meager as to be a negligible factor. Coastwise shipping was first reduced to augment inter-island supply lines and then suffered near extinction from con- stant attack. Consequently, the facilities of the railroads were vital to both the war industries and to the very existence of the people. These facilities were remarkably well maintained and operated to the end of hostilities, much to the amazement of railroad officials themselves who wondered why they were not singled out for con- centrated attack. C. NATIONAL COMMUNICATIONS AIR-RAID PROTECTION 1. Introduction. All communications of Japan, including the postal system, telegraph, telephone and radio, were principally owned and com- pletely controlled by what was virtually a gov- ernment monopoly. The control was all-inclusive, the ownership was total except for some of the radio broadcasting facilities. 2. Government Control and Organization, a. Until December 1943, all communications were operated by a council within the Ministry of Transportation and Communications with the minister as chairman—an organization almost identical with that of the national railroads. Per- sonalities in high places, however, and pressure influences from private interests caused a con- stant turmoil of reorganization the history of which is interesting but not pertinent to this report. This circumstance, however, and resultant jealousies accounted for the procrastination and neglect of air-raid-defense preparations. From December 1940 the army exerted considerable in- fluence and demanded and obtained a large por- tion of tele-communications for war purposes. In December 1943, by diet recommendation and im- perial decree, all communications matters and management were removed from ministerial con- trol and put under the National Communications Board which was organized to operate as a sep- arate agency directly under the prime minister. b. This National Communications Board (Teishin Kyoku), established by Imperial Ordi- nance No. 304, continued the general administra- tive and organizational schemes of the quasi-mili- tary communications organizations. It provided for rank distinctions in personnel very similar to those of the railroad system, described in para- graph 2 e of the report on Railroad Air-Raid Protection (Page 105). A president was appointed with “Shinin” rank (virtually equivalent to a minister), and a table of organization established stipulating the rank for all officials, engineers, clerks, technicians, doctors, foremen and laborers. Personnel in all categories totaled nearly half a million. The board was established with eight main staff divisions with functions as follows: (1) Secretariat—office and personnel manage- ment, filing and records. (2) General Affairs—planning, policies, prop- erty finance, general supervision. (3) Services—supervision of telegraph, tele- phone and postal communication service. (4) Electrical Engineering—including all maintenance. (5) Censorship—for all communications. (6) Postal Savings and Finance—including money orders and similar financial matters. (7) Electric Waves (Dempa)—concerning techniques and standards but not service. (8) Air-Defense General Headquarters. c. Detailed operation of all communication matters was decentralized to nine regions or bu- reaus (Teishin Kyoku)—individual communica- tion networks of all the services, each including geographically from 6 to 10 prefectures. The bu- reaus were named for the bureau headquarters city of each as follows: (1) Toyohara (2) Sap- poro (3) Sendai (4) Tokyo (5) Osaka (6) Na- goya (7) Hiroshima (8) Matsuyama (9) Kuma- moto. Each bureau was directed by a president of “Chokunin” rank who was appointed by the emperor and who had full charge of all com- munication matters within the bureau, subject to the direction of the national president and board. His staff was similar to that of the national board but larger, for his was the actual supervising agency. All service installations and communica- tion activities were supervised and directed by 109 the bureau. The importance of these bureaus is evident from the fact that the army administra- tive districts were organized coterminously with them. 3. Organization and Description of the Ser- vices. a. Post Office System. (1) Class I post offices were larger metropoli- tan installations called “Central Post Offices” to denote importance and rank. This distinction was given to main post offices of Tokyo, Osaka, Kobe and Nagoya, but they had no supervision over other installations. (2) Class II post offices were large individual postal buildings similar to Class I in every way, except in size and rank. There were 503 of this class in Japan. (3) Both Class I and Class II post offices were headed by regular communications service per- sonnel of high rank (Sonin or Kanin), and oper- ated a complete service of mails, money orders, postal savings and insurance, plus telegraph and messenger services. (4) Class III post offices, 13,615 in number, were distributed throughout the neighborhoods of large cities and the towns and villages. They gave regular mail service, including delivery and, in country places, the equivalent of United States rural free delivery. They handled mail orders, savings and insurance through the nearest Class I office or through bureau headquarters, depending on location and convenience. The postmasters in towns or communities not served by a Class II post office were nominated by the people of the community and their appointments passed on, rejected or confirmed, by the bureau presi- dent, Supervision of all post offices (individual installations) was under the services branch of the bureau. b. Telegraph System. (1) There were 17 large central telegraph offices throughout Japan. Branch offices were installed in all Class I and II post offices, and telegraph service was furnished in almost all of the 13,000 Class III post offices and about 2,000 railroad stations. (2) The service was extensive and highly rated for efficiency in peacetime. Although it had fewer public offices per capita than England, Germany, or France, it was second only to the United States in the number of messages sent (almost 100 million in 1940). (3) Radio telegraph was in use before the war among the principal cities, but was subsequently taken over by the army and restricted or discon- tinued as a security measure. (4) Most of the telegraph lines were bare wires strung above surface on poles. (5) The telegraph service was supervised by the services division of the bureaus. Each large installation w7as directly under this division but control of the smaller installations was decen- tralized to the postmasters concerned. (6) Each bureau’s central telegraph office was connected with direct lines to every other bu- reau, and all messages within the bureau areas were relayed radially. In metropolitan areas and large cities there were underground vacuum tube connections between all principal offices. c. Telephone System. (1) Japan’s telephone system was not rated highly in service efficiency but actually stood high in the volume of services rendered. With a rating of fifth in the number of subscriber telephones, it was second only to the United States in the number of individual calls handled. With U/2 telephones to each 100 persons in all Japan, the heavily populated areas had to each 100 of population. Long-distance lines were developed considerably in the im- mediate prewar decade. There were 106 prin- cipal telephone offices and over 6,000 exchanges. (2) The above was known as the main line sys- tem. In addition to it, the railroads and the na- tional police maintained their own separate and independent telephone communication systems. (3) The army, which as a wartime measure had a priority use of the main line system, also had a separate network briefly described in para- graph 3d below. (4) The administration of the main line tele- phone system was supervised and operated by the services division of the national communica- tion board through the regional bureaus just as were the administrations of the telegraph and postal systems. d. The army communications network em- ployed the main line telephone and the regular telegraph services for its administrative and com- mand purposes. In addition, the engineering de- partment of national communications designed and installed a separate intelligence and air-raid- warning network that was elaborate and highly efficient. It consisted generally of a ring of tele- phone stations, available to observation and in- telligence personnel, around each army district headquarters with a direct wire from each to a separate instrument in the army headquarters. A total of 792 such lines was established 110 throughout the country, which was supple- mented by telegraph lines in case of failure. Ex- tensive plane-to-ground and ship-to-shore radio communication was also used in the intelligence and warning network. e. Radio for communication purposes was gov- ernment owned. It was employed extensively before the war for international radio telegraph and telephone service. Radio for broadcasting was largely privately owned but closely super- vised. The army had an arrangement whereby it could cut into any broadcast directly from its stations in army headquarters. 4. Organization for Air-Raid Protection, a. The study of early air-defense planning for the protection of communications installations and personnel reveals the poorest performance of any of the utilities. This is hardly understandable when one considers the elaborate preparation this department made to furnish warning network equipment for the army. The army gave as- surance that attacking planes would never reach their objectives, but this was not the real reason for procrastination. It was because of dissension and jealousies among top government agencies and because of too frequent reorganizations that air-raid defense was neglected. b. While apathy in the council delayed prep- arations for defense, the propaganda and public education vigorously propounded by the Ministry of Home Affairs was having its effect on hun- dreds of thousands of communications employees and minor officials. As a result personnel of most departments and installations organized them- selves into air-raid-defense units (Bogodan) along the self-defense lines proposed by the Min- istry of Home Affairs. This was done under the authority of half-hearted directives from the transportation council which made some appro- priations for material and equipment but paid little attention to supervision. c. The Doolittle raid in April 1942 served to awaken the optimists. The accounting depart- ment head was added to the group supposedly responsible for air defense, more appropriations were made, and training of personnel and con- struction of shelters were begun with official supervision. d. The final and most successful reorganiza- tion came in December 1943 with the withdrawal of communications control from the Ministry of Transportation and Communications, the creation of a separate communications board and the appointment by the emperor of a president who, at last, was an enthusiastic proponent of air-raid defense. Almost at once the organization which, like Topsy, had “just growed” and had been in- distinct and blurred,' came into focus in the pat- tern long advocated by the Ministry of Home Atfairs. Supervision from the top was instigated and vigorously exercised. e. The general defense headquarters (Teishin —Boeisohonbu) was formed in December 1943. It consisted of the president of the board, the directors of all staff divisions, selected members of the secretariat, and other assistants as needed. There were two main departments or branches for: t l) Policy making, plans and training, intelli- gence and dissemination of information and warning. (2) Operations, supply, construction (and demolition), evacuation, shelters, emergency re- lief, and the organization and active management of the defense of the communications board building. f. The general defense headquarters directed the plan for local defense, prescribed the forma- tion of a defense headquarters at each bureau similar in form to the general headquarters and delegated to it the active and direct supervision of all defense. g. The next echelon of command was in the individual installations. It was required that the chief executive of each installation be the active director of air defense and that all employees be organized and trained. Thus, the chain of com- mand was not through the separate services of telephone, telegraph and postal systems but direct from the regional bureau headquarters to each individual communications unit, building or in- stallation. h. The chief of each installation or building was given full discretion in organizing his unit or units but his plan was subject to inspection and approval by the bureau. The typical organ- ization was as follows: Observation Squad Communications Squad Warning Squad Fire-Fighting Squad First-Aid Squad Rescue Squad Gas-Protection Squad Supply Squad Reserve Air Defense Chief and Staif (2) Variations of the above usually consisted of different arrangement of squads such as the combining of rescue and first-aid squads, the organization of multiple units to operate on dif- ferent floors and the like. (3) The highly trained main defense unit com- prised about 20 to 30 percent of the total em- ployees. (4) The reserve consisted of the remainder of the employees, trained for replacements and organized by roster to perform extra-hour alert duty. i. Maintenance and Restoration were not di- rectly a matter for the air-defense headquarters since it was already established under the chief engineer. It became, however, its chief concern and the president of the board who was director of air defense was enjoined by the emperor to “establish telecommunication construction offices wherever the president recognizes the necessity and wherein the matters concerning telecommuni- cations restoration shall be directly executed.” As a result, repair sections formerly centralized were subdivided, increased and established within easy reach of all communications centers. j. Emergency medical services were organized under the regular communications medical serv- ice which, however, had only one official hospital with an augmented staff of about 100 doctors. The need for a greater number of hospitals had not been felt because communications personnel had used railroad hospital facilities. When casualties overloaded the capacity of the latter’s hospitals, arrangements were made in each pre- fecture by communications authorities to pro- vide local hospitalization. Out-patient dispen- saries were installed and a local auxiliary unit established in each such installation. k. The shelter policy before December 1943 was lax and consisted mainly of digging slit trenches in the vicinity of installations. After that date over $4,000,000 was expended. Trenches were improved and covered with timber and earth and additional shelters were constructed in space created by firebreak demolitions. Roofs of telephone, telegraph, post office and office build- ings were reinforced with steel and concrete and, where feasible, basements and first stories were given an abutment reinforcement. A photograph showing an example of basement reinforcement appears on the following page. 6. Censorship, the policies of which were established by the Ministers for War, Army and Navy, was operated for telecommunications, mail and radio by the censorship division of the na- tional communications board. 7. Operations, a. Air-raid damage to commu- nications and communications facilities was ex- tensive—more so than that to any of the other utilities. Repairs and restoration lagged, and the end of the war found communications badly crippled. The following summary of damage is as of the end of hostilities and does not include progressive restoration during the war period: (1) First and second-class post offices destroyed —94 or 18.5 percent. (2) “Special” or class three post offices de- stroyed—1255 or 9.2 percent, (3) Telegraph buildings destroyed—7 or 41.2 percent. (4) Telephone buildings destroyed—13 or 12.3 percent. (5) Construction and maintenance offices de- stroyed—21 or 23 percent, (6) Bureau headquarters office buildings de- stroyed—2 or 22.2 percent. (7) Savings bureau branches destroyed—16 or 52 percent. (8) Insurance bureau buildings destroyed—1 or 20 percent. (9) Communications schools destroyed—3 or 27 percent. (10) Wireless school buildings destroyed—1 or 10 percent. (11) The large office building that housed both the national communications board and the Tokyo bureau was totally destroyed. (12) Eighty-one telegraph offices were dam- aged beyond use and their .salvaged facilities were crowded into other offices. (13) Thirty-one other branch telephone build- ings were destroyed, and the services of all but seven abolished. Part of the service of these seven was restored by use of old magnetic exchanges, (14) Of the suburban telephone lines, 6,687 or 39 percent were destroyed. (15) Of 1,074,836 urban subscriber lines, 523,230 or 49 percent were destroyed. (16) Seventy-nine percent of all telegraph lines were destroyed and useless at the end of the war. b. Conduct of Air-Raid Defense. (1) After the lethargy of the pre-December-1944 period, the new regime entered the field of air defense as a primary activity. It required only the “green 112 light” of top level control to make that activity highly popular, and the response was quick down through the echelons of command. Chief execu- tives of bureaus and individual installations, who had almost surreptitiously used initiative and organized for defense, as well as those who had previously complied with the “suggestions” in an offhand manner, now responded to the eleventh hour vigor of the directives and quickly attempted to whip their personnel into shape for effective operation. To say, however, that effective defense was created would be far from the truth. main defense against fire was the static water supply and bucket brigades. Even this crude method worked well against incipient fires and scattered hits but a heavy concentration of in- cendiaries spelled doom to a building. Supply of new material was almost nil. The failure to equip the civilian defense forces properly early in the game left them almost helpless to protect property when the heavy raids struck. (3) Restoration of damaged services must be classed as the weakest link. It is true that tele- communications were highly vulnerable. The Reinforced concrete base of the central telegraph building in Tokyo The personnel served with exceptional willing- ness, courage and high morale and, when under fire, followed their training procedures almost to the letter. Their training, however, had been for single incidents and light raids, and the proce- dures were as antiquated as the equipment with which they had to work. Management had been too late with too little. (2) Defense equipment was poor and inade- quate. Pumpers, both motorized and manual, delivered streams to first and second floors but in the higher stories (of which there were many in the office buildings) this equipment was useless because of lack of water pressure. Hence, the overhead wires of the telegraph service, the pre- ponderance of overhead wires and above-surface cables of the telephone service threaded through the congested areas made them subject to destruc- tion by fire. A well-organized repair and mainte- nance force of 13,000 repair men, technicians and laborers soon exhausted the meager reserves of wire, instruments and equipment and, thereafter, they were hopelessly slow in salvaging damaged materials and .installing makeshift connections even for the most essential communications. Three months after the cessation of hostilities public communications were still hopelessly out of order. 113 of each echelon was required to be the active leader of air defense. (2) The morale, discipline, willingness to serve and attention to duty of the rank and file of em- ployees were good, b. Outstanding weaknesses were: (1) Procrastination of national leaders in pre- war and early wartime defense efforts. Failure to enforce and supervise early organization and training. (2) Planning failed to consider more than de- fense against light bombing and small incendi- aries. (3) Shelters for personnel protection, though adequate in capacity, were crude, uncomfortable and furnished protection only against flying splinters and light bombs. (4) Reinforcement of large buildings for pro- tection of equipment was resistant only to light bombs. (5) Plans for well protected alternate com- munications stations were well made and one large such installation completed and placed into successful operation. Yet with this excellent ex- periment tried and proven to be effective, no at- tempt was made to carry the plan to completion. (6) Air-raid-defense equipment was antiquated and in short supply. This was especially true of fire-fighting equipment and gas-defense material. (7) Reserve material for repair and replace- ment of equipment, instruments and lines was quickly exhausted. Advance planning did not anticipate the needs, and emergency supply be- came impossible. D. HARBOR AIR-RAID PROTECTION AND PORT SECURITY 1. Introduction, a. It was natural for Japan, a small insular country with teeming millions of population to engage in commerce and shipping and for a large portion of its people to follow occupations connected with the sea. The uneven coast line had 30 improved harbors and official ports and hundreds of small harbors used as fishing and coastwise shipping ports. At the beginning of the war (December 1941), the regu- lar merchant marine consisted of 2,736 steel mer- chant ships with a total gross tonnage of 63,840,- 000. This figure was exclusive of all wooden ships and of all ships, wood or steel, under 100 tons gross. The figure was also exclusive of all ships assigned to the army and navy as auxiliary ships; (4) The one outstanding example of opera- tional recovery in midwar was the construction of the “Kojimachi Branch” of the telephone sys- tem. This was located in Tokyo and was so re- markable a piece of planning and engineering that it deserves special mention in this report. When it was demonstrated by the earlier raids that communications were so highly vulnerable, this installation was planned and constructed to take over essential communications in case of the destruction of other facilities. At a cost of 5,382,733 yen (over $2,000,000) it was completed and equipped ready for operation in November 1943. Its construction from an engineering stand- point was far superior to that of any similar structure observed in Japan or Germany. A complete building was erected consisting of five stories, half below ground level and half above. Over this, a second structure was erected of heavy reinforced steel and concrete. This outer building was entirely independent of the inner one and left a 32-inch air space or cushion be- tween the two. The base was mounted on 362 concrete pilings extending 40 feet into the ground. Neither the side walls nor the bases of the two structures were tied together under- ground and the outer structure was free to vi- brate or give way under shock without disturbing the inner structure. The shell was nine feet thick, elliptical in shape and, from design and construc- tion, could reasonably be expected to resist 1-ton bombs successfully. Plans and material for additional layers up to 33 feet of thickness were ready for immediate construction, if bomb sizes were increased. It was one of the very few gas-proofed installations and the only completely gas-proofed large building in Japan. Equipped with local and long-distance equipment that could cut in and take over essential disrupted service via underground cable, it actually operated suc- cessfully when other services were destroyed in Tokyo, Yokosuka, Shiba, Tachikawa, Chofu and Osaka. For a long period, it furnished the only communication existing between the points of the triangle formed by Tokyo, Yokusuka and Osaka. Photographs and diagrams of this building are shown on Pages 115 to 121, inclusive. 8. Comments, a. Some of the. favorable fea- tures of communications air-raid defense were as follows: (1) Defense was organized down through the existing chain of command. The chief executive 114 "Kojimachi” Tokio emergency telephone center (front view). "Kojimachi” Tokio emergency telephone center (view from rear—air exhaust on left) 115 Steel reinforcing of cover structure, emergency telephone center. Emergency telephone center, second floor—local lines selector boards. Emergency telephone center, fourth floor—long-distance telephone exchange room. Emergency telephone center gas filters. 117 S E CTION 118 section: 119 PLAN 5 FLOOR. H. FLOOR. 3. FLOOR. ENTRANCE COVER. plan: 2. FLOOR. 1. FLOOR. 69504&—47—9 121 of all naval vessels, harbor vessels, work ships and the like. b. The harbors were mostly excellent natural ones, the facilities of which had been improved by modern construction. The principal ports had been improved by dredging and the construction of breakwaters. The use of stone, concrete and steel in the construction of docks, wharves and piers was predominant over that of wooden pil- ings. Harbor waterfront areas were congested with warehouses, railroad yards, shipbuilding facilities, heavy industries, factories and other port enterprises. Business and densely populated residental areas were jammed hard against the crowded water-front areas as though shipping were the main source of livelihood—which was usually the case, at least in the early days of each harbor city’s history. Most port cities were lo- cated on a flat plain at the mouth of a river and usually a network of canals connected the harbor proper with near-by inland industry and com- merce. Photographs of typical harbor facilities are shown on Pages 123 to 126, inclusive. 2. Organization for Administration of Harbor and Port Affairs. Due to diversified interests, there was no one central agency to control the water area, the landward-side water-front area and the pier and bulkhead strip between the two. Control of these areas was divided among the following agencies: a. National Maritime Bureau. Marine affairs were reorganized many times during the war period but at all times had ministerial leadership. First, they were headed by the Minister of Trans- portation and Communications and, after Decem- ber 1943, by the Minister of Transportation and a Vice Minister for Marine Affairs. Under them, the staff divisions were frequently reorganized to conform to various jurisdictional edicts. For example, shipbuilding was taken from them and placed under the navy but, in general, their responsibilities embraced matters of shipping, navigation, sea routes, channels, traffic, seamen’s affairs, loading and stevedores’ affairs, engineer- ing, inspection, harbor lighting, passive protec- tion of ships afloat and mobilization and alloca- tion of shipping facilities. Administration and operation were decentralized to eight regional bureaus in whose operations the governors of the prefectures lying within each region had consid- erable voice. Through most of the war period, bureaus were located at Yokohama, Nagoya, Osaka, Kobe, Moji, Niigata, Enzau and Kotaru. The final organization had eight named bureaus with headquarters located as indicated below: (1) Kanto Maritime Bureau—Yokohama. (2) Tokai Maritime Bureau—Nagoya. (3) Kinki Maritime Bureau—Osaka. (4) Kyushu Maritime Bureau—Moji. (5) Chukoku Maritime Bureau—Hiroshima. (6) Shikoku Maritime Bureau—Takamatsu. (7) Tokoku Maritime Bureau—Enzau. (8) Hokkaido Maritime Bureau—Kotaru. A map showing the division of Japan into local marine bureaus and also showing the location of the principal ports and harbors is shown on page 127. b. The district engineer or local engineering branch office of the Minister of Home Affairs was responsible for the building and maintenance of harbor construction, for breakwaters, government piers, docks and wharves and government-owned harbor facilities and buildings, for the dredging of channels and the like. c. The prefectural governor of the prefecture in which each harbor was located had consider- able responsibility and authority in harbor and port affairs. He controlled nearly all of the funds and expenditures and administered locally most of the affairs of the Home Ministry, includ- ing police and security matters. d. The railroad bureau and communications board both had many important installations in the harbor and water-front areas with heavy responsibilities for service and security. e. The municipal government was responsible for its own property and facilities, such as municipally owned piers and warehouses, and also administered all matters concerning the wel- fare of the population, including sanitation and safety. f. The navy was responsible for shipbuilding, Safety of shipping and movement of vessels and convoys. g. Miscellaneous agencies were created by pri- vate enterprises, government agencies, the army, and other organizations concerned with harbors and shipping. 3. Organization for Air-Raid Protection and Port Security. Each of the numerous agencies described above contributed something to air- defense planning. Lighting regulations were pro- mulgated and enforced in part by three different agencies (navy, police, and harbor masters). Fire- fighting responsibilities were exercised by the 122 Water Police Headquarters, Tokyo. Typical concrete wharf, Tokyo. 123 Steel and concrete piers, Kobe. Typical pier, breakwater, Kobe (showing sunken ship in harbor). 124 Typical shore installations. Docks and warehouses in foreground—shipbuilding yards in the distance, Shipbuilding ways, Osaka. 125 Air-raid shelter for water police (Osaka). Concrete pier, Osaka. Anchorage in distance. 126 LEGEND Maritime Bureau Prefecture Hq. Maritime Bur, Harbor or Port LOCAL MARITIME BUREAUS OF JAPAN PRINCIPAL HARBORS AND PORTS WITH navy, by land and water police and by the fire departments. Most installations formed self-pro- tection units of various kinds. Special auxiliary units came into being among boat owners, ware- house owners and water-front population. There was a minor scramble for air-raid-defense equip- ment, and a variety of training programs, drills and exercises ensued. This individual organiza- tion and uncoordinated effort resulted in much overlapping, waste of man power and disputes over authority until the National Air-Defense General Headquarters, in coordination with the ministries concerned, devised a plan for the air- raid defense of harbors and ports. This plan, issued as a regulation on 6 September 1943, formed the authoritative structure of harbor de- fense, employed the existing agencies and estab- lished leadership and control as follows: a. A harbor air-defense general headquarters was established at each of the IT most important harbor cities. (1) The governor of the prefecture concerned was appointed director with the authority to ap- point an executive assistant. (2) Under the governor was a council con- sisting of the mayor, the director of the maritime bureau, the harbor master, the chief of the po- lice department, chief of the fire department, the senior navy and army commanders, the presi- dent of the railroad bureau and representatives of industry and private enterprises. b. The operating departments working under the general defense headquarters and subject to its command in defense matters consisted of most of the agencies formerly operating independently of each other but now reorganized along pre- scribed lines: (1) Water Police Department. A regular de- partment of the prefectural police system, equip- ped with police patrol boats, launches, tugs (and sometimes fire boats in harbors that did not have a regular water fire department). Its duties in- cluded the policing of the water portion of the harbor area and the landward portion imme- diately adjacent to the water, the regulation, training and supervision of auxiliary water for- ces, emergency water rescue, shelter regulation and the supervision of harbor personnel. (2) Water Fire Brigade. Its duties were fire prevention, marine fire fighting and cooperation with land forces in fighting fires on docks or in buildings adjacent to the water. (3) Auxiliary Water Police and Fire Units {Suijo Keibodan). These units were organized by the municipality and were trained for special water duty with the regular water police and fire units. Some were trained separately in auxiliary boats furnished by private interests in the harbor area. They specialized in water rescue, fire fight- ing, first aid and evacuation of the wounded. (4) Engineering branch of the Ministry of Home Affairs was responsible for emergency re- pairs and the restoration of habor facilities, for salvage, demolition or the removal of sunken ships, for dragging and dredging. (5) Municipal harbor bureau was charged with the protection, maintenance, and emergency restoration of municipal piers and other city property. (6) Municipal defense bureau provided shel- ters. It went in for fire-resistant treatment and the improvement of fire equipment. It also made property arrangements for the creation of fire gaps and provided for emergency relief measures. (7) Marine bureau was responsibile for dis- persal of ships, maintenance of harbor communi- cations, lighthouses and navigation lights, for enforcement of lighting regulations and for supervision of special self-protective units (Bogo- dan) on ships at dock and in installations on docks, piers and wharves. (8) Navy was responsible for coordination and for necessary orders for protection of ships. (9) Railroad bureau undertook emergency harbor-land transportation. (10) Special ministerial representatives han- dled matters concerning materials, supply, labor, evacuation and welfare. c. In some instances where harbors overlapped into two prefectures, such as was the case for Tokyo-Kawasaki-Kokohama-Yokosuka and for Kobe-Osaka, the prefectural governors controlled their own operating agencies, but the two air-de- fense general headquarters formed a joint plan- ning board to coordinate their activities. (4) Operations, a. Some appreciation of the extent to which the above organization was put to the test can be obtained by a review of the damage sustained by Japanese shipping and har- bor and port facilities: (1) The loss of shipping itself was an impor- tant factor in relation to shipbuilding, for the replacement program was conducted almost en- tirely in harbor areas and the protection of this industry was a responsibility of the IT harbor air- defense general headquarters. Referring only to steel merchant cargo ships of over 100 gross tons* there were 2,736 of these in November 1941, an aggregate of 6,384,000 gross tonnage. At the end of the war there were only 900 such ships total- ling 1,526,900 gross tons, even though in the same period ships totalling 3,973,200 gross tons had been built and placed in commission. (2) A breakdown of the number of launchings of these new ships is significant: 161 in 1942; 318 in 1943; 657 in 1944; 152 in 1945. The 1945 figures show a sharply progressive falling off: January and February, 57; April and May, 34; July and August, 7. (3) The damage inflicted in 26 harbors reached a total estimated at 176,020,000 yen. (4) One thousand four hundred and six ware- houses were destroyed. This represented over 52 percent of the warehouse space of the harbor areas struck. (5) Sixty-six ships of over 500 gross tons and 679 of less than 500 gross tons were sunk in harbors. (6) The other principal damage was to wharves, docks and piers. b. Fire fighting in harbors and harbor areas was unquestionably the weakest link in air-raid defense because equipment was so poor. For ex- ample, the water fire department of the impor- tant port of Yokohama had possessed only one antiquated fireboat up to the end of 1944, and that one had only one 1,000-gallon-per-minute pumper. At that late date, 14 new ones were built but, prior to that time the department was de- pendent upon auxiliary fireboats owned by pri- vate companies in the harbor. When heavy raids struck, these private companies refused to respond because they were busy protecting their own property. The same condition existed to a slightly varying degree throughout the entire harbor sys- tem, and it became customary to remove immedi- ately a burning ship to an unused part of the harbor, so that its ultimate sinking would not obstruct traffic. Even the eleventh hour construc- tion of small new fireboats was limited to the Tokyo-Yokohama harbor area. c. Fire-fighting forces on shore adopted a simi- lar policy, that of abandoning a burning build- ing to protect those surrounding it. A little more effort was made when a burning ship was tied to a dock. Land equipment was used and stevedores. 128 were organized to assist with auxiliary portable equipment. Command was clearly defined be- tween cooperating land and water fire-fighting forces. Originally, the bulkhead line formed the boundary but, later, if a burning ship were tied to a dock it came under the jurisdiction of the land forces. d. The performance of the auxiliary forces cannot be categorically blamed for the break- down of defense. Although poorly equipped, these forces generally responded well, mobilized quickly when the alarm was given, and followed their training procedures with discipline and courage. The exceptions to this rule were caused by a breakdown in leadership and by the stun- ning impact of saturation raids. Conflagrations often prevented mobilization by isolating the waterfront areas. 5. Comments. Failure of harbor air-raid de- fense was chiefly due to failures in national, pre- fectural and bureau level planning, coordination and foresight. It is true of harbor and port security that mid-war coordination of the multi- ple agencies was effected with a degree of suc- cess, but the procrastination was costly—there was no time to correct the errors and omissions of early planning. The technique of defense wTas based upon the early concepts of light-scattered raids and was adequately designed to meet even large numbers of simultaneous individual inci- dents. Saturation raids stunned officials and rank-and-file workers alike and induced a stolid feeling of hopelessness. The organization of per- sonnel in harbor areas was not unsound; but their ability to function or reorganize was nullified by a failure to plan and provide the working tools— materials and equipment—with which to meet the increased tempo of aerial warfare. Althought it is believed that the organization and the efforts of the harbor air-raid-protection forces operated with about 20 percent efficiency, it is estimated that an ample supply of modern fire-fighting equipment would have reduced the damage by at least 50 percent. E. AIR-RAID PROTECTION IN BUILDINGS ‘ DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USE 1. Scope, a. Air-raid protection in public building involved the organization of personnel into a unified group, the massing of available ma- terial, and the training of the group to perform a mission, namely, to eliminate or limit air-raid damage to material and personnel and thus to maintain maximum efficiency in the unit, whether it were a school, hotel, office building, apartment, hospital, public building, church, theater or re- tail store. b. Public buildings were considered vital to the war economy and wTar effort because of their effect on public morale, comfort and welfare. 2. Control and Responsibility, a. Schools, churches, theaters, hotels, apartments, and office buildings were under the control of the Ministry of Home Affairs and were directed through the prefectures by the police. b. Public schools received additional instruc- tions from, and were under the control of, the Ministry of Education. c. Public buildings did not have the close scru- tiny from ministerial level nor the little assist- ance that went with the scrutiny; consequently their tenants had to rely'heavily on their own re- sources. d. The seriousness of the raids and their conse- quences did not become apparent until the latter part of the war. By that time, civilian defense materials and equipment were almost unobtain- able. Government officials may not have been aware of the futility of the program started at such a late date, but they did shed responsibility by emphasizing the “self-protection” element, thus placing the onus of protection on individual units. 3. Organization, a. Organizations were formed about the able-bodied personnel of the establish- ments with the manager or president of the insti- tution or building in question as the leader. These organizations usually included fire-fighting units, guard, medical and repair units with the greatest emphasis on the first. b. Fire-fighting sections were always volunteer in character and were composed mainly of able- bodied male personnel who were without excep- tion poorly trained by the police and fire depart- ment. Training usually involved the use of such crude equipment as buckets, beaters, ladders and hand-operated pumps. Infrequent drills were ordered by the leaders but, in most cases, neither training nor equipment was sufficient to cope with incidental fires, or fires resulting from spill-over raids. c. Reactions of the self-defense organizations in privately owned buildings to police control and instruction varied between two extremes. In one instance a church and school institution ap- pealed to the police authorities for instruction in 129 air-raid-defense measures, but no assistance was forthcoming. In another, the self-defense organ- ization of an apartment building scorned help from the police and fire forces because, its mem- bers said, they lacked confidence in the police- men's or firemen's ability to impart instruction. d. Guard sections were organized on both vol- untary and permanent bases and acted as premises guards, fire assistants, aircraft spotters, guides and, in isolated cases, first-aid assistants. It was the usual policy to have a portion of the guard department remain on the premises at night. e. Medical units varied according to the wealth and character of the buildings. (1) Wealthy units had well equipped casualty stations complete even to sterilizers and equip- ment for all but major surgery and had a staff of doctors and nurses in attendance. On the aver- age, however, equipment included a few bandages, a splint or two, a stretcher and antiseptics. Train- ing of all but the professional class was poor and in many instances personnel was not even taught first aid. (2) All public building units had made ar- rangements with local hospitals for service in emergencies. f. Repair sections were either organized around the building maintenance department or repair was done by outside labor. The shortage of materials, however, precluded most such work. 4. Water Supplies, a. In all cases water was drawn from the city water systems, and pres- sures varied from zero to 60 pounds per square inch. This supply was supplemented by static water supplies stored in everything from swim- ming pools to barrels and buckets. b. Even where static supplies were abundant, the lack of adequate pumping equipment pre- cluded their effective use. c. Certain office buildings had hose stations on each floor. If these were fed by a roof tank, they afforded sufficient capacity for normal accidental fires but, if tied into the city systems they were of little value because pressures invariably dropped to zero during raids. d. None of the buildings in Japan had suffi- cient water capacity or equipment to protect it- self against fires which might result from large- scale saturation raids. In many cases the Jap- anese realized this fact and merely went through the motions of organizing air-raid-protection units in order to stay within the law. 5. Air-Raid-Warning Systems, a. Initial air- raid warnings were given by city sirens, by tele- phone from the local police, and by criers from auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan). b. Interior warnings were given over the tele- phone, over public address systems, and by whistles, bells and criers. 6. Protective Equipment, a. Pumps varied from a 350-gallon-pet-minute motorized truck unit to small hand-operated pumps of 20-gallon- per-minute capacity. In all cases, equipment was inadequate as to quantity and often as to quality. For example, most of the pumping equipment checked was inoperative, due to lack of proper maintenance. b. Hose in the case of office buildings and hotels where inside storage was available was in good condition and varied from one inch to two and one-half inches, but in schools, hospitals and churches where it had been stored outside, it had deteriorated greatly and was often unusable. c. Chemical equipment of acid, soda and car- bon-tetrachloride types was in evidence but had usually deteriorated to such an extent as to be no longer of any use. d. In no case was there an automatic sprinkler system in evidence. e. Rudimentary equipment followed a general pattern and included buckets, beaters, hooks, ladders, mats, and sand. All of this equipment was of ancient origin and was of little value except for spill-overs involving but one frag- ment of a cluster. f. Some attempt was made to create fire breaks, and these efforts met with some success. For a complete statement see the “Fire Protection” sec- tion of this report. g. Medical equipment for first-aid treatment, when available, usually included stretchers, splints, bandages, salves and antiseptics. h. Each building had casualty stations, usually nothing more than a gathering place in a cen- trally located, partly protected section of the facility, and everything was utilized from a rest room to an office desk or the manager's office. In general, these places had none but the most rudi- mentary equipment, and personnel had only scant knowledge of first aid. One exception to the lat- ter was found in the schools: usually teachers had fairly adequate knowledge of first-aid meas- ures. i. Generally speaking, all public buildings had to rely on local facilities for major medical as- 130 sistance. For more complete information on this subject, see the “Emergency Medical Service” sec- tion of this report. 7. Control Centers, a. Control centers were im- provised either in the basement or the manager’s office. No special construction was undertaken to protect these installations. b. These centers were usually equipped with telephones and, in rare instances, with public address systems. In general, information con- cerning incidents was handled by the manager. c. Staff of these units always included the leader of the air-raid-protection groups, plus a few of his key men and squad leaders. 8. Shelters, a. Shelters were without exception inadequate as to quantity and quality. The best shelters were in the basements of office buildings. Large exterior shelters were made of wood and earth and, in many cases, were so weak that they constituted a hazard to those seeking refuge in them. None of the shelters was gas or fire proof. b. The policy was to work or carry on normal duties during air “alerts,” but to seek shelter dur- ing the “alarm.” After the atomic bombs, people fled to the hills or took shelter at the first warn- ing. 9. Operations, a. When large buildings were struck directly or were in the vicinity of full- scale saturation bombing, it was virtually impos- sible to prevent large-scale fire damage. In a few isolated instances, persons in. stricken buildings or building groups were able to confine fire damage from spill-over hits with the limited tire-fighting equipment at their disposal. b. Generally speaking, people were willing and fearless in emergencies but, without exception, equipment was too scarce to permit building per- sonnel to do much against full-scale raids. 10. Mutual Assistance. Mutual assistance ar- rangements were made with the local neighbor- hood groups (Tonari Gumi), auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan), and city fire departments, but often these units were too busy elsewhere to respond to calls for assistance. 11. Light Control and Camouflage, a. Light control in public buildings resolved itself into the use of blackout curtains or the extinguishing of lights where curtains were unavailable. The qual- ity of light control measures varied as to locality: if the area had ever been bombed, people were eager to comply; if not, they were more com- placent and did not bother too much about black- out procedures. b. Little if any camouflage was practiced and what little there was, was limited due to short- age of paints and other materials. 12. Comments, a. Generally speaking, air-raid protection of buildings devoted to public use was ineffective, due to the appalling shortage of equipment. b. The only strong point in the Japanese sys- tem was the people’s desire to try no matter what the effort and no matter what the problem. c. The more enlightened people in many cases saw the futility of attempting to cope with the situation and gave up. It may be said that after a few heavy raids the ignorant, too, gave up and, during later raids, there was a general exodus from stricken areas. d. Community interest varied regarding pro- tection of public buildings but, in general, the tendency was to look after one’s own property and not to worry too much about the other man’s. In the case of large corporate hotels or office buildings, lack of interest was replaced by actual antagonism. Neighborhood groups were willing to help one another and the schools, but were quite reluctant to leave their own areas to tight tires in public buildings, hotels or even in churches and temples. VI. PASSIVE DEFENSE INSTALLATIONS AND PRECAUTIONS A. PROTECTIVE LIGHTING 1. Basic Regulations and Laws. Fear of pos- sible air attack from China or Siberia prompted the military to initiate and sponsor air-defense drills in Japan as early as 1928. In the thirties such drills were held once or twice a year in con- nection with army maneuvers. Public participa- tion in these drills consisted largely of extin- guishing lights, so much so that for years light control (Toka Kansei) and air defense (Boku) were practically synonymous in the public’s mind. On 5 April 1937 the National Law of Civilian Air Defense (Law No. 47) was passed (Exhibit G—l). This law systematized the air-defense pro- gram, and light control was one of the authorized passive-defense measures. On 8 April 1938 the Ministry of Home Affairs issued the light control regulation, which was the enabling act, detailing how artificial lights should be controlled. These regulations remained in effect throughout the war 131 with only minor changes, but with stricter inter- pretation and enforcement as the war progressed. Preparatory light control (Jumbi Kansei) was made permanently effective by a decree issued 8 December 1941. High shipping losses due to sub- marines caused two decrees to be issued in the early part of 1943, one on 1 February, the second on 8 March, reducing lights which caused a sky glow visible from the sea. In January 1945 the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a decree sug- gesting the nightly application of “alert” light control (Keikai Kansei) rules each night after 2200. (This idea of the night application of the “alert” rules after 2200 hours and of complete blackout after midnight originated at the prefec- tural level as power conservation and war psy- chology measures. In many local governments it had been put into effect several months earlier.) 2. Responsibility for Light Control. The Min- istry of Home Affairs was responsible for light control. This responsibility was discharged by the preparation, publication and distribution of the light control regulations and by the interpreta- tion of these regulations directly to the public and through prefecture police, civilian defense organizations and by all possible means of propa- ganda (posters, bulletins, newspapers, movies, radio and word of mouth). The responsibility for enforcement of the regulations was passed on to the prefectural police who were assisted by various local civilian air-defense units, particu- larly the auxiliary police and fire units (Kei- bodan) and the neighborhood groups (Tonari Gumi). 3. Premises for Light Control Regulations. The details of the light control regulations were worked out to meet the following basic premises as specified by the military authorities; a. That under “preparatory” conditions no enemy plane would ever come closer than around 93 miles (150 kilometers). (This was revised on 12 January 1945 to 31 miles (50 kilometers).) b. That under “alert” conditions no enemy plane would ever come closer than approximately 3 miles (5 to 6 kilometers). c. That under “alarm” conditions no enemy plane, even when overhead, would ever come closer than approximately 1,600 feet (500 meters). 4. Details of LAght Control Regulations. The light control regulations were broken down into periods to correspond to the periods of air-raid warning. The details were worked out so that at the closest approach of an enemy aircraft the light permissible would not reveal its location to the aircraft. Since these regulations would be enforced by authorities without technical train- ing, it was necessary that they be stated in simple, readily understandable language. They were worked out in very general terms, (“least pos- sible amount of light,” “lights to be invisible from outside the building,”) with the opinion of the enforcing person the governing factor rather than any physical measurements. (In those rela- tively few cases where the regulations prescribed definite amounts of light no procedures for mak- ing the physical measurements were specified.) a. Preparatory Period. Light reduction was aimed at decreasing sky glow’. All advertising signs, unnecessary park, shrine, street and other exterior lights were to be eliminated and others were to be reduced in size and shielded to con- fine the light downward. A decree was issued 8 December 1941 putting this phase of light control into permanent effect for the duration of the war. b. “Alert” Period. Lighting reduction was de- signed to have no lights visible at distances of three miles or more, and to accomplish this with a minimum interruption to vital activities. Ex- terior lighting was reduced drastically but with many of the more essential lights permitted (rail- road signals, traffic lights, certain industrial lights). These, however, were to be adequately shielded to prevent the escape of light upward. Interior lights were to be shielded to prevent direct light from falling outside buildings. This type of light control was in effect for the dura- tion of any air-raid “alert” signal. Late in the war it was made effective every night, even though there were no raids, from 2200 hours to midnight. “Alarm” light control rules were made effective from midnight until sunrise. This was put into effect as a conservation as well as a pas- sive-defense measure. c. “Alarm” Period. Lighting reduction was de- signed to have no lights visible to planes over- head even should they be as low as 1,600 feet. In order to have the minimum interruption to pro- duction the “alarm” period was divided into two phases. The first phase was when the “alarm” signal sounded. At that all windows and open- ings were blacked out (or lights within the build- ing were extinguished), exterior lights were ex- tinguished (except that certain essential indus- trial, railroad and traffic signal lighting was per- mitted, provided it was sufficiently reduced in 132 brightness and sufficiently shielded) and the amount of light in use indoors was reduced (a safety measure in case windows or the side of a building were blown out). The second phase was when the planes were directly overhead when practically all remaining lights were extin- guished but, even then, certain dimmed railroad and traffic signals were kept in operation. 5. Modification in the Light Control Program. The light control regulations of 8 April 1938 were modified only by stricter interpretation and enforcement as the war progressed. This tighten- ing was accomplished by decrees or directives issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and sometimes by the prefectural governments, usu- ally at the prompting of the military. Important modifications were as follows: a. A decree, 8 December 1941, put preparatory light control measures into effect every night from sunset to sunrise. (A time-table changing the hours of effectiveness was published twice a month.) Since at that time there was little fear of enemy plane raids, this should be viewed more as power conservation and a war psychology measure. b. The idea of instituting “alert” light control rules every night after 2200 hours and “alarm” rules after 2400 hours seems to have originated in Nagasaki prefecture and, in a year’s time, was adopted by many other prefectures as its advan- tage as a conservation and defensive measure be- came apparent. d. On 12 January 1945 the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a memorandum to the prefectural governors cautioning against a too drastic inter- pretation of light control with its consequent needless hampering of production and normal ac- tivities of life. All of the factors involved in the light control program, that is, the necessity of wording the regulations in very general non-tech- nical terms and the enforcement of these regula- tions by non-technical persons who were not responsible for sustained industrial production tended further to reduce the amount of light per- mitted. In preparing the regulations the engi- neer had to specify the minimum amounts of light and in the enforcement, since the generalities necessitated individual judgment, the individuals, to be safe, almost always leaned to the conserva- tive side. 6. Street Lighting. Only in the cities did Japan have any street lighting, and most cities were served by three systems: the street railway system, the city system and the gate light system. a. The Street Railway System. The street rail- way company or the railway department of the municipal government lighted the streets served by its car lines. The lighting units were generally enameled metal reflectors on bracket arms ex- tending from the poles. Since this system was readily controllable from a few central locations, and since it covered the more important streets of the towns, only minor reductions in size of the lamps or in the number of units was made in December 1941. However, drastic cuts were made in the spring of 1943. But even then no special shielding was required since reducing the size of the lamps moved the light centers higher in the reflectors and provided the necessary upward shielding. In some localities reduction of illumi- nation was accomplished by reducing the voltage on the lines at the source. b. The City System. This was the municipal street lighting system. Either a department in the municipal government or the local public utility provided the equipment and lighted the main streets of the city not served by the street car company. Luminaries varied considerably, from the 200- or 300-watt decorative pedestal type in use along the boulevards and in the theatrical and shopping districts to the 40-watt steel-reflec- tor bracket units used in the outlying areas. The decree of 8 December 1941 caused a drastic re- duction in the number of units used in this light- ing system (around 90 per cent) and a corre- sponding reduction in power. Shields were in- stalled on some units. It is interesting to note that in this system, which was a multiple-lamp system, lighting reduction was accomplished al- most exclusively by reducing the lamp size, not by reducing the voltage either at the source or at the lamp. Further tightening of the light control regulations in the spring of 1943 extinguished all pedestal-type units still in use (those at essential cross streets and intersections were replaced by bracket-arm deep-cone reflector units), and re- duced the wattages of other types in service. c. Gate Lights. Street illumination in the resi- dential sections of Japanese cities was the respon- sibility of the residents of the area. It was cus- tomary for each house to provide a small light* usually a 25-watt lamp, in a semi-decorative lumi- naire, outside the gate or entrance to the house to illuminate the adjacent street. Parks and shrines were illuminated by similar gate lights provided in this case by the park department or by the reli- 133 stopped so that flames from steam engines or sparking from electrical contacts would not reveal the target. 8. Harbors and Ships. In December 1941 al- most all lighthouses and marker lights in outer harbors were extinguished as were all unneces- sary lights around the docks and shipyards. Marker and other lights in the inner harbor that were not extinguished were dimmed so as to be visible for not more than 545 yards (500 meters) and were shielded to be invisible from above. The lights remaining in use were all electric, con- trollable from some central point, and they were extinguished upon the sounding of the “alarm.” Ships were to reduce the brightness of their posi- tion and signal lights and to black out all interior lights under “alert” conditions and to extinguish all lights under “alarm” conditions. 9. Factories. Light control regulations for fac- tories were designed to provide some safety cou- pled with a minimum interruption to production. Low values of exterior illumination were allowed for some work up to the last few minutes before the planes actually arrived. Blackout curtains, opaque windows, light shields and similar de- vices were suggested as a means of blacking out interior lights. Many factories neglected to pro- vide themselves with such devices early in the war and by the time major raiding started there was such a shortage of materials that only the most essential industries could secure them, and many factories were forced to suspend operations at night whenever the “alert” was sounded. Cer- tain other factories having industrial flames (blast furnaces, oil refineries, by-product coke ovens) also had to suspend operations at the sounding of the “alert” signal to give these fires or hot metals time to cool down so that they would not be revealing targets. Considerable study and experimental work was carried on to find successful means of hiding industrial flames, so that these factories could operate longer. Bamboo screens were found to be too fragile. Opaque shields were used around some steel fur- naces but they confined the heat and created almost unbearable working conditions. 10. Light Control in Homes, Stores, Offices and Public Buildings. Due to the practice air- raid-defense drills and the propaganda drives many homes, offices, schools and public buildings had installed blackout curtains as early as 1939. Almost all such buildings were equipped with them by the spring of 1942. The antisubmarine gious organization (some parks were illuminated by decorative pedestal lantern-type units). The decree of 8 December 1941 extinguished all of these lights. d. Traffic Lights. Early in 1942 some localities reduced the size of the lamp in their traffic signal units (with a corresponding readjustment in the unit to secure proper filament position) and in- stalled shields to permit the units to be used dur- ing raids. Other localities, not making these changes, took steps to extinguish traffic signal lights upon the sounding of the “alert.” e. Advertising and Display Lighting. Many advertising signs were extinguished in 1940 as a power conservation measure and the remainder were extinguished by the decree of 8 December 1941. 7. Vehicles, a. Automobiles. Automobiles per- mitted to move during danger periods (only emergency vehicles could move during a raid) had to extinguish their lights completely or, if that was not practical, had to have the normal brightness of the lights drastically reduced through the use of a series resister and a black cloth as a cover over them. Although a definite degree of permissible illumination from head- lights was specified in the regulations, no enforc- ing agency was equipped to measure, and the opinion of the enforcing officer ruled. b. Street Cars. Headlights and interior lights of all electric vehicles had resisters installed in series so that lighting levels could he reduced drastically. Transoms were made opaque and windows were equipped with blackout shades. In congested metropolitan areas all electric street cars and internrban cars and trains were required to stop upon the sounding of the “alert” so that the sparking of the trolley on the wire would not reveal the target. Cars outside of congested areas could move up to the time of the actual raids and cars and trains out in the country frequently con- tinued to move even with enemy planes overhead. c. Trains. In the railroad section of the light- ing regulations an elaborate set of limiting values on visibility and shielding was published cover- ing signal lights (they could operate continuously when adequately shielded and reduced in bright- ness by from 20 to 50 percent), hand lights, head- lights, inside lights, switching and similar lights. Railroads were encouraged to operate as much as possible, and most trains ran continuously out in the open country, at reduced speeds, even during the worst raids. Within city limits, trains were 134 decrees in the spring of 1948, coupled with strong propaganda drives, forced a reduction in the amount of light used in buildings and also forced the installation of shields to prevent direct light from striking the windows and hence illuminat- ing the outside. There were very few ready-made light shield devices or blackout curtains available for purchase. The methods of accomplishing the shielding and suggested materials to use were widely publicized and each household or building owner was expected to make shields for his own lighting needs. 11. Contributions of the Light Control Pro- gram to: a. Japanese Urban Air Defense. The light control program contributed two things to Japa- nese urban air defense: first, an excellent propa- ganda means for uniting the country and, second, a passive-defense measure. Because no one could escape air-raid drills or the impact of the “pre- paratory” light control measures instituted im- mediately after Pearl Harbor, it was a powerful means of making people war conscious, yet its inconveniences were not sufficiently serious to have an adverse effect on public morale. Black- out has been accepted by military authorities as a passive-defense measure against pin-point air attack, and the Japanese program with its very minimum use of artificial light was excellent in providing it. b. Power Conservation. Power conservation and propaganda seem to have been the two prin- cipal reasons for the institution of the “prepara- tory” light control measures in December 1941, since military authorities had little real fear of attack by enemy planes. The reduction in street lighting and the elimination of all advertising signs freed many kilowatt hours for industrial production. Power conservation may not have been so important a factor as others in later tightening of the light control regulations but each tightening resulted in additional power most welcome in the industrial field. Domestic power loads declined approximately 50 percent from 1939 to 1943. The institution of the nightly ap- plication of “alert” conditions after 2200 hours and “alarm” conditions after midnight was an important conservation as well as defensive measure. It saved power otherwise expended for lighting and, in addition, conserved man power by eliminating any night life. Contrary to expec- tations this nightly blackout did not increase the crime rate or the number of traffic accidents; how- ever tlie reason for the latter was the almost com- plete absence of night street traffic. Since factories working on a 24-hour shift generally had two 12- hour shifts changing at 0700 and 1900 hours, this nightly blackout created no hardship. c. Feeling of Security Among Citizens. The blackout definitely created a feeling of security among the Japanese people, in fact, so much so that the public stoned or otherwise extinguished signal markers and other lights intended to be left burning during raids. Lighting engineers probably could argue successfully that a less se- vere light control program would have permitted greater industrial production, more efficient traf- fic movements and greater public well being, but it is doubtful if it could have brought about as great a feeling of security as the Japanese a- chieved from the almost complete absence of light. Since a complete nightly blackout, such as was in effect in England and on the Continent, was not necessary in Japan, the light control program was not excessively depressing to the general public. 12. Comments. Considering all the factors originally confronting the Japanese authorities, the light control program as developed was tech- nically excellent. It was based on the premise that only a few enemy planes would ever reach the homeland and that these planes would seek only the most vital targets. Successful working of the air-raid-warning system was assumed. Propaganda drives featured the making of black- out curtains and light shields out of scrap ma- terals and stressed the use of wood, paper and cloth rather than that of the scarcer metals. The weak point of the system was the absence of technically trained lighting men who could un- derstand a technical specification and who could properly evaluate lighting so as to permit its maximum use to secure efficient industrial pro- duction, yet still have the requisite safety. Be- cause of the generalities necessary in the wording of the regulations and the reliance on the opinion of the local policeman, the tendency was for ultra-conservatism in the use of light. Because of this almost complete absence of light under “alert” and “alarm” conditions the American air force found Japanese targets well blacked out. If pin-point bombing, instead of blanket fire raids, had predominated, the blackout might have served its purpose effectively. It should not be overlooked in any study of the light control pro- gram of Japan that the Japanese standards of 135 artificial lighting have always been far below the standards in the United States. For example, the monthly power consumption in the average Japanese home was only around three kilowatt hours in 1938 and this declined to less than one and one-half kilowatt hours in 1944. This con- trasted sharply with the 100 kilowatt hours used in the average American home. The levels of lighting in offices, stores, schools, factories and on streets were around one-tenth of those in use in the United States. B. SHELTERS 1. Introduction, a. The Japanese national government at no time during the entire war period established a definite and clear-cut policy on providing shelter protection for the general public against incendiary and high-explosive bombs. At various stages a certain degree of interest was evidenced by the government through the issuance of pamphlets which set forth descriptions and specifications for the con- struction of certain types of shelters. In ad- dition, directives were issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs to the prefectural governments ad- vising that certain types of shelters be construc- ted, but the entire responsibility for such con- struction was placed upon the prefectures, muni- cipalities and individual families, and it was not until June 1944 that the national government agreed to help defray part of the expenses for the construction of any type of public shelter. The reasons set forth for the failure to establish a strongly formulated shelter policy w^ere: b. The strong statement by the military that enemy planes would never be able to penetrate the defenses of the Japanese homeland. c. The advocacy of shelter construction would (it was claimed) excite the people, lower morale, upset routine living and start a downward trend in war production. d. The lack of materials, especially steel and cement, needed for construction of adequate bomb-proof shelters. In some official circles the belief was held that the scarcity of these ma- terials was offset by the topography of Japan which in many areas lent itself to the construc- tion of tunnel shelters in hills. 2. Development of the Program, a. As early as 1939 and 1940, the Ministry of Home Affairs prepared and issued through the Great Japan Air-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai) handbooks of instructions for the con- struct!on of trench shelters as emergency shelters outside of homes. In succeeding years other pam- phlets were issued which dealt with shelters in wooden - and reinforced-concrete buildings and factories, covered trench shelters, home shelters and tunnel shelters. Instructions in all of these handbooks called for shelters to provide protec- tion against near misses, but not direct hits, of high-explosive bombs ranging in weight from 100 to 500 pounds. b. Some areas of the country had been directed in 1938 to build gas-proof shelters but investiga- tions proved that not one such shelter for the use of the general public had been constructed in Japan. c. The Ministry of Home Affairs in July 1942 issued the first directive on the construction of open-trench shelters. The first amendment in September 1943 ordered the construction of covered trench-type shelters. In October 1943 an amendment directed that each residence was to have a shelter dug beneath the house or in the yard or a near-by open area. In June 1944 another amendment called for the roofing over of all open-trench shelters and the construction of tunnel-type shelters in the sides of hills in accordance with plans and specifications set forth in pamphlets prepared by the Ministry of Home Affairs. Investigation showed, however, that local authorities had to make many adjustments and changes in construction to fit their own situations. d. The responsibility for planning the con- struction and location of public shelters was usually vested in the planning and engineering sections of the prefectural governments. The po- lice department, however, was the sole agency which could enforce the regulations affecting the shelter program, e. The cost of constructing shelters was to be borne entirely by individual families, prefectural and local governments, businesses and factories. The only exception was in the building of tunnel- type shelters for which the national government was to reimburse the prefectural and local gov- ernments for two-thirds of the costs. But records of November 1945 prove that the national gov- ernment had not paid any part of its obligations. f. Based on a count of family, semi-public, public, factory, business, government, and all other types of shelters, claims were made that shelter space, temporary or permanent, was pro- vided for every Japanese. However, the general construction of most of these shelters was so poor 136 that a study of the facts and figures clearly in- dicates that less than 2 percent of the total population was able to be accommodated in the tunnel-type shelters which were the only type offering possibilities of maximum protection. 3. Types of Shelters, a. Family. When fami- lies were first directed to construct some Type of shelter, they simply dug holes 3 to 5 feet deep under their homes (Page 138) sufficiently to accommodate the family and to hold some personal valuables. Shoring of the sidewalls was seldom done except in cases of extreme necessity. Early raids clearly demonstrated that this type of shelter was a death trap in the case of fire and building collapse, so that families were advised to prepare shelters in yard areas or adjacent open spaces. These were either semi-surface shelters about 6 feet square or trench shelters about 4 feet deep, 3 feet wide and 6 feet long. The sides of both were usually reinforced with 1-inch boards, and overhead protection consisted of ordinary 1-inch boards or corrugated ferrous sheets on which were placed about 1 to IV2 feet of earth and loose stones. Officials and the rich often built more substantial shelters since they were in a position to secure materials and labor. b. Semipublic. The basements of the more heavily constructed buildings were used both by employees and patrons who might be in the buildings when raids occurred. None of these basements was reinforced to withstand the blast of high-explosive bombs. These shelters were not usually available at night, except for personnel on duty, as the public was not out at night and the mass of persons lived some distance from the business districts. Another factor which militated against their use later was the loss of life in them from suffocation, something which occurred in a number of cities during the heavy incendiary raids of 1945. c. Public. (1) Uncovered and Covered Trench. These types of shelter were about 8 to 12 feet long, 5 to 6 feet deep and about 3 feet wide, most of them having the sidewalls reinforced with light boards. The overhead covering con- sisted of light boards or corrugated ferrous sheets on which were placed 1 to 2 feet of dirt and loose stones. By 1945 practically all of the uncovered trench shelters had been made into the covered type. Each shelter had two entrances but no seating, light nor sanitary facilities. The capacity of each was from 10 to 20 persons. Some of these shelters were made by removing sections of the pavements parallel and contiguous to the Shelter built under the flooring. Both entrances inside the house. 695046—47—10 137 Type of houses in which underfloor shelters were built. curbing and often had exposed gas and water lines running through them, while others were constructed in tire breaks and any available open spaces. Until early 1945 these were in general the most adequate shelters provided for public use. (2) Concrete. In some areas surface shelters were constructed on concrete building blocks with a single-block inner wall and a block-veneer outer wall, laid dry, with 3 feet of dirt between the walls. The ceiling had 4 by 4-inch beams with one-inch boards on top of the beams. The boards were covered by iy2 to 2 feet of dirt on top of which was a half-inch layer of cement. The capacity of these ranged from 18 to 24 persons. These shelters afforded protection only against fragmentation. In other areas concrete pipe was used to build both surface and underground shel- ters. Shelters constructed of steel and cement were very few in number due mainly to the scarcity of materials. Those of this type which were observed were built about 10 feet below the surface of the ground or into the sides of hills. All of the latter type had walls and ceilings 1 to 2 feet thick and floors about 8 to 10 inches thick. Most of them were equipped with mechani- cal ventilating systems, electricity, sanitary facili- ties and seating arrangements. The shelters were usually divided into several rooms and had a capacity of 200 to 600 persons. In general, the use of these shelters was limited to the sick, aged and children. The protective features of these reinforced-concrete shelters were far above those of any other Japanese shelters. (3) Tunnel. Late in 1944, as stated above, the national government directed that tunnel shelters be constructed in the sides of hills and elevations within the limits of the cities. The topography of the cities of Japan lent itself readily to the development of such shelters, but construction was limited by the shortage of man power and equipment. These tunnels were built about 8 feet wide, 7 feet high, the length varying ac- cording to local conditions. The thickness of roof covering depended upon the location, but usually it ranged from 20 to 40 feet of earth, although in some places it was as much as 400 feet. Most of the entrances were protected by heavily con- structed baffle walls. Many were reinforced with heavy timber but very few had flooring, seating, sanitary or lighting facilities. Quite often there was a network of intercommunicating tunnels which provided multiple entrances and exits and gave additional protection against blast. The tun- nel shelters which had such a network afforded 138 Under-floor shelter after house had been burned. This is picture of one of those rare shelters which had entrances both inside and outside the house. Picture of family semi-surface shelter built in an open area. Sidewalls braced with light timber. Overhead covering of corrugated ferrous sheets with about IV2 feet of loose dirt and stones on top. 139 Picture showing one entrance to a family shelter built by more wealthy classes. Concrete structure, 18 inches thick, with 5 feet of dirt covering concrete roof. Picture showing undamaged covered-trench public shelter. This type usually had the sidewalls braced with 1-inch boards or other light timber and a covering of 1 y2 to 2 feet of dirt placed on corrugated ferrous sheets. Picture showing open-trench public shelter dug along the sidewalk. The sidewalls of some of this type were braced with 1-inch boards or corrugated ferrous sheets. 140 Picture showing exposed water pipe in public shelter constructed in the street along the cuibing. One entrance to concrete shelter constructed in the side of hill. 141 Public shelter built on the street. Concrete blocks are dirt filled. Two entrances. Capacity: 30 persons. Damaged side of block-type shelter shown above. Note dirt between inside and outside walls and thin cement roof covering. Hollow concrete blocks were also dirt filled. 142 Tunnel-shaped concrete shelter showing one entrance, air vents, and white paint marking to distinguish the entrance in the dark. Concrete thickness approximately 30 inches. Capacity about 25 persons. Constructed for army personnel. Public twin-type concrete pipe surface shelter. Capacity: 24 persons. 143 Entrance to underground concrete shelter constructed about 10 feet below the surface of the ground. Concrete pipe underground shelter. Capacity: 50-60 persons. Interior view of underground concrete shelter (entrance shown on preceding page). Door leads into room which housed mechanical ventilating system. One entrance to concrete shelter constructed in the side of hill. 145 excellent protection against blast from atomic bombs. (4) Subway Stations. The stations of the sub- way railways were not used as shelters mainly because the sandy soil and water seepage pre- vented their construction to a depth whereby the overhead covering would afford ample protection against high-explosive bombs. The Ministry of Home Affairs, therefore, forbade their use as shelters. 4. Special Purpose Shelters, a. The military authorities because of their control over critical materials were enabled to construct much more adequate shelters for their personal use than were constructed for the public. b. Railway authorities, because of their ad- vantageous position, built shelters for their em- ployees which generally afforded adequate pro- tection against all but direct hits. c. In only one of the areas studied was the con- trol center given the protection of a concrete shelter built in the side of a hill. d. Government agencies such as national com- munications and institutions such as hospitals, constructed concrete shelters which provided a Another entrance to concrete shelter shown on preceding page. Concrete and heavy stone shelter of 3 to 4 feet thickness for use of naval personnel. 146 Concrete entrance and baffle wall to tunnel type shelter built into the side of a hill. Baffle wall and entrance to tunnel-type shelter constructed in the side of a mountain. 147 Picture showing the entrance to a tunnel-type shelter dug into the side of a mountain. Structure and reinforcements are entirely of boards and tree branches. Picture showing protected entrances to tunnel shelter with network of intercommunicating branches. 148 Type of shelter constructed for railroad employees. Concrete shelter built under a terraced mountainside and used as a control center. 149 high degree of protection. (For detailed de- scriptions of these shelters, refer to the Medical and Communications sections of this report). 5. Comments. The development of an adequate shelter program for the general public of Japan was hindered by: a. The position of the military authorities in claiming that no raids of saturation proportion would be made upon Japan. This led the plan- ning authorities to believe it unnecessary to ini- tiate a large-scale shelter program. b. The extreme shortage of necessary mate- rials, principally reinforcing steel and cement. 6. The effectiveness of Japanese shelters against various types of bombs used by the AAF might be summarized as follows: a. Against Incendiary Bombs. The only shel- ters in Japan which gave protection against hits from such bombs were those located under- ground, constructed of concrete or concrete pipe, and tunnel shelters in the sides of hills. These shelters, however, did not protect their occupants against suffocation in the event of heavy fires for they were not provided with self-contained ven- tilating systems. b. Against High-Explosive Bomhs. Most of the tunnel shelters, especially those reinforced with heavy timber or concrete, generally afforded protection against bombs up to 500 pounds. Some of the tunnel shelters in the sides of mountains, depending upon the extent of the overhead cov- ering, gave adequate protection against bombs of greater weight. Trench shelters, covered or uncovered, afforded a small measure of protec- tion against blast and splinters. c. Against the Atomic Bomb. Tunnel shelters in the sides of hills with branches at sharp angles extending from the main tunnel and with the entrances protected by well built baffle walls afforded excellent protection against blast and concussion, particularly so in the branches. Even those tunnels which were not reinforced in any manner and were located directly under the estimated center of impact of the atomic bomb did not collapse from the blast. 7. While the national policy called for some type of protection for every individual, as was evidenced by the order that every family must build a shelter, less than 2 percent of the popu- lation had access to shelters which afforded pro- tection against bombs up to 500 pounds. 8. The value of the protection given by tunnel- type shelters was often offset by the distance the public had to travel to reach them, as many were constructed in park areas, shrines and at the outer edges of cities, which placed them at con- siderable distance from the densely populated areas. 9. There were very few underground shelters due to the shortage of necessary building mate- rials, to sandy soil and to the liigh water level. 10. No gas-proof shelters for the public were constructed in Japan. C. GAS PROTECTION SERVICE 1. Introduction. Full-dress air-raid maneuvers, including blackout and the use of gas masks, were held in Osaka as early as 5 July 1928, (Japan Weekly Chronicle of 5 July 1928 and Tokyo Times of 6 July 1928) and a picture from an unidentified newspaper in 1930 shows school children, both boys and girls, wearing gas masks in military drills. It will be noted that these preparations against possible attack considerably antedated the “China Incident” of 1937. It is strange, indeed, that so much expense and effort should have been devoted to a phantom enemy, unless it might have been for the purpose of con- ditioning the public for a war that was crystal- lizing in the minds of the military leaders. But whatever may have been the motives, it is a fact that a widespread popular interest in protection against poisonous gases was developed early. In- formation obtained in interviews with Japanese officials generally related the upswing of interest in gas defense to the “China Incident.” Recalling the closing events of World War I, the Japanese authorities reasoned that a new war would start where the previous one left off, namely with the use of poison gas. But by what flight of imagination they conceived the idea that the Chinese, their only enemy at that time, could attack them with poison gas remains a mystery. The wave of enthusiasm for gas defense had reached its crest before the war with the United States, and, strangely enough, went into de- cline thereafter. The Japanese gave as a reason the fact that gas had not been used in the European war up to that time, and their con- viction that the Americans would not resort to its use unless it was initiated by themselves. Moreover, in the later stages of the war, they felt that there would be no occasion for the Americans to resort to poison gas since the war was being won without this weapon. Despite these circumstances, the manufacture and distri- 150 bution of gas masks continued up to two or three months before the close of the war. 2. Organization. At the national level the gas- defense program was a branch of the first-aid section (Kyugo Ka) of the air-defense general headquarters (Dai Nippon Boku Sohombu) un- der the Ministry of Home Affairs. The Great Japan Air-Defense Association, a nonofficial and voluntary organization, was a factor of consider- able importance at the national level. It was, however, a semi-governmental agency in the sense that it received some subsidy from the gov- ernment. There was also a branch of this organi- zation in each prefecture. Through it orders for gas masks and other anti-air-raid equipment were processed, and it sponsored the training for de- fense against all forms of air-raid hazards and compiled a manual of simple instructions for home use. In contrast with the Great Japan Air- Defense Association, the air - defense general headquarters was an official agency which pro- mulgated and supervised the enforcement of directives. Locally, the gas-defense program was under the direction of the guard section of the prefectural police headquarters, and finally the district police stations. In each such district there was one or more auxiliary police and fire unit to which the gas-defense service was attach- ed. In the earlier stages of the gas-defense plans, however, there was a tendency to connect this work with the health agencies. In at least one instance gas defense was originally a function of the health section (Eiseika) of the welfare department but was later transferred to the guard section (Keibika) of the police department (Keisatsu Bu) but, in all instances, close liaison was maintained between the police and health forces. It must be noted that air-defense plans were originally entrusted to local prefectural and municipal authorities. In the interest of greater uniformity and effectiveness a series of directives and ordinances from the central government in Tokyo, beginning in August 1939 and culminat- ing on 26 November 1941, tightened up the air- defense program and placed the responsibility upon the ministers concerned with each phase of the work. Along with these changes gas defense became a fixed responsibility of the police offices. The organization varied somewhat in different localities, but the terminal unit wras the gas-de- fense squad consisting of 5 to 10 men. In charge of each squad was a pharmacist with one or more assistants. (Organization Chart, Page 152.) 3. Administration. The gas-defense program in the prefecture was generally under the direc- tion of a pharmacist attached to the police de- partment. In the case of Tokyo, however, this position was occupied by a chemical engineer. There is little to report in the field of administra- tion because the program at no time was called into active operation. Only at Kobe and Osaka was there a serious effort to set up an operative program. The maximum development consisted of the assembling and training of personnel, the equipment of the gas-defense squads with work- ing materials, and the procurement and distribu- tion of gas masks. These functions were regulated by the gas-defense officer in the prefectural po- lice office who worked through the auxiliary po- lice and fire units to carry out the training and equipment program and through the block and neighborhood leaders to provide gas masks for the general public. 4. Gas Defense Training. Each year in Tokyo an air-defense course lasting a week to 10 days was held under the auspices of the Great Japan Air-Defense Association, but instructors were furnished by the army and the lied Cross. One or more doctors were selected from each prefec- ture to attend these courses where all types of first aid, including gas defense, were taught. Upon returning to their respective prefectures, these doctors taught the appropriate organizational leaders what they had learned. These, in turn, passed on their knowledge to gas-defense officers, police officers and leaders of the auxiliary police and fire units. The instruction program was fur- ther extended to the block leaders and neighbor- hood group leaders by the gas-defense officers in the prefectural police office, and those leaders, in turn, carried it into the private homes. The in- struction at the last-named level was for self- protection and concerned mostly the use of gas masks, but that given the auxiliary police and fire units was of a more technical nature, in- cluding the detection of poisonous gases and the methods of dealing with them. On 26 November 1941 the Ministry of Home Affairs published “A Handbook on Current Air Defense” (Jikyoku Boku Hikkei), the result of a joint study by several branches of the central government. This booklet was distributed to all families throughout the country, and served to supplement the verbal instructions of the various group leaders. Where the gas-defense program was poorly organized this booklet was perhaps the only instruction 151 FINAL REPORT, C. D. D. GAS DEFENSE OF JAPAN ORGANIZATION MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS AIR DEFENSE GENERAL HEADQUARTERS FIRST-AID SECTION PREFECTURAL GOVERNORS PREFECTURAL HEALTH SECTION PREFECTURAL POLICE DISTRICT POLICE FIRST-AID SECTIONS AUXILIARY POLICE AND FIRE UNIT FIRST-AID SQUADS GAS DEFENSE SQUADS BLOCK ASSOCIATIONS NEIGHBORHOOD GROUPS the people received aside from articles appearing in the newspapers and addresses by radio. 5. Gas-Defense Equipment. Ko evidence was found in the central gas-defense headquarters (first-aid section of air-defense general headquar- ters, Ministry of Home Affairs) of any stand- ard list of equipment having been specified or recommended for use by local authorities, nor were there any specifications or directives issued ment. a. For Gas-Defense Squads. The list of articles was supposed to be acquired by each gas- defense squad at the expense of the members. All organized gas squads had some of these articles, but none of them possessed the complete list of equipment. Protective clothing was lim- ited to members of gas-defense squads, and com- paratively few of them possessed this equipment. In all only about 4,000 suits of gas-proof cloth- Simplest type of gas mask. Face piece and fittings all of rubber. Cartridge of detoxifying material attached directly to the mask. No device for draining of moisture from eyeshield and no exhaust valve. by the central headquarters with respect to the detection of poisonous gases or to methods of decontamination. In Kobe, however, there was found a local pamphlet which contained a list of items which each gas-defense squad should have, together with instructions regarding gas detec- tion and methods of decontamination. Although some similar articles and instructions were found in other target areas, nowhere else were the plans so complete as in Kobe. On the following page is a list of materials specified in the Kobe pam- phlet for each gas-defense squad. Pictures of the gas-detection kit, of three types of gas masks, and of a suit of protecting clothing are shown on Pages 153, 155, 156 and 157. 6. Distribution and Use of Gas-Defense Equip- ing were manufactured and distributed to gas- defense personnel. These suits consisted of rub- ber boots, rubber gloves and rubberized trousers, coat and hood, with a gas mask completing the ensemble. Gas-detection kits consisted of sub- stances in glass tubes sealed at both ends and tipped with separate colors to indicate the type of gas for which each tube was designed—black for phosgene, white for lewisite, blue for aceto- phenone and red for mustard gas. To make the test the ends of the tube were broken off and to one end was applied a rubber bulb. Air drawn through the tube by the bulb carried an odor which was to indicate a specific gas. The gas under investigation was to be identified by com- parison with the odors from the test kit. Thus 695046—47—11 153 the detection of gases was quite crude. There were no places for collecting gas samples and testing them in a laboratory. a. Mechanical: 1. Gas Masks—one for each worker 2. Gas-proof clothing, including gas-proof gloves and shoes, sufficient to supply each worker 3. Oxygen respirator 1 4. Gas-detection kit ; 1 5. Streamer (signal flag to show strength of wind) , 1 6. Wind flags (to indicate direction of wind) 3 7. Sign boards for marking affected area_ 20 8. Night sign boards 6 9. Rope meters 500 10. Wooden clapper (for warning) 2 11. Thermometer 2 12. Pocket flashlight 5 13. Buckets 5 14. Shovels 2 15. Megaphones 2 16. Tin-lined box for contaminated clothing 2 17. Scraps of cloth (surgical dressings) 500 18. Hand-drawn carts 2 19. Bicycles with cargo carriers 2 20. Trucks 2 b. Drugs: 1. Sodium Carbonate lb. 1 2. Sodium Bi-carbonate lbs. 2 3. Potassium Permanganate _ lb. 1 4. Caustic soda (sodium hydroxide) “ 1 5. Sodium thio-sulphate :___lbs. 3 6. Magnesium peroxide __ lb. 1 7. Kerosene oil * 1.8 8. Liquid paraffin ; , lb. 1 9. Alcohol “ i 10. Refined cotton 1 “ 1 11. Bandages ___rolls__2 b. Decontamination. Plans for gas decontami- nation were also crude. In the case of gases causing skin irritation the victims were to be stripped of their clothing and bathed in a public bathhouse. The clothing was to be boiled or, in cases of severe contamination, it was to be im- mersed in a solution of calcium hypochlorite. In only one instance which will be described later was there discovered any attempt at specially designed decontamination facilities. c. Personal Protection. (1) Historical Back- ground. Gas masks played such an important role in the gas-defense program that they merit a separate account. It has already been noted that as early as July 1928 gas masks were promi- nently featured in air-defense maneuvers. In- terest in procurement of gas masks by the general public was manifested as early as 1934 but large scale production did not begin until 1938. Although there was no immediate danger of gas, the people seemed to think that because the army had gas masks the civilian population should also have them. Their implicit faith in gas masks accounted in no small way for the general and progressi ve lack of interest in other measures for defense against poisonous gases. It is a strange commentary that, whereas there were no masks manufactured for the use of small chil- dren, a large warehouse was discovered in which large numbers of gas masks for horses were stored. No account of these was obtained in in- terviews, however, and no specimens were ob- served. As regards the children the only plan for their protection was to evacuate them to points outside the target areas. (2) Production and Distribution. In April 1940 the Ministry of Home Affairs made plans to equip each person in 26 major cities with a gas mask. The total population involved was 16,511,000 and the program was to be completed in March 1945. The actual number of masks manufactured for civilian use was 9,656,200 by the end of the war. Orders were received from the prefectures and distributed among 6 manu- facturing plants. Shortage of material was at least one factor in failure to meet the established goal. While orders were never cut, there was sometimes a delay of 2 to 3 months in filling them. From the foregoing it is seen that well over 50 percent of the population in the greater cities of Japan had gas masks. Such a large coverage would seem to indicate an intense popu- lar demand for them since most of them were paid for from private funds. Although this was true to a large extent, there was another factor that must be noted. At the insistence of the na- tional government, manufacturers undertook the production of masks in accordance wdth the pro- gram above cited. While the general interest in gas defense was sagging, production continued, resulting in the accumulation of large stocks which had to be liquidated to prevent loss. Pres- sure was therefore put upon the local air-defense officials to sell these masks to the people, and quotas wrere set for each block association ac- cording to population. Prices varied from 3 to 18 yen, depending upon the model, but under the pressure sales the prices were marked down in accordance with the individual’s ability to pay. In some instances the prefectural governments assumed a portion of the expense. 154 7. Gas-Proof Structures. Though there were apparently no plans for gas-proofing shelters and public buildings householders were advised to hang wet curtains at their windows and to spread newspapers on their floors. In Nagasaki, how- ever, mention was made of gas-proof shelters which upon investigation proved to be nothing more than school basements with no openings except an entrance fitted with a steel door and a rubber gasket to seal the opening when the door was closed. Such an arrangement would not only exclude poison gas but would at the same time exclude air and was, therefore, hardly a practical solution of the problem. Only two gas-proof structures worthy of the name were found during the entire survey. One was an air-raid shelter at the Red Cross hospital in Osaka, designed for the accommodation of 100 persons. It was an underground structure with ttvo entrances, one on each side. These were fitted with gas-proof steel doors, a foot-pedal-operated ventilating sys- tem by which outside air was drawn in through a filtering device to remove noxious gases, and by which foul air was discharged. The installa- tion also included a room for decontamination of clothing by steam, a room fitted with 12 shower heads for bathing, an emergency operating room and flush toilet facilities. Light, water, and steam Intermediate type of mask. Face piece of rubber with indi- vidual eyeshields, recess for nose, and drainage devised to remove moisture from eyeshields. The fittings for attaching to head are adjustable fabric straps. Mask attached to detoxifying cartridge by means of a fixed tube. Note per- forated disk which is a portion of the exhaust valve assembly. Essentially the same type of mask as the one shown above except that the detoxifying cartridge is larger and is connected with the mask by means of a flexible, noncollapsible rubber tube about 18 inches in length. 155 Tubes of test material for crude detection of poisonous gases. The colors of the tube tips are not differentiated in the photograph, but are black, white, blue, and red. were derived from the hospital system but the ventilating system was independent of outside power. There were also two oxygen cylinders in the main room for augmenting the oxygen sup- ply in the shelter if necessary. The other was a much more complete and elaborate shelter for employees of the telephone branch of the Tokyo Communications Bureau, of which a detailed ac- count will be found in paragraph 7 b (4) of the report on “National Communications Air-Raid Protection.” Both this shelter and the one at the Red Cross hospital in Osaka were for special groups and were not open to the general public. 8. Comments and Conclusion, a. Although the idea of gas defense took an early hold upon the popular mind, the central organization for gas defense was quite immature and did not at any time exercise a decisive influence over the local gas-defense program except in the development and procurement of gas masks. On the local level there was, consequently, a great lack of uni- formity as each prefecture was left virtually alone to develop its own gas-defense program. This lack of central leadership was reflected in the fact that some localities were almost devoid of a comprehensive gas-defense program and Front view of a suit of rubber clothing used for protection against poison gas. The material is a thin, nonchemically treated rubber, and could not have withstood rough usage. 156 placed sole reliance upon the use of gas masks. As the war progressed it became quite evident that the greater menace was from incendiary raids. For that reason such local gas-defense squads as had been organized.and held in readi- ness for action were diverted to service with the first-aid units which were hard pressed and often overwhelmed by the enormous number of casual- ties from incendiary bombs. Had gas attacks been made upon Japan the people would have been without any effective protection other than that afforded by gas masks. The psychological value of the gas masks, however, was a factor in sustaining the morale of the people. b. One phase of gas defense which was com- pletely overlooked by the Japanese was that against gases and smoke resulting from fires. The German survey report indicated that a high percentage of the deaths from air raids were due to carbon monoxide and the suffocating gases in smoke. Undoubtedly the same was true in Japan where incendiary raids playecf the major role. The use of gas masks, which were so generally possessed by the public, might have enabled some people to escape from the ruins or survive in their shelters, especially if some oxygen supply- ing element had been incorporated in the mask. During the course of the surveys, however, there was no information obtained that would in any way suggest that gas masks were at any time used for protection against fire gases. D. CAMOUFLAGE 1. Basic Laws and Regulations. Although ci- vilian defense authorities considered camouflage as one of the “other measures necessary for air defense” and consequently covered by the Na- tional Law of Civilian Air Defense (Law No. 47) issued 5 April 1937, it was not until the law was revised in November 1941 (Law No. 91) that camouflage was specifically included as one of the civilian air-defense measures. In the mean- time the Ministry of Home Affairs had prepared and issued in August of 1941 “Rules of Air-De- fense Camouflage” which was the enabling act. These rules remained in effect unchanged throughout the war. Memoranda were issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs to the governors of the prefectures in 1942, shortly after the Doolittle raid, and again early in 1943 when the changing turn of the war increased the likelihood of raids by enemy planes, reminding them to Rear view of suit of gas-protective clothing. make adequate vise of camouflage as a protective measure. Although the Ministry of Home Affairs lost faith iu the value of camouflage shortly after major raiding started and consequently issued no further order, military authorities in many dis- tricts exerted pressure on local prefecture gov- ernors and prompted the issuance of many local decrees, some as late as the spring of 1945. These decrees were instructions or orders to camouflage certain buildings in certain areas. In every case the camouflaging was to be worked out to meet the requirements of the “Rules of Air-Defense Camouflage.” 2. Responsibility for Camouflaging. Along with other civilian air-defense measures, the Ministry of Home Affairs was the government bureau responsible for civilian air-defense ca- mouflage. This responsibility was discharged by the preparation and publication of the “Rules of Air-Defense Camouflage” and its distribution to interested agencies. Since it was desired not to expend limited supplies of materials on needless camouflaging, this publication was classified as “secret” and distributed only to the prefectural governors who in turn handed it down to in- terested industrial companies, shipyards and rail- roads, and to police chiefs, heads of civilian de- 157 fense organizations and to the few corisulting engineers specializing in civilian-air-defense ca- mouflage. Certain phases of the program were published in magazine articles and bulletins- put out by various agencies but, in general, camou- flaging w'as to be done only for the larger and more prominent buildings. Responsibility for the use of camouflage was delegated to the prefec- tural governors who generally passed it on to a consulting civil engineer working with the pre- fectural police. This engineer selected the build- ings, factories or localities which he believed needed camouflaging because of their size, promi- nence or location, and the owners were formally notified to undertake suitable camouflage. It was the responsibility of the owner to work out Jhe details of the camouflage treatment and lo have it meet the approval of the prefectural police. The government furnished copies of the “Rules for Air-Defense Camouflage” and the technical help of their camouflage specialist. The owners were responsible for the costs of the camouflaging but, if the approved camouflaging was unduly ex- pensive, application could be made to the Min- istry of Home Affairs for financial help from a special fund for that purpose. 3. Theory of Camouflaging. Japanese camou- flage suggestions worked out in the “Rules for Air-Defense Camouflage” were based on the ex- pectation that any enemy air raids that did develop would consist of very few planes and that these planes would be seeking certain specific vital or important targets. The purpose of the camouflaging was to make these specific targets difficult to locate from a high flying plane (10,000 feet minimum altitude) by merging them into the background. Although the advantages of initially designing camouflage in buildings were recognized, the remoteness of air attacks did not promote civilian construction or interest in such construction until late in the war when lack of time and materials did not permit it. Stress was placed on the application of paint of suitable shade and configuration to merge the building into the background and of the use of screens or nets to hide targets that could not be protected by paints. These “Rules for Air-Defense Ca- mouflage” were worked out in the summer of 1941 at a conference attended by military and ci- vilian air-defense authorities as well as by lead- ing members of the architectural profession, and represented their combined ideas. (At this con- ference, it is interesting to note, there was avail- able no material or help from Germany or Ger- man sources.) The “Rules” were expressed in very general terms to permit the greatest flexi- bility in their application. Because no large raids were expected no ambitious program of creating dummy cities, of altering prominent terrain features or even of hiding areas by smoke screens was ever considered. 4. Working out the Theory, a. Painting. Most Japanese civilian installations which were ca- mouflaged were painted. Mainly, they were large and prominent industrial, office and public build- ings, and the purpose of the painting was to de- crease their prominence by blending them into the darker surrounding background. The paint was frequently applied in patterns to simulate the prominent configurations of the surrounding country, block patterns for buildings located in towns where the roofs in residential areas showed up as blocks and rectangular patterns, and irre- gular patterns for the suburban areas where it was desired to imitate the irregular patterns of nature. At first, oil paints in dark green and dusty brown wTere used but by 1942 only black asphalt and to a lesser extent calcimine paints were available. Photographs on pages 159 to 161 illustrate typical building camouflage by paint- ing. Since over-all coverage with black asphalt paint would make a building conspicuous, at- tempts were made to make it seem gray. The types of fine patterns developed to secure this gray ness at a distance resulted in some weird effects and certainly made the building very conspicuous at close range. b. Screening. The “Rules” advocated the use of bamboo lattice fishing nets as a means of screening targets. This type of camouflaging was used on some large public buildings (the readily recognizable dome of the Diet Building was hid- den in this manner), and practically every large city hid its filtration ponds at the waterworks under a screen of fishing nets. The characteristic shapes of small oil tanks were frequently hidden with lattices of bamboo. c. Natural Camouflage. The arrangement of tree shrubs and sod to achieve a natural camou- flage was also advocated but little use was made of this method except around some air-raid shel- ters. 5. Abandonment of Reliance on Camouflage. Because it was intended and developed as a pro- tection against raids of only a few planes, the authorities at the Ministry of Home Affairs 158 Railroad Office Building, Tokyo. Camouflage painting imitates the roof pattern of a group of smaller buildings. Police station in outskirts of Tokyo. Camouflage pattern designed for confusion-motif of irregular street pattern near the building. 159 Camouflage treatment on chimney at Uni- versity Hospital, Nagasaki. The pattern is intended to create an impression of grey- ness at a distance. Camouflaged truck (irregular patterns in sombre red and green colors) standing in front of an office building having white glazed brick surface darkened by application of black asphalt paint. Kobe. 160 Navy Club (Kaigun Kurabu) Tokyo. Camouflaged by the application of black paint to hide the whiteness of the glazed brick finish. Shirokane Primary School, Tokyo. Camouflaged by the application of black and dark green paint in patterns similar to patterns in neighborhood. 161 realized the futility of the camouflaging effort when mass raiding and area bombing began in 1944. By that time scarcity of materials prevent- ed the development of any camouflage by means of dummy installations and the like, even if there had been time to build them. However, many local governments, sometimes at the prompting of the local military commander, continued to darken buildings to secure a camouflage even as late as the spring of 1945. 6. Comments. The study of Japanese camou- flaging revealed some very interesting peculiari- ties of the Japanese mind not readily under- standable to the Occidental. The Japanese would spend considerable time and effort hiding a lone small oil tank under a net of bamboo lattice when that tank would normally be quite incon- spicuous from any distance, and completely ignore a large gas tank 300 feet away. They would erect an elaborate screening net over a filtration pond at the waterworks and neglect to take any steps to hide the typical curve of the vulnerable undefended dam of the adjacent res- ervoir. Considerable time was spent darkening the roof of the emperor’s palace, yet nothing was done to conceal the large characteristic moat sur- rounding it. The Japanese neglected to take steps to hide large ship cranes or railroad yards as “it was not believed they were conspicuous from the air”; yet small buildings already partly hid- den by a grove of trees were painted. A land- mark, such as the castle in Osaka, was deliber- ately left exposed in the hope that it would be recognized as a “worthless” cultural monument and thus be spared to continue its function as an air-raid control center. The theory in this last case worked, however, as the castle was not damaged. E. CONDUCT OF THE PUBLIC DURING A RAID 1. B.asic Laws and Regulations. The basic authority governing the conduct of the public during air raids was the National Law of Ci- vilian Air Defense (Law No. 47), issued 5 April 1937, and revisions to that law, one issued 25 November 1941 (Law No. 91) and the second issued 31 October 1943 (Law No. 104). Several ordinances and regulations giving details for the execution of these laws were issued, the original ordinance being dated 29 September 1937 (Or- dinance No. 549) and the original regulation being issued in 1941 (Order No. 39), These na- tional enactments were merely general directives to the prefectures requiring specific regulations at the prefectural level. Although they followed the same general pattern, rules varied in the several prefectures, local authorities frequently issuing decrees and directives altering the regu- lations to meet special or local conditions. 2. Enforcement. The enforcement of the air- raid-defense laws was the responsibility of the local prefectural government and, specifically, the prefectural police (except in Tokyo where it was the direct responsibility of the Metropolitan District Police who were directly under the Min- ister of Home Affairs). The police were assisted in this duty by the several civilian defense or- ganizations, particularly the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan), the neighborhood groups (Tonari Gumi) and the self-protection units (Bogodan). These organizations instructed the public in civilian defense by all forms of propa- ganda (newspapers, posters, bulletins, moving pictures, talks, radio), by air-raid drills which were held at infrequent intervals as early as 1928 and by acting as guides during an actual raid. 3. Planned Conduct, a. General. The basic premise of plans for public conduct was to make maximum use of the principle of self-help to keep air-raid damage to the minimum and so to cause the minimum interruption to production. Persons least essential to defense were moved to shelters first, and all able-bodied persons were expected to support the program to the limit of their ability. The saving of material things was given high priority. Householders and the man- agers of factories, buildings and stores were charged with securing fire-fighting equipment and with having it checked at the first sounding of any air-raid-warning signals. b. Aged and Sick. The aged, sick, pregnant women, small children and others not useful in self-defense activities were to move toward or into shelters shortly after the sounding of the “alert” signal. Just when they were to make this move varied with the time required for them to reach the shelters, the possibility of sur- prise raids and similar factors. c. Schools. Most primary schools and kinder- gartens dismissed their pupils shortly after the sounding of the “alert.” Children living near by were sent home to be with their families and to occupy the family shelters. Older school chil- dren, high school and college pupils were organ- ized into self-defense units for the protection of 162 the schools and near-by property. Since these units did not need to go into operation early in the raids, many of these schools remained in ses- sion until the time the air-raid “alarm” sounded. d. Theaters, Stores, Restaurants and Places of Entertainment. In some congested areas like Tokyo or lokohama theaters, stores, restaurants and similar establishments started to close at the sounding of the “alert” signal, but in other local- ities, smaller and less vulnerable, customers were not dismissed until the air-raid “alarm” signal was sounded. Dismissed customers were expected to go home if they could or else to go to a public shelter. e. Offices. Offices were generally not closed until the sounding of the air-raid “alarm” signal. If the office building itself was not designed as a shelter, near-by shelters to accommodate the workers were provided. f. Traffic. (1) Street. LTpon the sounding of the “alert” signal those not engaged in useful work went home, members of civilian defense units moved to their posts; elementary school children were dismissed; aged, sick, pregnant women and others not useful for defense activi- ties moved toward shelters. This movement pro- duced an immediate increase in pedestrian and vehicular traffic. All traffic was allowed to pro- ceed except in congested metropolitan areas where it was felt necessary to stop street cars and, electric trains at night so that the sparking of the trolley on the wire would not reveal a target area. There was a temporary increase in traffic immediately after the sounding of the “alarm” signal as people in offices, stores, schools and other units sought shelter. This traffic di- minished rapidly as people reached their desti- nations or found temporary shelter (in the day- time street cars moved to some point where pas- sengers could find shelter) and ceased by the time that planes were sighted. During the actual raid only emergency vehicles, fire trucks, ambu- lances and police cars were allowed to move. (2) Railroad. In an effort to maintain sustain- ed production, railroads were not only permitted but encouraged to operate throughout a i*aid, ex- cept in congested metropolitan areas where it was felt that the sparking of the trolley on the wire or the glow from the fire box of the steam loco- motive might be dangerous. In practice it worked out that in the open country trains did continue to move during raids, though at a slow pace, but in suburban or urban areas they were stopped at the first station and passengers dismissed to seek the safety of nearby shelters. (3) Harbor. The sounding of the “alert” was the signal for harbor shipping to disperse if in fleets; in no event to remain in a vulnerable channel. Defense stations were manned upon the sounding of the “alarm.” Ferryboats were per- mitted to operate during the “alert” period and to continue during the “alarm” and to dismiss passengers to find shelter at the end of the run. g. Factories. A large percentage of factories was equipped with blackout curtains and light shields, so that even at night many operated up to the time that planes were sighted and only then did workers lay down their tools to seek cover in the near-by shelters. 4. Guiding the Public to Shelters. The Japa- nese encouraged the construction of small shel- ters adjacent to factories and offices. Since their users knew where they were these shelters were not marked. Only in certain areas in the larger cities were a few of the shelters marked, and then there was no system regarding the type of sign used. Most were marked with a wooden sign crudely labeled “Air-Raid Shelter, Capacity — Persons.” In the downtown areas of some of the larger cities police or members of one of tlie defense groups were stationed to guide strangers to the nearest shelters, but such measures were not considered necessary in the smaller com- munities. Entrances to public shelters were fre- quently marked with arrows of white paint or even white strips of cloth or paper. Luminous markers or illuminated signs such as were com- mon in Germany were rare. 5. Regulations Within the Shelters. Little policing within the public shelters was found nec- essary, largely because of their small size. The first individual arriving at the shelter was sup- posed to be in charge and to admit more people until the shelter was full and to direct later ar- rivals to other shelters, but this duty was rarely assumed. Cleaning public shelters was the duty of the near-by neighborhood group. 6. Variation in Planned Conduct. It was in- tended by the Ministry of Home Affairs that the published regulations should be altered by the prefectural government when necessary to meet local needs. Many such changes were occasioned by local topographical conditions, local army regulations or public psychology. For example, since Nagasaki had been alerted frequently to aircraft headed for another target, it was decided 163 in the summer of 1944 to stop street traffic there for a 5- or 10-minute period after the “alarm,” and then, if no raid developed, to resume it. Another variation, put into effect at Nagasaki as a further protection against surprise raids, was to require women, children, the sick and aged and others not essential to either the civilian de- fense or industrial production to move into shel- ters at the sounding of the “alert.” In Tokyo, at the time of the big fire raids, people found greater safety in the canals and waterways, par- ticularly under bridges, than in shelters. In Kobe, there was a marked variation in the actual con- duct of the public from what had been planned, and this variation was due to the local topog- raphy. In the very first raids on that territory, workers learned that the slit-trench type of shel- ter adjacent to their factories was not safe. They also noted that the hillsides immediately behind the town were not being bombed. So they drop- ped their tools when the “alert” sounded so that they would have sufficient time to reach the hills before the planes arrived. The sounding of the “alert” signal in this area, therefore, caused an immediate drop in industrial production. The army did not issue air-raid warnings when enemy aircraft were identified as reconnaissance planes or were found to be few in number. If the “alert” or “alarm” had been given before the flight was clearly identified, the appropriate releasing sig- nals were ordered. This is what happened at Hiroshima and at Nagasaki and accounts in part for some of the high loss of life. This policy was changed immediately after those experiences. 7. Comments. In general, the Japanese plan for the conduct of the public was well conceived and sound. It made good use of the principle of self-help and was flexible enough to be adapt- ed to local conditions. However, it often failed to produce teamwork or the rapid dissemination of new ideas or techniques. There were marked variations in enforcement and in public prepared- ness, varying from false compliance in Kyoto (they were “sure that Kyoto would not be bomb- ed”) to desperate fear in Tokyo. One criticism of the planned conduct of the public that could be made of the entire civilian defense program is that, contrary to Occidental custom, a higher value was set on material things than on human life. VII. EVACUATION AND WELFARE A. EVACUATION 1. Introduction, a. The plan for civilian evac- uation was based upon the assumption by the Japanese that AAF attacks on the homeland could not be delivered on any large scale or maintained for an extended period. Therefore it was assumed that the normal governmental ad- ministrative and transportation services, aug- mented for the requirements of the immediate emergency, could take care of any situation which might develop from attacks penetrating the army’s air defenses. The plan called for the voluntary evacuation or dispersal of non-essen- tial persons from cities to the homes of relatives and friends in the country as well as for the evac- uation in groups of school children up to the sixth grade who were unable to leave with relatives. Although the evacuation of non-essen- tial persons was voluntary, the Japanese had a mandatory plan for the demolition of houses (the Japanese refer to this as “evacuation of buildings”) the purpose of which was to create open spaces around important installations the better to control and limit the extent of air-raid damage. b. The Japanese considered evacuation an es- sential measure of city air-raid protection. On 21 December 1943 the cabinet decided to make the “principal cities strong air-defense cities,” and issued to the governors of certain prefec- tures designated as evacuation areas advisory orders placing upon them the entire responsi- bility of evacuation. e. The term “evacuee” as used designated that person who, as a precautionary measure, volun- tarily left or moved away from the city to the home of a relative or friend in the country, whereas “refugee” or “sufferer” was one who be- came an air-raid victim or sufferer because of the loss of or damage to his home by an air attack or by demolition to create open spaces. 2. National Policy on Evacuation. The policy on evacuation was: a. To move to relatives and friends in the country outside of specifically designated evac- uation areas those persons who were not urgently needed in cities which had been designated as evacuation cities. b. Insofar as possible, to move evacuees as family units. 164 c. To rely on the cooperation of the people to evacuate on a voluntary basis. d. To evacuate important institutions. This pertains to the removal of schools, which is covered in paragraph 5, and the dispersal of fac- tories, which is covered under “Factory Air-Raid Protection” in another section of this report. e. To demolish houses (evacuation of build- ings) to create fire breaks and fire lanes, in order to localize air-raid damage and thereby to pro- tect important factories, buildings, transporta- tion points, and to prevent the spread of fire in congested areas. This differed from the evacua- tion of persons inasmuch as it was a mandatory measure and the procedure depended upon the plan for the city as a whole. Paragraph 10 covers this subject insofar as it relates to persons made homeless by it. f. To encourage voluntary evacuation by granting relocation subsidies to families of ser- vice men and families of those killed in action, as well as to those who paid taxes below a cer- tain fixed amount or who paid no taxes at all. 3. Evacuation Areas. The four principal in- dustrial districts on the two most important Japanese home islands (Honshu and Kyushu) and the major cities in those districts were desig- nated as evacuation areas. Because of the im- portance of these cities to the war effort, they were also targets for the United States bombers and, therefore, maximum efforts were made in these areas to carry out the evacuation policies. All evacuation areas were designated as places to be avoided by evacuees when moving. The evac- uation areas were: Tokyo—Yokohama District: Tokyo Yokohama Kawasaki Yokosuka Osaka—Kobe District: Osaka Kobe Amagasaki Nagoya District: Nagoya Northern Kyushu District: Moji Kokura Tabata Wakamatsu Yawata 4. Personnel Evacuated. The precautionary evacuation of persons practiced in Japan differed somewhat from that in other countries in that efforts were directed toward having the evacuees themselves increase the war potential in the places to which they went rather than merely taking temporary refuge from a target area. In- sofar as possible, evacuees went in family units to the homes of relatives and friends in the coun- try. Many went to their ancestral homesteads in other parts of the empire far removed from the principal target areas. The entire country, other than the specifically designated evacuation areas, became one large reception area in which the evacuee himself selected his destination. Em- phasis was placed upon precautionary or volun- tary evacuation of persons not absolutely essen- tial to the war effort or to the administration of the community. Such persons included: a. Heads of households living in an evacuation area but who had their work in government offi- ces, banks and business firms located elsewhere and who commuted to such work. b. The temporarily unemployed. c. Those living on annuities, pension, rentals, interest, allowances and the like. d. Those with no fixed employment. e. Those residing in the area solely for fur- thering their children’s education. f. Those who because of retirement or recent marriage were maintaining two households. g. Those whose occupation did not necessitate their living in the area. h. Children in the primary schools, second year and below. i. Unweaned children and their mothers. j. Pregnant women requiring the care of a mid- wife. k. The aged, 65 years and up. l. Those, irrespective of age, who were suffer- ing from long illnesses. m. Those who required nursing care because of deformities or chronic disease. n. Attendants and nurses needed to take care of those in any of the above groups. 5, Evacuation of School Children, a. Predi- cated on the basis of “increasing the air defense,” the Cabinet, in June of 1944, issued instructions to evacuate school children in the third to sixth grades, inclusive, of the national schools. Those pupils who were unable to evacuate with their parents were evacuated in groups upon the ap- plication of their parents or guardians. The 165 major part of this group-pupil evacuation ex- tended over August and September 1944. b. School Reception Areas. The reception areas for these pupils were selected upon recommenda- tion of an advisory school committee, consisting of the principals of the more important schools, appointed by the governor of the prefecture in which the evacuation area was located. In gen- eral, the places selected were in small com- munities at some distance from potential target areas. This advisory committee maintained close liaison between the evacuation and reception areas on all matters such as housing, food, educa- tion and the like. c. Housing in the School Reception Areas. The facilities used for housing were inns with extra rooms, temples, public meeting places, shrines, churches and similar structures where group living, play, worship and education could be con- tinued under the same teachers the pupils had before moving. The pupils carried a minimum of baggage, bedding, cooking utensils and per- sonal belongings. Ordinarily each group, de pending upon its size, was accompanied by a small staff consisting of one or more teachers, a nurse, one or more cooks and two or three dor- mitory helpers. The food, fuel and other living necessities for the evacuee pupils were distributed through the Ministries of Agriculture and of Commerce upon transfer of the pupil ration cards from the evacuation area to the reception area. Particular attention was given to nutri- tional and medical care. d. Education. Teachers accompanied the pupils from the evacuation areas and supervised all liv- ing conditions. They occupied the same quarters as the pupils. The school at the new location was considered as a branch of the city school from which the pupils originated and instruction was carried on as before but under the supervisory direction of the school authorities of the evacua- tion area. The evacuee groups were not super- imposed upon the school system of the receiving community. Each existed as a separate unit, complete within itself. Each pupil within limita- tions was called upon to perform some labor in the fields to assist in maintaining the supply of food. e. Expenses at the Reception Area. The parent or guardian of each pupil paid 66 cents (10 yen) per month toward the operation of the school and the living expenses of the pupils. The remainder of the cost was divided, 85 percent paid by the national treasury and 15 percent by the evacua- ting prefecture and municipality. Evacuee pupils were given priority transportation to the recep- tion centers. f. Living Conditions at Reception Areas. In late 1945 pupils at the reception centers were in good health and physical condition. They were divided into groups of 20 or 25 under the care and guidance of one teacher. A typical noonday meal consisted of a large bowl of rice mixed with beets and sweet potatoes, supplemented by a hot cup of soup. Efforts were made to supply daily 10- and 11-year-old pupils with from 12.6 to 17.2 ounces (358 to 488 grams) of food for the main meal. In addition to the food mentioned, other foods used were canned and fresh fish, salted salmon, butter, vegetables, pickled beets and the like. The food furnished was better in many cases than that available at home. The children were provided with long rubber boots, cotton underwear, raincoats and woolen clothing. Local doctors, assisted by student doctors and trained women, provided medical care. The school-day schedule started at 0600, called for about six hours of instruction, and closed with lights out at 1930. Parents were permitted to visit their children about once a month. g. Intensification of School Children Evacua- tion—16 March 1945. Immediately following the heavy bombing attacks of early March 1945, the evacuation areas were divided into “A” and “B” sections. The evacuation of school children from the “A” sections became mandatory, while in the “B” sections is was still voluntary but strongly urged. All school children in the third to sixth grades were evacuated either with their relatives or in groups. In addition to this mandatory pro- vision for the third to sixth grades, the first and second grade pupils in the “A” section were en- couraged strongly to evacuate with relatives, and, when the parent or guardian made the request, they were included also in the group evacuation. This extra school evacuation occurred during the month of April 1945. At this same time emphasis was placed upon employing all group school chil- dren in farming, raising domestic animals and producing charcoal in return for which they re- ceived provisions, fuel and other necessities. The period of evacuation of school children was ex- tended to the end of the school term in March 1946. With the cessation of hostilities in August 1945, many pupils returned, but indications were that the majority of those who had been evacua- 166 ted in groups would not be returned, because of the lack of adequate housing, until the end of the term (March 1946). h. School Children Evacuation Statistics. The first major school children evacuation effort was during July and August 1944, before the large- scale bombing attacks on the main islands of Japan. At that time, pupils in the third to sixth grades were urged strongly to evacuate to places away from the target areas and approximately 53 percent of the August 1944 school population actually left the evacuation areas. Data for some of the larger cities follow: (3) Workers in munition factories and offices, harbor, transportation and supply officials. (4) Others specifically designated by the gov- ernor, fire and police chiefs, and the mayor of the city. The families of this personnel, however, were considered as refugees. b. The saturation raids in the spring of 1945, brought about such an exodus that the govern- ment permitted only children, the non-essential, the sick and the aged to evacuate. This became necessary because personnel essential to air de- fense and production had been evacuating under the guise of evacuees or air-raid sufferers and because people in small towns had caught the evacuation scare from the cities and were run- ning to safety. Again it was emphasized that the essential personnel, including government offi- cials, medical officials and transportation staffs, must remain at their posts. 7. Reception Areas. Whereas the Germans designated specific areas for the reception of refugees from specific cities, the Japanese tended to regard the whole countryside as a reception area and urged refugees to go to their relatives no matter in what part of the country they might be. Evacuees were supposed to turn their energies to the increased production of war ma- terials and food. No plan was developed, how- ever, for the employment of those living on pen- sions or those with large incomes. They were expected to volunteer their services to the rural community. Former farmers who lived in cities were urged to return to farming. After an evacuee’s destination had been determined, his ward office notified the prefecture! office which, in turn, made arrangements for him to get his rations in the place to which he was going. The housing situation in all areas was critical and people in receiving areas were urged; to offer vacant rooms to evacuees, and even (o double up to make more room for them. srsrr , ,t 8. Evacuation Aids and Subsidies, a. Evacua- tion—Consultation Offices. Several evacuation consultation offices were set up in each evacuation area, the function of which was to advise, en- courage and give guidance on all matters of evacuation. These offices were established gen- erally at police headquarters, ward offices and city halls. b. Certificates for Changing Districts. In order to maintain control over man power and also to allocate railroad space to those eligible for it, the government required evacuees to secure at School Children Evacuated- —August 1944- With Pupil Percent City In groups guardians population evacuated Tokyo — _ - 179,664 195,363 697,268 53.8 Yokohama —: 23,197 39,700 124,330 50.6 Kawasaki 6,360 15,134 38,924 55.2 Yokosuka 6,774 10,174 25,881 65.5 Nagoya' 32,331 36,490 157,838 43.6 Osaka 67.938 117,743 328,372 56.5 Kobe - 17,162 34,156 106,214 48.3 Amagasaki 3,922 10,560 24,811 58.7 Totals— 337,348 459,320 1,503,638 53.0 After the heavy raids on the mainland islands in March 1945, school children evacuation was in- tensified. It became mandatory for the third through sixth grades to evacuate, and the chil- dren in the first and second were strongly urged to leave. These incentives are reflected in the sub- stantial increase in the percentage of the school population evacuated as of April 1945, when it reached 87.2 percent. Data for the larger cities follow: School Children Evacuated—April 19A5 With Pupil Percent City In groups guardians population evacuated Tokyo 203,420 416,771 717,149 86.6 Yokohama 31,900 61,283 111,172 8'3.8 Kawasaki 7,100 20,499 32,094 86.0 Yokosuka 8,740 10,174 27,847 67.9 Nagoya 39,380 53,361 105,755 87.7 Osaka — — - 89,830 178,747 296,484 90.6 Kobe 26,810 49,972 80,370 95.5 AmagasakI 7,080 13,079 26,865 75.0 Totals— 414,260 803,886 1,397,736 87.2 6. Essential Personnel, a. People who were essential to the war effort and who were not per- mitted to leave the cities were: (1) Government officials. (2) Watchers, auxiliary firemen and police- men, rescue personnel, construction workers, clearance personnel and members of school pa- triotic organizations. 167 their ward leader’s office a certificate authorizing their evacuation. Each applicant for evacuation filled out a questionnaire stating: (1) Destination. (2) Indicated date of moving. (3) Number of persons in family, including sex, age, occupation and place of work of each. (4) Residence, number of rooms, number of mats, condition of house, number of stories and whether owned or rented. (5) Amount of taxes paid to the city. (6) Services required to move, such as baggage transportation, whether by express, train, truck, or boat, packing materials needed. (7) Occupation at new address, school to be used and plan for starting business. These questionnaires were screened to make sure that no one essential to the war effort was moving out of the territory. Check on such matters was made by the ward leaders under the direction of the prefectural police. The certifi- cates entitled the evacuee to priority of transpor- tation for his family and baggage, to admission of his children to schools, and to ration tickets for food and clothing in the new area. Two types of certificates were used, one for the volun- tary evacuee and the other for the air-raid suf- ferer requiring help. In the latter case the cer- tificate entitled the holder to free transportation on the railroad (most of the railroads in Japan were government owned and operated), to food, temporary shelter, and emergency first aid. c. Transportation Application. To assist the evacuee, the Ministry of Transportation and Communications established evacuation trans- portation offices at the main railroad stations. In these offices there were representatives of the rail- roads, of the Nippon Express Company, the trucking guild, the dray guild, the East Asia Transportation Company, and other transporta- tion organizations to answer any questions raised by evacuees and also to receive their baggage. The transportation application contained such items as: (1) Dates on which the evacuee desired to pack and ship. (2) Name of applicant, address, place where goods to be moved were stored, nearest railroad station and distance from station. (3) Destination, nearest station, and distances from station. (4) Principal goods and number of items re- quiring packing. (5) Number of items for which no packing was needed. (6) Whether or not hauling or crating service was needed and if packing materials were on hand. d. Subsidies for Moving. To encourage evacua- tion, government gave subsidies to the following classes of persons, provided they did not relocate in one of the evacuation areas or important mili- tary areas: (1) Those who paid less than 13 cents (2 yen) city taxes or who were exempt from such taxes. (2) Families of members of the armed forces. e. Shipping Designation “Evacuation Goods”. To simplify baggage handling the Transporta- tion and Communications Ministry established a new rate classification called “evacuation goods” for the baggage of evacuees. Excluding fragile articles and animals, this covered goods which could be tied up in one bundle. The special rate for this classification on all railroads averaged about 30 percent less than that charged for freight in ordinary moving. f. Control of Housing and the Use of Build- ings. Under the air-defense law and its revi- sions, building and rent controls were set up in evacuation and reception areas. These controls, in general, rationed building materials and pro- hibited new construction. They also authorized city authorities to control the use of buildings and to maintain lists of vacant houses for the use of evacuees, of rooms and changes of tenants. Limited remodeling of houses, stores and the like into homes for evacuees was permitted with the government subsidizing 60 percent of this cost up to $133 (2,000 yen). 9. Transportation, a. Evacuees. The Jap- anese transportation system, not unlike others, faced shortages of man power, fuel and equip- ment. These, together with the scarcity of pack- ing materials, caused a bottleneck in rapid evacuation. To meet this problem, transportation requests were screened and persons going in the same direction were urged to travel together. If there were enough of them, special trains were run or certain scheduled trains were designated for their use. b. Baggage. Because of the demands on trans- portation for the war effort, the movement of evacuee traffic became extremely difficult. Trans- portation agencies, nevertheless, were urged to expedite the evacuation movement, and appeals were made to the general public for its full co- 168 operation. Professional packers and movers were unable to meet the demand for handling great quantities of baggage in a short time, so students and persons from ordinary occupations were used to help move baggage and transport goods to the railway stations. In Tokyo all horse and ox carts, wagons, motorcycles and trailers were placed under the direction of the police who apportioned their use in accordance with the demand for drayage. The public was urged to reduce baggage to a minimum, and indiscriminate moving of all kinds of household goods was prohibited. The evacuation transportation office determined the type of facility to be used. For distances of 25 or 30 miles or more railroad freight was gen- erally selected. This office also arranged the pri- orities on movement by trucks or carts. 10. Demolition of Houses (Evacuation of Buildings). a. Demolition to create fire breaks around important factories, communication fa- cilities and other important buildings and to clear fire lanes through the cities was begun in November 1943. The scope of this plan was en- larged six different times in the year and a half prior to the cessation of hostilities. Immediately after the saturation raids early in 1945 over 400,- 000 houses, or approximately two-thirds of all the buildings demolished for this purpose, were torn down in March and June. Of particular interest to this report are the “refugees” from the build- ings which were demolished. b. Temporary Shelter. Persons whose homes were to be demolished were given 10 to 14 days advance notice and told to seek new quarters, preferably with relatives and friends in the coun- try. Those who by reason of employment had to remain in the evacuation area were assisted by the city authorities in finding new quarters. Many located their families temporarily, until other arrangements could be completed, in temples, public halls, public baths, restaurants, geisha houses, hotels and boarding houses. In many instances, employers were able to provide quar- ters for the head of the household but not for the rest of his family. c. Payment for Demolished House. Payment or compensation for the loss of a house by demoli- tion was determined by a compensation commit- tee, This committee, which consisted of represen- tatives from the prefectural office and the city, assessed the loss and recommended the amount of damages to be paid. The average payment was $33 (500 yen) for 36 square feet (1 Tsubo). The renter, if any, received an average of three to six months’ free rent. No insurance was paid for the loss of a building destroyed under the demolition program. d. Purchase of Household Effects. Useful household articles from the houses demolished to create open spaces could be sold to the city at reasonable prices (and resold by the city to those who needed them) or stored in schoolhouses, tem- ples, prisons or theaters. Salable articles included such items as dishes, chairs, cupboards, bookcases, chests of drawers for clothing, clothing, blankets, and bedding. e. Estimated Number of Refugees Due to Evacuation of Buildings. It is estimated that ap- proximately 1,844,000 persons became refugees under the demolition program, and were forced to evacuate. The estimated data listed by the major periods of demolition are: 31 December 1943 343,000 11 December 1944 93,000 22 December 1944 50,000 15 March 1945 'SOS,000 5 June 1945 ’350,000 10 July 1945 145,000 Total 1,844,000 1 Saturation raids in spring, 1945. 11. Air-Raid Sufferers, a. An air-raid sufferer was a person who lost his home or suffered dam- age because of air raids. Air-raid sufferers and other involuntary refugees were expected to choose their own places of refuge with relatives or friends outside the target area. Until they were able to leave, however, the police allocated them temporary quarters in empty buildings, inns and public halls. Preparations to handle refugees were based on the assumption that not more than 20 percent of the inhabitants of a community would be involved in any air-raid disasters. The saturation raids of the spring of 1945 produced so many more sufferers than the 20 percent figure that the governmental peacetime services, aug- mented to meet anticipated emergency conditions, were overwhelmed. The whole system for moving evacuees, refugees and air-raid sufferers broke down and never really recovered. 12. Emphasis on Evacuation Following Large- Scale Air Attacks, a. The evacuation program was stimulated by each major reverse suffered by the Japanese army. The loss of the Marshall Islands in March 1944, followed by the invasion of Saipan in June 1944, was reflected in the in- 695046—47—12 169 creased number of voluntary evacuees. Another high spot in the evacuation curve was August 1944, when primary school children in the third to sixth grades were evacuated. Others were in November 1944, when Tokyo was first heavily bombed, in March 1945, after saturation attacks on several major targets, and in April and May 1945, when all third- to sixth-grade pupils were evacuated plus many first- and second-grade pupils. b. Nonessential Persons. After the first of the large raids on the homeland in November 1944, the Japanese were confronted with the need of getting more of the nonessential population away from target areas, so that they would not be a-burden during a raid. General evacuation by households was continued but the program, ex- cept for the compulsory evacuation of certain school groups, remained on a voluntary basis until the cessation of hostilities. c. Increased Subsidies and Transportation Pri- orities. As an incentive to encourage voluntary evacuation, moving subsidies Avere extended to provide $13 (200 yen) per person in each house- hold. These new moving subsidies were granted to facilitate the evacuation by their families of infants and young children whom it would have been difficult to evacuate in a group, that is, those children of the second school year or below. The evacuation of the old people, children, pregnant Avomen and the like received preferential treat- ment as compared Avith the evacuation of family groups. The reservation of a Avhole railroad car for shipment of baggage was discontinued. The number of piefces was limited to five per person with a maximum of 20 pieces per group. If a AAdiole household was being moved, the maximum number of pieces of baggage, irrespective of the number of persons in the group, was 40. Of articles treated as hand baggage and used in traveling, each evacuee was allowed two pieces, weighing 66 pounds (30 kilograms) each. 13. The Saturation Raids of March, 1945. a. Evacuation of Refugees. After the March raids, feverish efforts were concentrated on creating additional fire breaks the better to control air-raid damage in attacks to come. This intense activity continued over a period of 2 weeks. The inhabi- tants or refugees from the buildings marked for demolition Avere told to evacuate immediately. The Transportation and Communications Min- istry in its effort to expedite the evacuation move- ment ordered for Tokyo alone the addition of several freight trains and the diversion of 13 regular passenger trains for the exclusive trans- fer of refugees from demolished homes. b. Transportation of Air-Raid Sufferers. The demand from the homeless for transportation became so great that procedures for transporta- tion applications were simplified and only “trans- fer certificates” were required. Priority of move- ment was given to expectant mothers, children, the disabled and aged who were designated “spe- cial” and to those qualified to Avork in the build- ing trades. Temporary offices were set up in public places to handle the accumulation of baggage. All transportation costs for the home- less were borne by the government for a period of approximately 30 days. For those with transfer certificates marked “special” or “building” this period was somewhat longer. Even these selected evacuees were restricted by the quota allowed each day because of the shortage of transportation. Travel was allowed only from the station desig- nated by the government and on the lines bound for other government stations in the country. No one was permitted to change the date assigned for movement or to stop over en route. In Tokyo alone the number of air-raid sufferers (over a million) following the 10 March 1945 raid on that city was so great that 29 special trains were reserved solely for their evacuation which was achieved without their having to present the usual documents. c. Transportation of Air-Raid Sufferers’ Bag- gage. The tremendous volume of evacuees made it necessary to restrict the shipment of essential personal baggage to one of two ways: one pack- age of essential clothing and bedding of not more than 110 pounds (50 kilograms) per person, five pieces per family by separate and later con- signment or one piece weighing 66 pounds (30 kilograms) per person, three pieces per family by railway express. Luggage of other persons was not accepted unless it was vital to the war effort. d. Storage of Air-Raid Sufferers'1 Baggage. The following arrangements were made for stor- age of baggage: (1) The goods were stored in selected store- houses in the country; (2) Air-raid sufferers had to bring their be- longings to specific places on assigned dates; (3) Such storage service was limited to cloth- ing, and bedding with not more than five bundles to a family. 14. Evacuee Labor to Island of Hokkaido. The 170 policy of the government was to use evacuee man power to increase food production. Accordingly, a plan was drawn as of 31 May 1945 by the Agri- cultural, Commerce, and Home Ministries where- by city evacuees and air-raid victims were to be sent en masse to Hokkaido, the most northerly of the four main islands of the Japanese empire, to devote their efforts to agricultural work. The plan was one of the results of the March raids which left so many persons without occupation and, in addition, created a big food supply prob- lem. Hokkaido did not have sufficient labor for its mines, fisheries and agricultural industries, but it did have approximately 1,250,000 acres of Harm land not under cultivation. Farming was to be devoted to the cultivation of wheat, barley, pumpkins, potatoes and other vegetables suitable for the climate. Initially it was planned to send 50,000 families or 200,000 evacuees to Hokkaido during the summer of 1945. Each farmer was to be given, rent-free, 214 acres (one Chobu) of land. After one year, in addition to a gift of from 25 to 35 acres of uncultivated land to each family, the government would also supply, gratis, implements and other farm necessities. Tempo- rary quarters for evacuees were provided in colonial training centers, schools, temples and homes. All expenses were paid by the govern- ment. Crops raised on the 2% acres of land were for the use of the family. For the first 6 months the government provided evacuees with food and a sum of $2 (30 yen) a month per person. Out of the estimated 200,000 evacuees proposed, only 17,569 or less than 10 percent, actually went to Hokkaido during the late spring and summer of 1945. Of that number Tokyo furnished 1,674 families or 7,832 individuals. The reasons why such a small number of evacuees accepted this opportunity were discouraging reports of hard- ships suffered by the first to go and the reluctance of many to leave the vicinity of their homes. There was nothing mandatory about this Hok- kaido program. 15. Statistical Summary. a. The voluntary pre- cautionary evacuation program was started in January 1944. For the 10-month period ending 31 October 1944, the month before the first air attacks of any major proportions on the home islands, it had resulted in the evacuation of 2,090- 000 persons, or slightly less than 15 percent of the population. The heavy bombings early in 1945 produced a volume of air-raid sufferers and, at the same time, so increased the number of volun- tary evacuees that the total of all evacuees and sufferers during the next 10-month period (to the end of hostilities, 15 August 1945) multiplied four times. The comparative data follow: Evacuation area Est. pop. Feb. 1944 Est. evacuees as of 31 Oct. 1944 Percent of est. pop. Est. voluntary and sufferers evacuees, 15 Aug. 1945 Percent of est. pop. Tokyo 6,569,000 1,040,000 15.8 4,139,000 63.0 Yokohama 1,033,000 153,000 14.8 433,000 41.9 Kawasaki 380,000 50,000 13.2 230,000 60.5 • Yokosuka 298,000 32,000 10.7 58,000 19.5 Nagoya _ _ 1,348,000 144,000 10.7 848,000 62.9 Osaka 2,842,000 384,000 13.5 1,809,000 63.7 Kobe - _ 918,000 152,000 16.6 558,000 60.8 Amagasaki 270,000 42,000 15.5 70,000 25.9 Moji 135.000 11,000 8.1 35,000 25.9 Kokura - - 184,000 25,000 18.6 34,000 18.5 Yawata 252,000 37,000 14.7 52,000 20.6 Tohata _ _ 82,000 13,000 15.9 12,000 14.6 Wakamatsu _ 87,000 7,000 8.0 17,000 19.5 14,398,000 2,090,000 14.5 8,295,000 57.6 b. Data are not available on a nation-wide basis separating the voluntary evacuees from the sufferers who became evacuees. The ratio, however, of the total voluntary evacuees to popu- lation in cities where sample data shown below were obtainable ranges from 4 percent in Kyoto, a city which was not bombed, to more than 45 percent in Kobe, a city bombed several times. The reverses suffered by the army, particularly during the spring of 1945, when air attacks did get through the air defenses and cities were bombed, stimulated voluntary evacuation. City Estimated popula- tion Estimated voluntary evacuees, 31 Oct. 19441 Percent of popula- tion Est. total voluntary evacuees, Aug. 1945 Percent of popula- tion Tokyo 6,569,000 1,040,000 15.8 2,807.000 42.7 Osaka _ _ 2,842,000 384,000 13.5 730,000 25.7 Kobe „ 918,000 152,000 16.6 429,900 46.8 Nagasaki 286,439 14,900 5.2 (2) Kyoto 1,089,726 — — 46,000 4.2 11,705,165 1,590,900 13.6 4,012,900 84.8 1 Before large scale attacks on the home islands. 2 Not available. 16. Nagasaki, the Atomic-Bomb City. a. Na- gasaki, in the southern part of the island of Kyushu, had done very little effective pre- cautionary planning for the dispersal or evacua- tion of its nonessential persons. Its plan, how- ever, was substantially the same as those of other large cities but contained no provision for the evacuation of air-raid sufferers. It had completed only three of the six stages of demo- lition (evacuation of buildings), had undertaken no part of the program for group evacuation of 171 school children, and had reported only a very small number of evacuated nonessential persons (about 90 percent of these had left in October 1944, at the time of the first stage of the demo- lition program). It had been estimated by the Nagasaki authorities that 95,000 people, or about one-third of the population, were potential voluntary evacuees. It was freely admitted that very little had been done to push the program because of: (1) Inability to persuade the people that the city would be bombed intensively and that hence it would be necessary to evacuate nonessential persons. (2) The lack of transportation on the island of Kyushu. (3) The railroad bottleneck at Moji, the prin- cipal point of entry between Kyushu and the island of Honshu, through which munitions and supplies for the wTar effort had to pass. (4) Lack of housing in other parts of the pre- fecture for voluntary evacuees. What had been available had been used by those refugees whose homes had been demolished to create fire breaks. (5) Lack of gasoline for civilian motor trans- portation. (6) Insufficient places for schools, disinclina- tion of parents to leave their homes and the absence of any mandatory prefectural evacuation order. b. Nagasaki had experienced some bombings prior to 9 August 1945 (date atomic bomb was dropped), and the governmental services han- dling the emergencies had functioned fairly well. The atomic bomb disrupted these services so completely that there was complete chaos. Available statistical data relating to evacuation and welfare up to the cessation of hostilities in August 1945, show: Voluntary evacuees 14,900 Refugees due to demolition of homes to create open spaces 10,292 Casualties (dead and wounded) 47,335 Air-raid sufferers due to loss of home by air attack (mostly from the atomic bomb) 214,900 Total 287,427 17. Comments, a. The plan for civilian evacua- tion was based on the assumption by the Japa- nese that enemy air attacks on the homeland could not be delivered on any large scale or maintained for an extended period. The govern- ment thought that the normal public services, augmented to meet emergencies, could take care of the damage done by such aircraft as did get through the air defense, notably the Doolittle raiders in 1942, and it predicated its advance plans on that assumption. Under the saturation raids in the spring of 1945, many elements of the evacuation program collapsed. Thereafter no major changes were made in the program, but efforts were made to intensify many features of the plan. b. Voluntary precautionary evacuation of non- essential persons from target or evacuation areas to the homes of relatives and friends outside those areas began early in 1944 and continued on the same voluntary basis even after the saturation raids. Impetus to this movement, which proved to be quite successful, came with each major reverse suffered by the Japanese forces in the field. The number of pre-raid volun- tary evacuees, not including air-raid sufferers, ranged from 4 percent in a city such as Kyoto, which was not bombed, to over 45 percent in a city which had been bombed heavily. c. The Japanese planned to evacuate air-raid sufferers in much the same leisurely manner which they had employed with the voluntary evacuees. They were unprepared to meet the extremely heavy demands of the sufferers upon transportation after the spring bombings. Apart from school children there was no attempt to evacuate refugees to predetermined areas. The single exception to this, and it did not prove suc- cessful, was the evacuation of a few thousand sufferers to an agricultural project on Hokkaido. cl. The control exercised over the movement of persons, through the issuance of moving cer- tificates only after careful screening proved of value in keeping essential war workers in target areas. Such certificates also were of value in establishing transportation priorities and al- lotting transportation space. Under saturation bombing this system broke down because there were too many applicants and insufficient trans- portation. e. Refugees whose homes were demolished to create fire breaks were not provided with sub- stitute housing, although this demolition program was intensified six different times and involved upwards of 1,800,000 persons. Eventually, such refugees were treated in the same way as volun- tary pre-raid evacuees. f. The lack of building materials, due to priorities established for the armed forces, pre- cluded any new housing for evacuees and refu- 172 gees. These persons, in excess of 8,000,000 sought refuge with relatives and friends outside of the target areas. This meant doubling up in already crowded communities. g. The group evacuation of primary school children, a measure which eventually became compulsory, was the one outstanding success of the program. Approximately 90 percent of the primary school population was evacuated in two major efforts, the first in August 1944, before the intensive bombings, and the other in April 1945, after the saturation raids. B. POST-RAID EMERGENCY WELFARE 1. Statutory Authority. Emergency relief measures for those who lost their homes in air attacks (post-raid emergency welfare) were based upon the provisions of the Wartime Disaster Relief Law of 1942. For the purpose of this section of the report these emergency welfare measures covered the few days from the time of the attack until the time when the regular peacetime welfare organization could start to function. First-aid treatment of the injured and rescue work are covered in other sections of this report. 2. Provisions of the Relief Section of the Na- tional Laic. The more important features of the wartime disaster relief law as it concerned post- raid emergency welfare were: a. Provision for compensation to Japanese nationals (and for their families) who were injured directly or indirectly by enemy action. b. Three types of compensation were provided: relief, pension and allowance. (Pension and allowance are covered in another section of this report). c. The prefectural governor was responsible for the administration of relief. d. Types of relief were: (1) Supplying of household effects. (2) Allotment of food in case applicant had been burned out. (3) Giving and lending clothing, bedding and other necessities. (4) Medical and maternity expenses. (5) Furnishing school supplies. (6) Funeral expenses. (T) Any other items, including money, deemed necessary by the prefectural governor. 3. Limitation of Funds. Funds for relief were limited as follows: a. Payment of actual cost of temporary shel- ter. This amounted to 6 cents (1 yen) per indi- vidual for rental of rooms in such public insti- tutions as might be available and 18 cents (3 yen) per individual per day for food and shelter in inns or restaurants. b. Maximum of $23.83 (350 yen) per house- hold toward paying for the construction of tem- porary dwellings. c. Maximum of 4 cents (60 sen) per indi- vidual per day for a supply of foodstuffs such as boiled rice. d. Maximum of $1.33 (20 yen) per individual for grants and loan of clothing and $4.33 (65 yen) for bedding. e. Maximum of $1.00 (15 yen) per individual or $3.00 per household for daily necessities such as dishes, cooking utensils, wooden clogs, umbrella, paper and towels. f. Actual cost for medical and maternity services. g. Actual cost of books in the case of school supplies and a maximum of 16 cents (2.50 yen) per individual for stationery. h. Maximum of $2.00 (30 yen) per individual for funeral expenses. i. Actual cost of coolie hire or cartage for car- rying out relief operations. j. Granting of shelter, boiled rice and food- stuffs was for a maximum of 15 days but, in cases of undue hardship, permission might be secured from the governor, in advance, to extend the period of such relief. k. Application for relief was made through the city authorities and forwarded to the gov- ernor. l. In acute emergencies due to enemy action, the mayor or head of the city had authority to secure temporary housing or shelter at once and to distribute boiled rice and food before he sought further instructions from the governor of the prefecture. 4. Welfare Aid Stations, a. It was believed by those in charge of planning for emergencies that not more than 20 to 30 percent of the people in any target area would be involved in wartime disaster. The police assumed charge immediately whenever there was a bombing attack and di- rected air-raid sufferers to welfare aid stations. These were often in schools, inns, restaurants, temples and public meeting halls, mostly because their locations were well known and because they had kitchen facilities. There, food, bedding, clothing when necessary, and fuel were furnished 173 ber 1942 under the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry. It was supported by a national fund of $6,66G,666 (100,000,000 yen), subscribed half by the national government and half by the merchants of the various prefectures. The na- tional headquarters was in Tokyo. 6. Distribution of Emergency Food Supplies. The police who were responsible for the actual distribution of food during emergencies set up the following order of priorities for the public: a. Air-raid sufferers at emergency aid stations. b. Infants without mother’s milk, the sick and wounded. c. Air-defense personnel. d. Those performing special services in order to provide emergency restoration of electricity, gas, water, and communications in factories and offices. e. Other as determined by the police. 7. The Saturation Raids of March 1945. a. Food. The air attacks during March 1945 were far in excess of anything the Japanese had planned for. The number of air-raid sufferers (over a million in Tokyo itself) far exceeded the capacity of the aid stations to care for them. The demands for food, straw mats and blankets exceeded the emergency supplies available. Hence supplemental food distribution points were set up, many in railroad stations. Efforts were made to supply sufferers three meals a day con- sisting of 12.4 ounces (350 grams) of rice, sup- plemented by two ounces of canned fish per meal and pickled plums, radishes and other canned food. The period of free service to a sufferer was reduced to a maximum of 5 days, after which the sufferer had to make his own arrange- ments for food and shelter. On 30 March 1945 the national government commenced distribution of 24 sticks of dried tuna fish and one can of food per person to the residents of the major cities in Japan for quick relief of air-raid vic- tims. Tokyo announced that bleached cotton socks would be given victims in Tokyo through the medium of some of the larger department stores. After the 13 April raid, Tokyo authorities further relaxed food requirements by giving air- raid victims, upon their verbal declaration, enough food for 6 days. b. Sufferer’s Certificate. Prior to 30 March, air-raid victims were required to show sufferer’s certificates secured from their ward leaders in order to receive relief. So many sufferers resulted from the March raids, however, that it was im- free for a short period, generally not more than 5 days. The food was usually cooked by members of a volunteer organization of professional cooks. When the emergency was greater than could be handled at the aid stations, neighboring com- munities were called upon for help. This occur- red at Nagasaki after the explosion of the atomic bomb. b. Other Services at the Aid Station. Many of these welfare aid stations also functioned as first-aid stations. Others employed consultants to advise sufferers on evacuation, employment, relief and traffic conditions. Air-raid sufferers’ certificates were issued by the ward leaders and leaders of the block associations (Chokai) at these aid stations. One of the principal functions of the block leader was to assist the police in screening out persons who were not entitled to aid from his area. c. Distribution of Sufferers. One function of the welfare aid stations was to investigate and separate the air-raid sufferers as quickly as pos- sible into two groups: (1) Those who could be evacuated promptly to relatives and friends in the country. The block and neighborhood leaders assembled groups of these and aided them in getting transportation. (2) Those for whom temporary shelter within the area had to be provided because they were essential to the war effort. This group was given priorities with the Housing Section of the city and housed in empty rooms and buildings which had been vacated by voluntary evacuees. 5. a. Food Storage Depots. The nation’s food supply was controlled by the national govern- ment which established reserve depots throughout the empire. These were ultimately used as points for the distribution of staples (exclusive of rice), fruits and vegetables to air-raid sufferers. The governor of the prefecture directed distribution and was authorized to distribute up to one-third of all stored supplies, but could not distribute more without the permission of the national government. Items distributed were bread, crackers, condensed milk, canned food, pickles, pickled plums, bean cheese (Miso), sauce (Sho- yu), rice wine (Sake), sugar, candy, candles, matches, toilet paper, footwear, towels, soaps and house remedies. Blankets were available on loan. b. Food Control Organization. The central food and provisions corporation (Chuo Shokuryo Eidan) controlled the supply and distribution of food. This corporation was started 1 Septem- 174 possible to maintain that requirement, and the police had to rely upon screening by block and neighborhood group leaders to determine who should receive aid. c. Local Gestures of Sympathy to Tokyo. Air- raid victims in the emergency period following the 10 March raid on Tokyo were fed by neigh- borhood units, friends and government-organized relief agencies. Public bathhouses opened their baths without cost to the victims, and neighbor- ing residents made their private baths available to the public. The committee on enforcement ot relief measures distributed soup, rice, and other foods to victims remaining in the city. Food could be obtained without ration books on and after 12 March 1945. Those departing for areas outside of Tokyo were given essential necessities for a short period, provided they carried docu- ments certifying them to be victims of raids. Many refugees evacuated from Tokyo to Shizuo- ka prefecture, located between Tokyo and Nago- ya. On 17 March Shizuoka authorities asked the heads of cities, towns and villages to distribute staple foodstuffs without demanding any cer- tificates and to provide food for from 3 to 30 days, until the refugees had settled with their families and relatives. Sympathy aroused in other more distant prefectures was evidenced by the arrival in Tokyo of 40 carloads of fresh and canned fish from the Hokkaido-Aomori area on 16 March and by an offer from Gifu prefecture of its transportation services to collect and dis- patch 15 carloads of firewood and charcoal. After the 10 March raid the War Calamity Deliberative Council of the Welfare Ministry set up the Special Labor Information Bureau to offer fac- tory workers deprived of their jobs by the raid counsel and assistance in seeking work elsewhere. The Tokyo railway bureau offered men and wo- men between the ages of 14 and 50 employment as engineers, truck-drivers, repair workers and, also, employment in printing and construction plants, as well as offices. d. Financial Aid to Evacuees and Sufferers. Large-scale financial aid to air-raid victims was made by official and semi-official organizations. Taxes were reduced or abolished for victims who lost their homes or places of business. The Agriculture Central Bank provided loans without security to evacuees and refugees who were establishing themselves as farmers. Negotiations were made through agricultural associations in the prefectures as well as directly by the indi- vidual. e. Civilian Monetary Relief. The most im- pressive of all financial relief projects was the work of a committee set up by leading Japanese financial houses. On 27 March 1945 this com- mittee launched a drive for funds to aid the vic- tims, setting the goal at $3,333,333 (50,000,000 yen) with large quotas for the principal bank- ing groups. The funds were handled by the War Victims’ Relief Association which was organized with government assistance and replaced the wartime People’s Mutual Assistance Association for relief of nationals returning from overseas. f. The Emperor's Relief Gift. Following the large raid on Tokyo in March, the emperor issued a rescript and donated $666,666 (10,000,000 yen) for the relief of air-raid victims. The sum was turned over to the War Victims’ Relief Associa- tion (Sensaiengo-Kai). The large financial houses of Japan also added millions to its fund. g. Unlike other members of the International Red Cross, the Japanese Red Cross Society did essentially nothing in the emergency welfare field. Its functions are described in another sec- tion of this report. 8. Nagasaki, the Atomic-Bomb City. a. The emergency welfare plan for Nagasaki followed the pattern found in other centers. The city had experienced some bombing prior to the atomic bomb (9 August 1945), and the welfare agencies had functioned fairly well. But with the explo- sion of the atomic bomb, practically the entire welfare organization fell apart. Most of its aid stations were destroyed with their personnel as were most of the points for the preparation and distribution of food. Neighboring villages pre- pared the emergency food and rice and brought them to the city for distribution by block associa- tions and auxiliary police and fire units (Keibo- dan). The following tabulation shows that during the 10 days following the dropping of Meals furnished Date Breakfast Dinner Supper Total 9 Aug. 1945 25,000 71,000 96,000 10 Aug. 1945 65,600 67,500 67,500 200,600 11 Aug. 1945 53,600 47,400 41,300 142,300 12 Aug. 1945 27,500 28,900 33,400 89,800 13 Aug. 1945— 26,800 23,400 27,400 77,200 14 Aug. 1945 22,350 5,500 2,100 29,950 15 Aug. 1945 1,200 1,500 1,500 4,200 16 Aug. 1945 1,200 1,200 1,200 3,600 17 Aug. 1945 1,200 1,200 1,200 3,600 18 Aug. 1945 1,000 1,000 1,000 3,000 200,450 202,600 247,200 650,250 the bomb 650,250 meals were served of which 52,000 were dried bread and 598,250 boiled rice. Approximately 1,050 bags of rice were used for this purpose. b. Prior to 9 August 1945 not over 1,000 air- raid sufferers’ certificates had been issued for all of the previous raids on Nagasaki. These certifi- cates carried with them certain privileges re- lating to pensions and claims which are discussed in another section of this report. Immediately after the 9 August date more than 47,000 certifi- cates were issued, and claims and pensions re- sulting from the bombing were paid with funds from the national treasury. c. The lack of temporary shelter due to the complete levelling of most of the structures in the city added to the local difficulties with the approach of winter. 9. Supplemental National Relief Measures, a. Council for Emergency Relief Measures (Kyugo Taisaku Kakuryo Kogi-Kai). After the 10 March 1945 raid on Tokyo there was a flurry of activity in government quarters. The cabinet met on 11 March 1945 to discuss and decide on “urgent air-raid relief measures.” It set up a cabinet members’ “Council For Emergency Relief Measures” (Kyugo Taisaku Kakuryo Kogi-Kai) composed of the Minster of Home Affairs as chairman, the Ministers of Welfare, Agriculture, Commerce, Transportation and Communications, and Mmister without Portfolio Ishiwata to “map out effective plans for swift relief in evacuation, clothing, food, transportation and communica- tions.” A collateral council to carry out these plans was formed of members of the various ministries with the vice chairman of the air-de- fense general headquarters as chairman. This council was named the “Relief Measures Enforce- ment Committee” (Kyugo Taisaku Jisshi lin- kai). b. War Victims’ Relief Association (Sensai Engo-Kai). To supplement the ’wartime disaster relief law, a national organization was establish- ed on 29 April 1945 to provide air-raid victims with necessities not included in the disaster relief law. Funds for that purpose were contributed by the government and by large industrial groups, each providing $3,333,333 (50,000,000 yen) to which was added a $666,666 (10,000,000 yen) grant from the imperial household. The chairman of the organization was the Minister of Welfare. Other members were the Ministers of Home Affairs, of Finance, of Transportation and Communications, the Governor-General of Korea, the Governor-General of Formosa, the Imperial Household Minister, the President of the House of Peers, and three prominent citizens. One task assigned by the cabinet on 8 May 1945 to this important agency was the carrying out of measures which provided for: (1) Speedy payment of relief money as pre- scribed by the wartime disaster relief law. (2) Establishment of dormitories for war vic- tims. (3) Protection of war orphans and disabled people. (4) Payment of relief money to those who needed aid, even though they might not be eligible for it under the wartime disaster relief law. (5) Improvement of methods to insure the livelihood of war victims and of measures for vocational guidance. (6) Free medical care at government expense to air-raid victims for a period of 2 months after the disaster. (7) Payment of allowances to include: (a) Allowances for loss of household effects amounting to $13.33 (200 yen) for one person, $23.33 (350 yen) for two persons in a family, $33.33 (500 yen) for three or more persons in a family. (b) Consolation allowance to the bereaved not to exceed $100 (1,500 yen). (c) Injury allowances up to $100 (1,500 yen). (d) Needy families. (8) Reduction in taxes. (9) Financial aid from the national welfare chest. 10. National Program for Emergency Housing. To meet the housing situation resulting from saturation bombing, the Welfare and Home Min- istries initiated an emergency building program during the fall of 1945 to provide shelter for air- raid sufferers and returning evacuees now that hostilities had ceased. In all 300,000 small wooden houses were to be erected with an allotment of 55,000 for Tokyo, 30,000 for Osaka, 18,000 for Kobe, 10,000 for Hiroshima, 5,700 for Nagasaki and varying numbers for cities in other prefec- tures where bombing had been heavy. The pro- ject was subsidized in part by an imperial grant of lumber. It was expected that one of these houses would sell at about $200 (3,000 yen) or rent at approximately $2.00 (30 yen) per month. In some sections, Tokyo for example, it was re- ported that applications for these houses greatly 176 exceeded the supply, whereas in Nagasaki the opposite was true. Purchases could be financed through local banks up to approximately one- half of the purchase price at the rate of 3.6 per- cent. The first public viewing of houses took place in late November 1945. 11. Comments. a. Emergency welfare plans were designed to cope only with emergencies caused by small, sporadic and infrequent air attacks. The Japanese thought that the regular public agencies, augmented as the immediate emergency might demand, could adequately handle any war disaster. These agencies had met the emergency requirements of the Doolittle at- tack in 1942, and the civil authorities had been assured by the army that few bombing planes would be able to get through the air defenses again. b. The welfare aid stations functioning under the general supervision of the police performed well in small raids emergencies. Under saturation bombing they were wholly inadequate. The de- mands for sufferers’ aid came in such volume that emergency reserve supplies of food, bedding, medicines and the like were soon exhausted. c. The Japanese Red Cross Society, although a member of the International Reel Cross, did not operate in the emergency welfare field. d. The control over services rendered to air- raid sufferers through the medium of the sufferer’s certificate functioned satisfactorily so long as the bombings were not numerous or heavy. When that happened, however, the system collapsed, and the police were forced to rely upon block and neighborhood leaders to identify those en- titled to aid, relief and other privileges. e. The lack of temporary housing of any kind made it necessary to scatter the air-raid sufferers throughout the area under attack until such time as they could be evacuated to relatives and friends in the country. Lack of labor and of building materials intensified the housing short- age. f. In some areas lack of cooperation between the municipal and prefectural authorities con- tributed to the difficulty of getting an adequate emergency welfare plan into operation. g. The preparation of food by volunteer pro- fessional cooks at welfare stations and arrange- ments to supplement this with food from neigh- boring communities was one phase of the plan that paid dividends. One outstanding example of this occurred at Nagasaki where the atomic bomb destroyed all facilities, and where it was necessary to rely entirely upon neighboring auxiliary reserve units for supplies of every kind. h. The emergency post-war housing program calling for 300,000 small units was inadequate to meet the demands for housing when the evacuees returned to the sites of their former homes. The city of Tokyo committed itself to the erection of 10,000 units in addition to those allotted to it as part of the national program and received ap- plications far in excess of that number. Con- struction under this program was not started till after the war ended and, as late as November 1945, only a few sample houses had been erected. i. The Japanese did not use food trains, as the Germans did, or even plan to use them to feed the people of stricken areas. C. WAR DAMAGE CLAIMS 1. Introduction, a. Governmental Philosophy. The Japanese government undertook to protect its nationals financially against personal injury and death as well as against property loss re- sulting from enemy action. There were two gen- eral types of government indemnity arrange- ments: one a low-premium insurance program, the other a straight compensation plan. The insurance program was announced in December 1941 when a national law covering enemy damage to property was enacted. In March 1943 a similar law providing insurance against per- sonal injuries and loss of life was published. The compensation legislation was enacted soon after Japan attacked the United States, one law in December 1941 indemnifying air-defense workers, the other in February 1942 compensat- ing all air-raid victims, as well as those persons whose property had been expropriated by the government for emergency relief. With the ex- ception of the war property damage insurance program, the sums to be paid under the govern- ment protection schemes were very small when judged by American standards. Owners of large and vulnerable industrial plants, in general the same people who owned the insurance com- panies, were influential in writing the damage law. Thus the liberality of the war property damage insurance provisions cannot be taken as evidence of an exceptional generous national philosophy with respect to the average private citizen. Included in this report will be a discus- sion of compensation to owners of buildings 177 insured against demolition under the firebreak program. b. Governmental Organization. (1) Insurance. The two insurance programs were administered by the national Ministry of Finance through the regular private companies handling life, fire and marine insurance. These companies were per- mitted to retain a small fraction of the premiums to cover their cost of administration. Dealing with the separate companies proved to be too cumbersome, however, so the government, in effect, took over the management of the private companies by changing the two national insur- ance societies, of which all the companies were members, into control associations. To the latter was given full authority over the entire insurance program with the single exception of settling property damage claims amounting to 1,000,000 yen or more. The control association maintained branches in all of the major cities, as did also the Ministry of Finance. Operations were localized as much as possible, in order that they might not be disrupted in case damage to transpor- tation and communications should isolate them from Tokyo. Thus, authority for all transactions in Osaka, for example, including the evaluation of properties to be insured, the supply of money by the banks to the local insurance companies for payment of claims, the adjudication of dif- ferences between a claimant and his insuring company, the withholding of funds in the form of “blocked bank deposits,” (described below) and the release of such blocked deposits, resided within the city of Osaka without reference to the national offices of the insurance companies, to the control associations or to the Ministry of Finance, except for periodic reports. (2) Compensation. The two compensation laws were administered by the prefectural offices. Claims of city dwellers based on the legislation applying to all air-raid victims were investigated by city authorities who passed them on to the prefectural welfare departments for payment. But the law applying solely to air-defense workers was handled entirely by the peace pre- servation sections of the prefectural police bu- reaus. Business connected with firebreaks com- pensation was handled jointly by city and pre- fectural planning sections in the respective pub- lic works departments. 2. War Casualty Insurance, a. Provisions. Under the wartime loss of life and personal injuries act (Senso Shobo Shogai Hoken Ho) of 3 March 1943, providing what will be referred to in this report as “war casualty insurance,” any Japanese national in good standing, regard- less of age, sex, occupation and residence, whether a member of the armed forces or a civilian, could be insured for any desired amount up to 5,000 yen. The premium for a one-year policy was 3 yen per thousand for a civilian residing within Japan proper, and 10 yen per thousand if abroad or a serviceman overseas. On 1 January 1945, this differential was removed and the uni- form rate of 3 yen per thousand was estab- lished for all policies. Although purchasable at insurance company offices, this war casualty insurance had no relationship whatever with private life insurance policies. It paid the bene- fits provided, regardless of other insurance car- ried, but paid them only if death or injury were due to air raids, anti-aircraft fire, fire, fire-fight- ing, panic or other incident caused by enemy action. A casualty incurred during blackout or air-defense training was not considered to war- rant payment. Benefits included not only pay- ment of the principal amount of a policy to the survivors of a deceased person, but also to the injured for the loss of both eyes, both legs or both arms. Half of the principal amount would be paid to the injured for the loss of one eye, one leg, one arm or for total deafness resulting from enemy action. For other injuries a gradu- ated percentage of payments was made. There were no further benefits under the law, such as convalescent care funds for the injured, support for surviving widows and orphans, unemploy- ment payment for time lost due to injury, or money for retraining if a person were incapaci- tated for his customary work. b. Administration. Although the fire and marine insurance companies were also authorized to issue war casualty insurance, more than 95 percent of this type of national insurance was issued by the life insurance companies. Applica- tions for policies could be made at any main, branch or business office of these companies and, if 30 or more persons in an office, school or fac- tory wished to apply, they could do so as a group. The policies took effect on the day following the acceptance of the application and payment of premium. For their trouble in administering the insurance, the companies were allowed to retain 1 percent of the premiums collected, and sales- men were given 50 sen for each policy sold re- gardless of the principal amount of the policy. 178 When the insurance was first made available to the public, there was an almost imperceptible amount of interest as reflected by the number of policies issued. The national government, con- cerned over this indifference, asked the control association of life insurance companies to pro- mote the purchase of policies. A national adver- tising campaign utilizing the radio, newspapers and cinema, launched in late 1943, had no notice- able results. On 12 January 1945 the commission accorded salesmen was increased to 8 percent of the premium and this, combined with the in- creased imminence of danger, produced an up- turn in the number of applications. c. Payment of Claims. Claimants were re- quired to present at the main local office of their insuring company, within 30 days of death or injury to the assured, the following documents: (1) physician’s certificate of death or injury ob- tained from the claimant’s local police station, (2) certificate of family relationship between the claimant and the assured, in case of death, ob- tained from the census registry of the ward offi- ce; or satisfactory proof, if not a relative by blood or marriage, that the claimant Avas the rightful beneficiary, (3) the insurance policy, and (4) census registry certificate of death. Other than relatives, only those who were de- pendent upon a deceased person for support could be beneficiaries. The company was respon- sible for investigating questionable claims, but in all other cases was required to pay claims within 30 days after presentation. The provisions of war casualty insurance were so simple that there was small occasion for disagreement between a claim- ant and a company. In case of such a dispute, however, the matter was referred to the local branch of the control association for adjudica- tion. If a claimant were still not satisfied with the decision rendered, he could, theoretically, ap- peal his case to the civil courts. No instance was recorded in Japan in which it was necessary to refer even one of these cases to the local Control association for settlement so that, in effect, the judgment of the company was final. Funds for the payment of claims were borrowed from banks by the local branch of the control associa- tion and were deposited to the accounts of the insurance companies according to their need. The banks were reimbursed by the Ministry of Fi- nance through its branches. d. Operations. The following table of war casualty insurance figures supplied by the na- tional control association for life insurance com- panies presents an account of the development of policy issuance and the amount of insurance in force: As of—- National figures Tokyo metropolitan district Persons Amount (yen) Persons Amount (yen) 1944 1 Jan. — 1,656,687 2,734,997,120 781,465 1,235,889,184 1 July 3,672,437 5,592,780,766 1,599,378 2,480,180,645 1945 1 Jan. 9,335,812 16,009,794,140 4,215,237 7,463,113,168 1 July __ 15,285,771 32,002,895,581 5,611,008 11,346,146,068 1 Nov. 13,674,106 31,372,906,339 4,326,540 9,861,937,360 The table shows that, after the insurance had been available to the public for nearly 1 year hardly more than 2 percent of the population of Japan had taken out policies and that the aver- age amount for which policies were issued was less than 2,000 yen. By 1 July 1945, at the height of the Japanese crisis, slightly more than 20 per- cent of the population was covered. The law was still in effect as of 1 November 1945 and, theo- retically, it was still possible to take out a policy on the ground that the nation was still in an emergency status. In fact, a considerable num- ber of policies was taken out or renewed after the Japanese surrender on the supposition that American occupation troops might be willfully destructive. The table shows, however, that many of the policies, issued annually, had run out and had not been renewed. The figures for the Tokyo Metropolitan District run relatively far ahead of those for other sections of Japan for, on 1 January 1944, nearly half of the total number issued for the entire country was in Tokyo, and on 1 July 1945 the Tokyo policies accounted for one-third of the total, but the average value of the policies was not materially different in Tokyo from that of the rest of the country. A sample of the extent and development of interest in this insurance in a city outside of Tokyo or other large metropolitan area is to be found in the following figures from Nagasaki: As of— Population (round numbers) Persons Insured Number of claims presented Number of claims paid 1 Aug. 1943 284,000 51 1 Aug. 1944 281,000 8,650 3 1 Aug. 1945 225,000 84,759 92 20 1 Nov. 1945 I1) 86,558 1,520 774 1 Unknown. Six months after the insurance was offered to the public, less than two hundredths of 1 per- cent of the population had applied for it; 2 months after the Yawata raid in June 1944 the figure stood at 3 percent; and at the time of the 179 atomic bomb incident only one-third of the popu- lation was covered. An account of the application for and payment of claims is presented in the next table (amounts are in yen) : than 350,000 casualties (dead and injured) in Japan there was paid out under the war casualty insurance a total amount of but 134 million yen. By the end of the war, when the great bulk of the casualties was occurring, the average amount of death benefit payment would not buy enough food, even at legitimate prices, to support the average family for long. The fact that more people did not carry the inexpensive casualty in- surance was not entirely the fault of the govern- ment, for, although tire government-inspired campaign to promote sale of policies was not very extensive, there was a reasonably wide knowledge on the part of the general public that the insurance was available. Insurance officials in cities some distance from Tokyo claimed that many Japanese, particularly older persons, feel that the taking out of life insurance hastens the day of death, but Tokyo insurance men claimed that the lack of interest in war casualty insur- ance was due less to the lack of insurance-mind- edness on the part of the Japanese than to the conviction that (a) the Japanese cities would not be heavily attacked, and (b) the individual citizen would be able to take care of himself if and when danger arrived. The figure of 5,000 yen representing the maximum amount for which an individual policy would be issued was arrived at by striking an average of all private policies in effect at the time the war casualty law was formulated. Although the total possible coverage was small by Western standards, the premiums were also very low, well within the financial ability-to-pay of the average Japanese. The rates were based on British rates of World War I, when civilians were not seriously exposed to air attack. The relatively large number of policies issued in Tokyo was due partly to the higher educational level of the people, and partly to the device used by insurance companies whereby salesmen were encouraged to sell 5,000 yen worth of war casualty insurance at 3 yen per thousand, and 5,000 yen of private life insurance at 35 yen per thousand (some private policies accepted liability for death from war causes while others did not), pointing out to the customer that he was buying 10,000 yen worth of life insurance at the inexpensive rate of 19 yen per thousand. With this arrangement, the private companies found it possible to increase their own business, and for those persons who could afford this amount of premium, the adequacy of the cover- age at reasonable cost more nearly approached As of— National figures Tokyo metropolitan district Claimed Paid Claimed Paid 1 Jan. 1944 590,061 537.061 149,854 120,854 1 July 1944- _ 4,299,396 3,968,425 999,034 918,534 1 Jan. 1945 13,196,195 12,374,267 3,264,282 3,051,967 1 July 1945 61,423,581 57,811,093 36,245,338 34,509,075 1 Nov. 1945 138,689,114 122,797.827 64,620,587 61,477,294 The presentation of claims as of 1 January 1944 in the above table and in the Nagasaki figures represents claims made for civilians and for servicemen who were casualties outside of Japan proper. Toth the national and Tokyo figures show a relatively small lag between pre- sentation of claims and payment thereof. The table does not show what percentage of the pre- sented claims were paid, and what percentage was either refused or partially paid, for at the dates arbitrarily chosen for the statement of figures there were always claims in process of being paid which would not show up in the totals of ap- plications and settlements within a given period. National insurance officials were confident that all claims presented either had been paid or would be paid except for those in which doubt existed as to the authenticity of the supporting papers. These officials stated that the delay in paying claims evident in the Nagasaki figures was a local matter rather than national in char- acter, and that delays in settling claims could be attributed for the most part to the fire-raid destruction of insurance company records and to the difficulties of obtaining the necessary cer- tifying papers, rather than to obstructionism on the part of insuring companies. The surprising aspect of the entire operation was the fact that not all those entitled to insurance payments actually registered their claims, a fact explained by the following reasons: (1) loss of policy and difficulty of establishing claims, (2) dispersal of beneficiaries, and (3) decreased value of the yen causing many persons to feel that the effort to collect, particularly in the case of injury, was not worth the effort. e. Comments. The life insurance companies were never particularly enthusiastic about the war casualty program, and the fire and marine companies paid little attention to it. Since the former were chiefly responsible for what success it achieved, it is not surprising that with more 180 a figure corresponding to the practice of other nations. Except for the red tape involved in col- lecting claims, the administration of the program was passable by American standards, and there was every evidence that the Japanese govern- ment’s plan for idemnifying its citizens for death or injury from enemy attack was made in good faith, both as to what it believed to be a fair amount of coverage at reasonable cost to the in- sured, and intention and ability on the part of the government to settle claims. There was no comparable war casualty insurance plan in the United States. 2. War Damage Insurance, a. Provisions. The national law providing for insurance of property lost or damaged by acts of war referred to in this report as war damage insurance but known as the war risk insurance emergency measures act (Senso Hoken Rinji Sochi Ho), had already been written at the time the Japanese declared war on the United States, and was promulgated soon thereafter, on 19 December 1941. The act provided low-cost insurance for any object that could be insured under regular private fire and marine insurance policies, such as homes, business buildings, factories, ships, automobiles, and the like, as well as goods in transit. It excluded from coverage animals, plants, cash, securities and stamps. Property could be insured for 90 per- cent of its value at a rate of 8 yen per thousand per annum. It was necessary to renew policies each year. In June 1942 the premium was reduced to 6 yen per thousand; in November 1943 it was further reduced to 3 yen 50 sen; and, eventually, in April 1945 to 2 yen, at which time the amount of coverage was increased from 90 percent to 100 percent, and coverage was added for damage from earthquakes, tidal waves or volcanoes causing disaster during wartime. A final change in the rate of premium came on 1 July 1945 when a new scale of premiums fixed coverage of factories and warehouses at 4 yen per thousand, private dwellings valued at less than 50,000 yen at 8 yen per thousand, and dwellings worth more than 50,000 yen at 16 yen per thousand. For insurable objects it was pos- sible to take out war damage insurance (except for precious metals, jewelry and art objects) whether or not those objects were also covered by a private policy with a fire and marine insur- ance company, but collection could be made, in case of war-caused damage, only under the na- tional policy, not under both. Up until April 1944 it was possible to take out a private fire in- surance policy on property without also having war damage insurance (except in certain of the largest cities in Japan), a procedure which many people followed, despite the fact that the private policies specifically excluded payment for loss caused by acts of war. At that time, however, it became mandatory throughout the country that all applicants for private policies also take out the government war damage insurance in the same amount and with the same company. All Japanese nationals in good standing could be issued policies, and there was no restriction as to the principal amount of the policy except that it should conform with the actual value of the objects insured. There was no loss-of-business insurance provided, and, in fact, there was a specific exclusion of liability for rent lost through the destruction of a house as the result of an air attack. b. Administration. There were no essential difference in the national and local arrangements for administering the war damage insurance from those for war casualty insurance. Only the marine and fire insurance companies, however, issued the war damage policies; and the details involved were somewhat more complex. To cover their expenses in handling the insurance, the fire and marine companies were given a commission of 1 yen 50 sen for each policy issued and were permitted to retain 2 percent of the premiums paid. There was considerably more initial in- terest in the war property damage insurance than in war life and injury insurance, even though the former was announced earlier in the war when danger from enemy attack was more remote. Despite the greater attractiveness of the war damage insurance, national promotion cam- paigns, were regarded by the government as ne- cessary to increase sales. The private companies printed promotional leaflets under their own names, describing the insurance, and distributed them in large quantities. The successive reduc- tions in premiums attested to the concern of the government that as large a number of persons as possible apply for the insurance. c. Policy Issuance Procedure. If a person’s house or other establishment were already pri- vately insured, the procedure for obtaining war damage insurance was simple, since the valuation determining the principal amount of the war damage policy had already been established by company representatives. Where a person ap- 181 plied for war damage insurance alone, the com- panies claimed to have been too busy to make individual investigations, and accepted the ap- plicant’s evaluation based on the amount of floor space of the building to be insured, with a flat sum allowable per unit of area. In the case of a very large amount of such insurance, or where a house was known to belong to a wealthy indi- vidual and was presumed to have been built of especially valuable wood with elaborate land- scaping surrounding it, a special investigation might be made and the insurable value revised upward. In late 1944 the government became alarmed at large-scale over-evaluation widely practiced, and cautioned the insurance companies against it. The increasingly chaotic state of the yen aggravated this problem so that, in June 1945, the government issued a detailed scale of values for assessing different kinds of buildings, still using amount of floor space as one determi- nant. d. Payment of Claims. Within 30 days after the damage had occurred, a claimant was re- quired to bring to the office of his insuring com- pany his policy and a certificate of loss. The latter could be obtained from the nearest police station, from the city hall or from the leader of the block association (Chokai) in the area where the property was located. Upon the presentation of these documents, the companies would pay claims of less than 1,000,000 yen without delay or question beyond careful inspection of the sup- porting papers. Claims of 1,000,000 yen or larger on any one contract resulting from any one raid or bombardment were sent to the Ministry of Finance in Tokyo for approval. The companies were able to check on the accuracy of the amounts claimed by referring to current city maps show- ing damaged areas. Claims of 5,000 yen or less were paid in full in cash; but claimants for a greater amount were given 5,000 yen in cash, and the balance was deposited to the claimant’s credit in a local bank under an arrangement known as a “blocked bank deposit” (Tokushu Yokin), drawing interest at the annual rate of 3.8 percent and available for withdrawal in 5 years. By special permission of the local branch of the finance ministry, part or all of the blocked funds could be released under one of the follow- ing conditions: (1) to pay taxes, (2) to settle a bank loan, (3) to relieve proven financial need for money to meet living expenses, and (4) to engage in new construction judged to be in the public interest. If an assured were deceased, proceeds from a policy might be paid to a relative, dependent, business associate or person living with him at the time of his demise. If the assured neglected his property or failed to defend it against damage by* violating the air-defense law, all or part of the insurance amount might be withheld. The possibilities of disagreement between a claimant and a company were vastly greater than in the case of war casualty insur- ance, particularly with regard to partly damaged structures. In these cases the claimant was re- quired to furnish an estimate of the cost of restoration made by a competent and reliable repairman. There was no case of disagreement between a claimant and a company on claims under 1,000,000 yen encountered in any Japanese city studied or known to national officials, which was not worked out between the two parties on the basis of a compromise. Rarely was it neces- sary even to call upon the referee services of the local control association. These officials ex- plained that it is the nature of the Japanese citizen to accept a fraction of his claim rather than to fight for his rights in court. Even on the large claims referred for approval to the Min- istry of Finance there was no claim, as of 27 November 1945, which had not been settled with- out recourse to the civil courts. As to the prompt settlement of claims, which was characteristic of private company operations, it was said to be a matter of pride in the efficiency of the several companies. The latter inserted notices in the daily newspapers setting up a schedule of claims- payment according to date of filing, so that the payment procedure might be efficient and orderly. e. Operations. As of the time of this report, figures for the whole of Japan showing totals for the number of policies issued and for claims paid were not available from the national offices of the Ministry of Finance or the control associa- tion. The latter supplied such a table covering the Tokyo area: Period Policies issued Principal amount Jan.-Dec. 1942 (12 months) 105,369 3,259.420,000 Jan.-July 1943 (6 months) 129,599 3,461,216,000 July-Dee. 1943 (6 months). _ . 223,259 5.219,212,000 Jan.-June 1944 (6 months) 482,357 9,273,210,000 July-Dee. 1944 (6 months) 872,741 24,791,667,000 Jan.-June 1945 (6 1,243,001 41,174,508,000 July 1 to Aug. 15, 1945 255,428 6.521,758,000 Aug. 16 to Oct. 30, 1945 - . 146,938 4,190,867.000 Total1 3,458,692 97,891,858.000 1 Since policies were renewable annually, and the table covers a periol of nearly 4 years, this figure does not show the total number of separate individuals taking out policies. 182 The figures in the above table are not directly comparable to those already presented for war casualty insurance, either on (1) number of policies, for a large number of the inhabitants of the city were tenants, and several pieces of property might be included under one policy, while conversely, there might be several mem- bers of a single household all having separate war casualty policies; nor (2) on the principal amounts of insurance in force, since, contrary to the case of war casualty insurance, the amount for which property might be insured was limited only by its official evaluation. Also, figures for the two types of insurance ran more closely parallel in Tokyo than in other localities. Offi- cials claim that 90 percent of the buildings in Tokyo were covered by war damage insurance, and that it was the low incidence of policy issu- ance in other localities that caused the govern- possible; nor did the Nagasaki insurance officials have the records of claims paid, few in number but great in amounts, on the extensive destruc- tion to steel, shipbuilding and ordnance plants caused by the atomic bomb. It is noteworthy that against the figure of 20,063 buildings de- stroyed in August 1945, more than 17,000 claims were registered with the insurance companies, indicating a high percentage of coverage. It should be pointed out that all of these claims need not necessarily have been for houses, since the policy of a tenant would cover only his house- hold furnishings. The promptness of payment evident in the Nagasaki table was characteristic of the operations of the fire and marine insurance companies throughout Japan in settling claims presented. The following table sets forth the settlement of claims in the Tokyo Metropolitan District: Period Claims presented Claims paid Number Cash Blocked bank deposit | Total 1 1 8,000 8,000 • 1,399 712,241 155,724 82,450 July-Dee. 1944 — - Jan.-June 1945 - - - July 1 to Aug. 15, 1945 — Aug. 16 to Oct. 30, 1945 _ _ Totals - - _ _ _ 869 625,575 188,838 117,634 2,047,000 2,198,841,000 616.624.000 540.337.000 3,091,000 5.421.793.000 1.628.553.000 2.150.179.0001 5,138,000 7.620.634.000 2.245.177.000 2.714.516.0001 951,815 932,917 3,357,857,000 9,203,616,000’ 12,593,473,000’ 1Denotes inclusion of roughly 80,000,000 yen paid on claims presented to banks when the pressure of work on the insurance companies was relieved temporarily by the hanks in August 1945. The latterpassed on the claims, paid out no cash, hut credited claimants with proper amounts in the form of blocked hank deposits. ment successively to reduce premiums. A sample case of policy issuance and claims paid is pre- sented in the following statistics from Nagasaki: The payment of 8,000 yen in 1943 represents the sole war damage claim resulting from the Doo- little raid of April 1942. f. Comments. The fire and marine insurance companies welcomed the war damage insurance law, for although their policies specifically stated that they would not be responsible for losses caused by enemy action, they also excluded losses from earthquake, and there had been sever- al difficult situations arising from the great earthquake of 1923. They felt that, without the national insurance, there would have been a great deal of trouble and many doubtful cases of damage, had not the government taken a hand in providing insurance protection during the war period. It will be noted from the tables of figures that, because of fear of pillaging and vandalism by the occupation forces, many per- sons were prompted to make application for new policies even after the Japanese surrender. This fear was not so great in Tokyo as in Kobe, Na- gasaki and other cities, where the population was seriously alarmed by rumors, some of them Period Policies in force Claims presented Claims paid Buildings destroyed1 Tip. 1-n 21 .Tilly 1 945> 866 1 Aug. 1942-31 July 1943. 4,327 1 Aug. 1943-31 July 1944- 15,356 — — 1 Aug. 1944-31 July 1945- 27,523 162 162 476 1 Aug. 1945-31 Aug. 1945. 22,983 2,173 2,173 20,063 1 Sep. 1945- 1 Nov. 1945- 20,493 17,132 10,852 — 1 This figure covers all buildings destroyed, not just those covered by war damage insurance. There are several interesting points to be noted in the above table. In a city of 284,000 people, there were only 866 war-damage policies in force 8 months after the war started, during which time the Doolittle raid on Tokyo has occurred. Up to the time of the atomic bomb all cases pre- sented had been paid; and, thereafter, the com- panies were striving to settle atomic bomb claims against the handicaps of lost records, reduced personnel and difficulties in checking the accuracy of claims. The amounts paid were not available so that direct comparisons with Tokyo are not 183 printed in the newspapers purporting to come from the emperor, to the effect that no private property would be respected by the conquering armies. In Kobe, where the fear was especially keen, policies were applied for in September 1945; but the national enabling law for the in- surance was abolished on I November 1945. The greater interest in property insurance than in casualty insurance and the more adequate cover- age for property than for life have been attrib- uted to the low value placed on human lives by the Japanese. The Japanese themselves explain it, to use the statement of the president of the national fire and marine insurance control asso- ciation, by saying that “people could save their lives by running away, but they could not take their property with them nor remove it from the path of bombs.” The official statement as to the reason for setting up the war damage insurance program was given by government officials as being in the interest of equalizing the suffering among the people; but a study of the payments made indicated that a large percentage of the total money paid out under the war damage claims program represented very large contracts and that it went to compensate a relatively small part of the population. As far as the sincerity of the government can be judged by the provi- sion of the war damage law, the generosity of its coverage, ease of application and claim collection, and its ability to cover its obligations, it would appear that the program was conceived and executed in good faith. Without inflation, how- ever, and the printing of millions of yen, it is doubtful whether the achieved record of honor- ing claims could have been made. Whether this development was anticipated in the original drafting of the war damage act is a matter for conjecture. Private citizens and the owners of businesses, as well as private insurance officials, believed the program to have been fair and ade- quate; and, although among the common people in smaller communities there arose some doubt, toward the end of the war, of the government’s ability to pay, this doubt was dispelled by the prompt settlement of claims. The fact that con- siderably less than half of the population carried the war damage insurance, whether on their homes or on their possessions, was attributable to disbelief in the probability of danger during the first part of the war; to the continued blind faith that, despite mass destruction in other cities, one’s own city would escape attack, combined with that characteristic Japanese procrastination regarding any measure that one is not ordered to take; and to the fact that by the time the average city dweller Avas moved to take such action, his possessions had already been de- stroyed. 4. War Service Allowance, a. Provisions. On 20 December 1941, by imperial rescript, promul- gated through the Ministry of Home Affairs, a straight compensation law was issued covering air-defense Avorkers and specifically naming members of auxiliary police and fire units (Kei- bodan), air-watchmen (Boku Kanshitai), persons participating in air-defense training, medical per- sonnel engaged in air-defense operations, persons effecting emergency fire-proofing or fire-proofing training, and those other persons who Avere not necessarily classified by connection with a specific air-defense activity or organization but who were designated as air-defense Avorkers by the gov- ernors of the prefectures and who carried a card certifying to that fact. The Dav Avas known as the air-defense participants assistance act (Boku Jujisha Fujorei), but Avas always referred to by the Japanese as war service alloAvance and Avill be so designated in this report. The types of compensation, together with the range of amounts offered, depending on the type of air-defense work done, were as folloAvs: Type of compensation Range of amount» provided (yen) Medical and convalescent care ’Actual expenses Permanent disability: Total incapacitation 700-1,500 Partial incapacitation resulting in loss of means of sustenance 500-1,000 Serious bodily injury, or disfigur- ing scars on the face of female 350- 700 Terminal lump sum (paid to persons not yet recovered from injuries af- ter 1 year) 700-1,500 Death benefit (beneficiaries must be relatives) 500-1,000 Funeral expense 50- 100 1 Each prefecture set forth a table of standards specifying allow- able charges for various types of medical treatment and limiting the amounts that would be paid therefor. There were no limitations except for the provi- sion that any person eligible for remuneration under the law would not be paid unless he were fully covered and had already been paid under the war casualty insurance program, wartime disaster protection law (described below), or other government compensation plan; nor would payments be made in the event the claimant 184 were proved to have been injured while running away from the scene of action or to have suffered injury as a result of his own stupidity. b. Administration. Full authority for the con- duct of war service allowance operations was vested in the prefectural governors. The law stated that one-half of the compensation funds paid to air-defense workers in factories should be furnished by the factory owners and that actual payments be administered by the fac- tories ; also that monies paid to air-defense medi- cal personnel be handled by city mayors. All other claims were handled by the peace preserva- tion sections of the prefectural police bureaus. c. Payment of Claims and Operations. It was necessary for persons eligible for payments, or their beneficiaries, to file their claims within 2 years of the first day on which they became so eligible. To collect under the law it was necessary to submit to the paying authorities an application for payment, a police-validated physician’s cer- tificate, and doctor’s bills, if any. Despite the large number of casualties among persons offi- cially engaged in air-defense throughout Japan only 1,574,919 yen had been paid out for the entire country by 30 January 1946, of which more than 1.000,000 yen was for Tokyo. Statistics from a few heavily populated and hard-hit pre- fectures follow: largely by the physician’s report, ended any pos- sible disagreement on the part of the claimant as to the amount he considered due him. d. Comments. Because of the provision in the law making it possible for claims to be entered as long as 2 years after the date of casualty, it is not possible at this point to make an exact statement as to the extensiveness of the war service allowance operation, but the exceedingly small amount of activity observed in the respon- sible prefectural offices of the target cities studied, as well as the low national totals, makes it unlikely that the figures as they now stand will be essentially changed. Many eligible for com- pensation under the program will fail to apply for it. Even before the depreciation of the yen the indemnities granted were pitifully small, and the devaluation of Japanese currency was said by officials to have discouraged claimants from undertaking the effort involved in collection. Samples of actual cases in process of verification and payment in Nagasaki revealed an unbeliev- able amount of red tape connected with the set- tlement process, and physicians were said to have waived payment of their bills rather than make out all of the papers necessary for a claimant to collect from the government. Reimbursement under the wartime disaster protection law (see below), although slightly less favorable in its terms, was simpler to collect, and air-defense workers were automatically covered by that law along with all other victims of air attack. 5. War Disaster Protection, a. Provisions. En- acted on 24 February 1942, the wartime disaster protection law (Senji Saigai Hogo Ho), covering all Japanese nationals, was a combination relief and indemnity act which included several types of loss due to enemy action and war emergency. Not only were casualties to life and limb as well as property damage from disasters caused di- rectly by the enemy (or resulting therefrom) specified in the provisions of the law, but com- pensation to owners of property expropriated for relief purposes was also included. This report will not be concerned with the direct relief aspects of the act, for these are covered in the report on Emergency Relief; but, in so far as money was payable for death, injury, medical expenses, funeral costs, or for government-ex- propriated property, the war disaster protection program is considered to fall under the topic of war damage claims. The amounts paid for death and injury corresponded roughly with those pre- Summary of funds disbursed under wartime protection law up to 1 December 19U5- selected prefectures disaster Medical expenses Disability Death benefits, funeral expense Total Tokyo 17,522 2,000 1,069,800 1,089,322 Aichi (Nagoya) — 2,594 56,570 59,164 Osaka — 7,664 2,165 24,810 34,639 Hyogo (Kobe). Hiroshima 288 796 — 14,300 14,588 796 Nagasaki 2,856 2,640 5,496 Up until 15 November 1945 only 20 applications for compensation under the war service allow- ance law had been received in Nagasaki for the entire prefecture since the beginning of the war, 11 of which had been paid. No claims were hon- ored in the case of atomic bomb casualties, on the ground that no one could have been engaged in air-defense activity since the city was not in an “alarm” status when the bomb fell. The three small raids on Kyoto produced nearly 200 casual- ties, but only one claim was entered and paid under the law, that of an air watchman. There was no appeal possible under the law, and the judgment of the prefectural officials, governed 695046—47—13 185 limitations and restrictions placed on the receipt of payments under this program, besides the two mentioned (high income and money received under other government scheme for the same loss), applied to conduct of the candidate who wished to be paid. He would receive nothing if his disaster were the result of carelessness; if he opposed, without legitimate reason, investigation of his affairs made for the purpose of settling his claim; if he were guilty of disorderly conduct and extreme idleness; and if he were sentenced to 6 years or more of imprisonment and penal servitude. As to expropriation of privately owned buildings or commodities for relief pur- poses, the law gave full authority to the prefec- tural governors to seize and pay for whatever property they deemed necessary to meet emer- gency situations. b. Administration. The governors of the pre- fectures were accorded wide latitude in executing the provisions of the wartime disaster law. They were empowered to dispense funds to such per- sons, and for such emergency purposes, as well as in such amounts as they might decide were neces- sary, regardless of the specific provisions of the law. In the welfare departments of the prefec- tures rested ultimate authority, in the name of the governor, over the payment of claims and the actual disbursing of funds. In the larger cities, claimants might present their papers to the wel- fare office of the municipal government, which as- sembled proof necessary for settling claims, and then passed their recommendations to the prefec- tures for payment by the finance offices. c. Payment of Claims and Operations. A sum- mary of claims presented, and the number paid, together with the amounts thereof, covering the entire country, is shown in a table on the follow- ing page. A breakdown by prefectures will be found on Pages 187 and 188. These figures were sented in the table given for war service allow- ance compensation, but the maximum sums were given to those persons killed or injured while en- gaging in emergency relief, minimum amounts to the average citizen victimized, and intermediate amounts to those victims officially engaged in other air-defense activities. Under the original law, compensation for total destruction of one’s house was based on the value of the structure; and for partial destruction the extent of damage was determined by prefectural authorities, to- gether with an estimate of repair costs upon which was determined the amount to be paid. The government did not expose itself to exten- sive liability, however, for no person whose an- nual earned income was over 7,000 yen, or whose annual independent income was over 3,000 yen, was entitled to collect wartime disaster compen- sation. The government further protected itself by providing that amounts received under war casualty insurance or any other government pro- tection scheme would be deducted from any war- time disaster compensation payments. Household furniture destroyed was paid for according to the number of persons in a household, with a maximum of 500 yen liability assumed for any one household. On 17 May 1945, the extent of damage to Japan became so great that authorities were too pressed to be able to make investigations of minor damage, so the law was changed to pro- vide a flat 1,000 yen payment for a house dam- aged beyond use, regardless of the value of the house, and no payment if the house could still be lived in. The question as to whether the house was still habitable or not was left up to the owner, who so certified this fact by a written statement. If the house were livable, payments would be made for furniture, if more than 50 percent of it had been destroyed, but nothing would be paid if less than this amount had been lost. The only Summary of claims presented and paid in Japan under the wartime disaster protection law Period Medical expenses Total and partial disability Death benefits Claims Paid Amount Claims Paid Amount Claims Paid Amount 1 April 44 to 31 March 45- - - . - 0 0 0 106 28 10,845 3,737 3,605 1,761,990 1 April 45 to 1 Dec.45 27 27 2,290 4,669 1,931 787.535 108,711 91,207 47,272,795 Period Houses destroyed or damaged Household effects. Claims Paid Amount Claims Paid Amount 1 April 44 to 31 March 45 2,844 2,550 1,684,428 22,865 23,266 8,961,834 1 April 45 to 1 Dec. 45 187,109 144,487 77,345,565 973,800 746,059 349,412,428 186 supplied by the national welfare bureau and were claimed to be an accurate and complete account of the operations of the war disaster protection program. The dates used for assembling the figures make it impossible to check them for accuracy against findings made in the field studies, but by a process of interpolation they would appear to differ somewhat from statistics supplied earlier by certain individual prefec- tures. There is no trend, however, either of over- statement or understatement, so it is probable that discrepancies between the figures of certain prefectures independently obtained and those ap- pearing for these prefectures in the national wel- fare department table may constitute revisions based upon rechecking of records, and that the discrepancies do not reflect “doctoring” of the statistics by the welfare ministry. Claims and payments for medical expenses were negligible, according to the national figures, with only 271 cases reported, indicating that, as far as the rank and file of the people were concerned, physicians and hospitals rendered few bills, or waived their payment, or that bills were paid privately or by some other form of insurance or compensation plan. The case is similar for total and partial disability, for, from 1 April 1944 to 1 Decem- ber 1945, there were but 4,775 claims entered. Summary of payments under wartime disaster protection law, 1 April 19UU—31 March 19 U5 Prefecture Total and partial disability Death benefits Houses destroyed or damaged Household effects Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Hokkaido 1 1 425 33 7 10 1 33 7 10 1 16,500 3,500 5,000 500 Aomori _ 26 155 26 98 25,524 44,118 1,302 502 1,302 492 64,990 227.380 Akita - Yamagata.. 2 90 43 40 64 6 53 2,133 27 3 35 15 9 4 35 2 212 90 14 2 5 450 2 90 42 40 64 6 53 2,133 27 3 35 15 9 4 35 2 212 90 14 2 5 350 1,000 45.000 20,990 20.000 32.000 3.000 26.500 1,066,500 13.500 1,600 17.500 7, 500 4.500 2.000 17.500 1,000 106,000 45.000 7.000 1.000 2.500 175,000 119 119 103,552 561 561 238.650 Ibaragi.. 44 755 44 755 17,719 254,373 46 936 46 946 17,625 301,200 Saitama 3 3 1,115 117 617 6 117 617 6 86,975 462,750 5,888 119 16,177 20 119 16,177 20 76,755 6,476,750 8,385 Niigata Toyama.. 2 2 700 Ishikawa. Fukui. ... 6 13 4 57 86 6 13 4 57 86 5,180 13,500 4,820 53,523 86,050 6 927 6 6 927 6 2,149 485,400 2,400 Gifu.. .. 125 125 487,646 Mie 100 22 8, 605 800 563 502,496 2,000 1.511 534,302 Hyogo 2 30 9 12 6 2 12 2 30 9 12 6 2 12 1,000 15,000 4,500 6,000 3.000 1.000 6,000 11 11 4,000 103 103 35,900 2 2 1,190 5 5 2,200 16 16 8,000 11 11 3,144 14 14 5,012 52 14 111 61 16 9 52 14 110 31 16 9 26,000 7.000 65,000 15,500 8.000 4,500 3 3 1 8 3 3 1 8 176 4,500 1,280 3,670 3 3 3 3 1,500 1,590 Total 106 28 10,845 3,737 3,605 1,802,490 2,844 2,550 1,684,428 22.865 22,366 8,967,834 Note.—No claims for medical expenses and terminal lump sum were presented to any prefecture during the period. Summary of payments under wartime disaster protection law, 1 April 1945-1 December 1945 Prefecture Medical expenses Total and partial disability Death benefits Houses destroyed or damaged Household effects Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid Claims presented Claims paid Amounts paid 57 176 30 30 17 176 21 21 8,950 88,000 6.150 6.150 1,056 463 679 6,115 8 250 1,060 261 2,310 2,945 , 1,554 2,213 24,777 2,058 424 425 153 341 1,022 1,118 1,347 4,970 4,370 541 263 352 7,500 1,606 201 514 122 44 1,920 25,744 75 1,221 1,527 1,382 753 3,800 435 126 799 655 850 3,625 570 457 679 548 8 250 1,060 141 2,310 2,945 820 2,213 24,777 2,058 240 410 59 89 852 1,118 321 3,512 4.370 134 263 179 1,633 876 201 514 122 44 1,920 25,744 75 1,221 1,002 1,110 676 3,800 84 113 799 655 234 253.500 258.500 339.500 274.000 5,000 125.000 521.000 705.000 1.160,000 1.472.500 799.000 1.106.500 12,388,618 1.029.000 189,700 205.000 29.000 47,200 499.500 559.000 160.500 1.756.000 2.185.000 67.000 131.500 91.500 1,037,394 553.500 100.500 257.000 73,770 2,200 960.000 12,872,000 69.000 610.500 660.500 550.000 388.000 1.900.000 55.500 5,613 399.500 327.500 117.500 1,257 947 1,196 802 4 44 886 470 836 2,121 1.523 1.171 72,065 1,821 484 428 116 1,207 1,638 531 3.172 4,974 6.524 882 153 167 500 581 73 3,930 340 26 2,327 18,725 2,115 2,798 1,011 4,147 1,647 4,849 597 23 3,093 656 2,950 26,176 841 935 1,196 454 4 44 886 321 836 2,121 898 1,171 72,065 1,821 197 343 28 170 1,32 531 1,270 3,924 6,424 116 153 122 1,502 581 73 3,920 34,000 26 2,327 18,725 2,115 2,330 382 3,931 1,564 3,674 386 15 2,857 656 879 841,100 935.000 1.196.000 454.000 4,500 44.000 886.000 321.000 886,400 1,937,373 886,860 1,160,378 5,044,879 1.821.000 196,500 332,040 28.000 170.000 1.328.000 531.000 1.270.000 3,905,050 6,424,268 116.000 . 152,500 123,738 1,515,540 494,800 74,339 3.927.000 3,047 26,000 2.327.000 18,725,000 2,108,200 2.332.000 382.000 3.931.000 1.564.000 3,673,400 386.000 150.000 2,587,800 656.000 879.000 10,200 8,821 3,735 16,280 338 3,520 11,137 4,823 12,991 20,585 13,806 9,546 146,360 37,179 5,201 4,578 2,481 8,598 16,307 1,215 21,512 33,203 11,654 6,462 5,791 7,041 150,000 72,055 6,434 18,284 3,047 690 25,398 42,049 11,247 38,790 25,651 27,642 13,093 48,494 4,049 185 10,924 5,093 13,600 37,275 6,131 5,100 3,735 9,570 338 3,470 11,137 4,700 12,991 20,585 8,008 9,546 146,360 37,179 1,591 3,662 809 1,978 13,452 1,215 8,377 24,970 11,654 1,531 5,791 4,540 71,005 25,885 6,434 18,284 3,047 690 25,498 42,049 11,247 35,260 20,764 13,093 13,909 42,501 291 152 10,363 5,093 3,746 27,752 2.663.100 2.550.000 3.771.600 4.027.100 136.550 1.383.300 4,796,122 250,750 5,841,480 8,933,780 3,395,596 3,868,570 65.744.050 15,726,760 696,090 1.609.400 306.000 848.000 5.934.400 4,590,380 2,281,551 11,331,320 34.962.000 649,850 2,133,550 1,850,360 30,738,567 15,862,319 2,790,875 3,440,880 1,249,310 344.550 12.232.050 16.553.000 5,426,240 9.713.600 10,064,400 5.650.900 5.650.900 12,150,572 557,480 76,600 4.823.000 2,292,200 1.726.300 12,053,826 15 . 15 999 96 8 96 37,650 2 2 212 34 52 27 52 8.750 28,730 20 18 12 10 5,600 5,050 6 31 4 20 1,550 6,900 Gifu 355 96 330 70 9 328 42,300 4,250 131,235 10 10 ' 1,079 10 8 1,000 540 10 8 16 3,500 2,250 5,730 7 1 243 7 1 243 2,950 350 88,550 2 678 35 30 108 54 2 13 12 2 678 28 1 96 54 1,000 203,850 28,000 500 39,600 1,640 8 12 29,850 4,660 70 547 Kagoshima Total 27 27 2,290 2,290 4,669 787,535 113,974 91,206 47,317,795 186,483 144,486 77,038,565 973,680 724,667 344,283,928 Note.—No claims for terminal lump sum were presented to anv prefecture during the period. Considering the fact that there were thousands injured in Japan during this period, many who were eligible for this compensation filed no claims and are, therefore, not represented in the figures. On the basis of the average amount paid per claim and the depreciated state of the yen, this low figure is not surprising. The death bene- fit totals correspond more closely to what one would expect in the light of known casualties, for there were 108,711 death benefit claims regis- tered after 1 April 1945, 91,207 of which had been paid in the amount of 47,272,795 yen. Simi- larly, the figures for houses destroyed or dam- aged come close to expectation with 187,109 claims entered after 1 April 1945, 144,487 of which had been paid in a total amount of 77,345,- 565 yen. By far the greatest activity is seen in the claims for the destruction of household effects, with nearly 1,000,000 claims presented, 746,059 of which were paid at a total cost to the government of 349,412,428 yen. There was no case of expropriation of private property under the terms of the war disaster protection law, for in no instance did any prefectural governor find it necessary to exercise the powers accorded him for this purpose. d. Comments. For all of the personal indem- nity features of the wartime protection program, including medical expenses, disability and death, the government had paid out 49,940,755 yen as of 1 December 1945. No terminal lump sum pay- ments had been made under the law, mainly be- cause persons who became eligible to receive them could not make application for them until one year after the injury involved had occurred. National officials stated that, in their opinion, the figures supplied represented nearly all the liabil- ity for which the government would be respon- sible. Thus, it is interesting to note that as of 1 November 1945, one month earlier, the govern- ment had already paid out for war casualty insur- ance the sum of 122,797,827 yen, or two and one- half times as much for the same type of coverage. As of the same date in the Tokyo Metropolitan District, the figures stood at 13,455,118 yen for the wartime disaster protection compensation and 61,477,294 yen for the war casualty insurance payments. A comparable relationship between the two programs was true of other localities. As to property damage, the government had paid out 426,757,993 yen on wartime disaster protec- tion as of 1 December 1945. National totals for war damage insurance were not available. Using the Tokyo figures for comparison a considerable difference between the two programs is evident; for, whereas the wartime protection compensa- tion had paid only 72,214,800 both for houses de- stroyed or damaged and household effects de- stroyed as of 1 December 1945, more than 12.5 billion yen had been paid for war casualty in- surance as of 1 November 1945 for the same type of loss. Officials of the finance Ministry affirmed that while the Tokyo figures showed the war casualty insurance to have been nearly 175 times as important as the free wartime disaster com- pensation from the standpoint of actual money involved, the relative difference would not run as high in other localities. On the other hand, it was claimed by these officials that from the standpoint of civilian protection, particularly as it applied to the common people, the difference in the sums of money involved did not reflect gov- ernment intentions to give preferential treatment to those who had the most to lose financially from enemy attack, or who were in a more favorable position to pay for the protection offered. Judg- ing from the basic provisions of the two laws setting up these programs there is reason to ques- tion the complete veracity of this claim. 6. Gompensation under the Firebreaks Pro- gram. a. Types and Determination of Amounts. The extensive demolition of buildings for the purpose of creating firebreaks, more fully re- ported in the Fire Section of this report, consti- tuted an important war-cause damage claim for which the Japanese government made itself re- sponsible. Four types of compensation were offered: (1) payment for buildings and land, (2) rental of land, (3) funds for moving one’s pos- sessions, and (4) compensation for loss of busi- ness. In all of these, there were slight variations as to exact amounts paid out in the various pre- fectures. Standards were set up for the assess- ment of buildings to be demolished, and accord- ing to those, the owners were paid the full amount of their value. If an owner wished to keep the materials after demolition, a lesser amount was paid. The land might be either pur- chased or rented by the city. Cost of moving was determined by the distance a dispossessed owner was required to transport his belongings, by the amount of goods to be moved and by the equip- ment the owner might possess for effecting the movement. The loss-of-business compensation was determined by the earning ability of the indi- 189 vidual, the annual profit of his business, and his financial necessity. b. Operations. Upon their eviction, owners of houses and business structures condemned for demolition were paid 3,000 yen (if the buildings were worth that much) as an initial payment. The remainder of the compensation due was paid in the form of a blocked bank deposit payable in 5 years, and drawing interest at 3.8 percent per annum. Rental of land was paid annually, and the moving and loss-of-business compensa- tions were paid upon application. At the ter- mination of the survey, progress in the payment of claims among the five major Japanese cities studied varied from 6 months behind in Kobe to completion of payments in Tokyo. As a sample of the cost to the government involved in the claims arising from the firebreaks program in one city, the completed figures for Tokyo for its six operations extending from 26 January 1944 through April 1945, are as follows: life and property, the basic laws reflect sincere and comprehensive planning. Many of the bene- fits contained in the laws of other countries were not found in Japan, but the provisions of those which were offered must be judged in the light of the previously existing social security mea- sures of that country. While there may be ex- tenuating circumstances yet undiscovered, it would seem significant that, whereas a complete plan for a government-financed property insur- ance policy was ready for the public in Decem- ber 1941, it was not until March 1943, or 15 months after hostilities began, that a similar policy for life and limb was issued. b. Administratively, the two insurance pro- grams were better executed than the two com- pensation operations, for the following reasons: (1) the personnel of the insurance companies which carried out these programs were of a higher type than those in public office; (2) the laws establishing the programs and setting up procedures for handling claims were more clear- cut, less loaded down with technicalities; (3) there was more at stake financially, both for the administrators of the program and for the bene- ficiaries; and (4) there was more public knowl- edge of the insurance programs. Officials in several of the cities studied were perplexed as to why there had not been a greater number of compensation claims presented to them by people known to be eligible for payment under either the war service allowance or the war disaster protection plan; considering, however,, the red tape involved in collecting the small benefits, and the fact that many people did not know of benefits to which they were entitled, it is not sur- prising that the compensation plans failed to reach all those for whom they were intended. Prefectural officials, although surprised, did not seem to be particularly concerned about this situation. The initial reception by the public of the several indemnity measures enacted was due to the complete disbelief that there would ever be any use for them. Efforts of the government to propagandize the insurance policies made little headway against assurances from the army, even after the tide of the war had turned against it, that Japan would never be subjected to seriously damaging attacks from the air. The initial re- ception by the insurance companies was claimed by them to have been a favorable one because of patriotic motives. Prefectural officials declined to express a personal judgment, constructive or Item Amount spent (Yen) Planning and supervision 7,816,883 Cost of removal of buildings 183,205,140 Compensation for buildings 1,468,450,895 Land bought 675,758,696 Land leased 7,755,423 Compensation for moving expenses- 98,717,000 Compensation for loss of business 320,347,987 Cost of putting land in order 4,569,560 Cost of building roads 148,326 Total 2,766,769,910 Of the 614,698 buildings demolished in the entire country 214,203 were in Tokyo. There were 19,378 in Kyoto, 82,508 in Osaka, 22,229 in Kobe, and 8,311 in Nagasaki, with comparable figures in other cities. Even considering its larger popu- lation, the effort and money expended in Tokyo were out of all proportion to its size; and, as observed in other defense measures, it will be seen that funds were not spared in the effort to provide the greatest possible protection for the capital city of Japan. 7. General Oh serrations, a. Looking at the entire war damage claims program as a whole, the laws and their operation both for damage to life and limb and to property, the general im- pression is that the Japanese government in- tended to set up adequate financial protection for its citizens against possible destruction by enemy attacks. Leaving aside for the moment the question of the adequacy of coverages provid- ed, even by Japanese standards for evaluating 190 otherwise, regarding the details of the compensa- tion prografn. , c. Attempts to sound out the attitude of the public on the adequacy of the coverages provided by the insurance and compensation plans were futile, for the Japanese interrogated had no opin- ion one way or the other, except to state that the amounts were deemed adequate by the emperor under whose name they were published, and thus there was no further cause for discussing them. Rumors that the government would be unable to meet its obligations began to circulate after the heavy mass raids on the larger cities, but it was said that these never reached serious proportions because of the continuance of payments and be- cause the spreading of such rumors was consid- ered to be a treasonable act. After the atomic bomb, both private insurance men and prefec- tural officials in Nagasaki admitted apprehension over the government’s ability to pay. The cata- clysmic and revolutionary nature of the calamity there made many people believe that they might not be covered by any of the financial protection plans. The unusual character of the atomic bomb attack was reflected in the prefectural decision not to pay under this law any air watchman, auxiliary police and fire personnel, medical de- fense workers and others covered by the war service allowance law, a privilege they normally would have enjoyed; but that their passive role in the situation entitled them only to the benefits of wartime disaster protection. d. There is some reason to doubt whether the generous terms of the war damage insurance would have been issued had the huge losses that were eventually sustained been anticipated. To be sure, the rate of premium for this insurance was reduced even after the mass destruction began, but by that time the government was printing money in considerable quantity and, at inflation prices, it could well afford to settle all damage claims. One of the most characteristic aspects of the entire program was the almost complete absence of appeal, both in the provisions of the law and in the operations. Private insur- ance officials were quite sanguine on this matter, insisting that the private individual could always have recourse to the civil courts if he could not get satisfaction from the insurance companies and the control associations. They admitted, however, that his chances of success were small. In the compensation laws there was no provision for appeal whatsoever. e. As the insurance and compensation pro- grams worked out, there appeared to be general satisfaction on the part of both officials and the public. National finance ministry officials were sufficiently pleased to state that, were the entire operation to be done over again, they would not regard it necessary to introduce any major altera- tions. VIII. TRAINING OF CIVILIAN DEFENSE PERSONNEL AND OF GENERAL PUBLIC A. Civilian Defense Personnel 1. Introduction, a. As a result of the use of airplanes as implements of warfare in World War I, Japanese military and civilian officials began discussions soon after that war as to what should be done in preparation for defense against attack from the air. From 1918 to 1928 nothing positive was done in the development of a civilian defense training program, although government publications, newspapers, and mag- azines published articles dealing with the prob- lems of defense against air attack. From 1928 to 1937, the government attempted to encourage public interest in those phases of defense against air attacks in which it was bound to play a large part, namely, light control, gas defense, and first aid. The efforts of the government were confined entirely to the industrial and densely populated areas. Classes were held to which the public was invited and several times a year large-scale air-raid drills were held in conjunction with army maneuvers. The response of the people was lethargic. Most of them considered the drills either a wonderful spectacle or an effort by the military to sell itself more readily as the real authority of the nation. From 1937, with the enactment of the National Air-Defense Law, more definite plans were prepared for training civilian defense personnel. h. All directives on training emanated from the Ministry,of Home Affairs, although they first had to receive the approval of the Ministry of War. The directives were forwarded to the gov- ernors of the prefectures whose responsibility it was to carry them out. The indefiniteness with which the directives were written, permitted the prefectural governments to determine the proce- 191 dures and methods of training, the type and num- ber of schools necessary, and the length of train- ing periods, all of which resulted in varied training programs. The first directive in 1937 stated that all families should be trained in light control and fire-extinguishment methods, but sug- gested that training also be conducted in rescue, first aid and emergency relief, gas defense, evacuation, and shelter construction. The govern- ment officials and the public at this time were not at all enthusiastic about civilian defense, so that only very informal training programs were established, and it was not until late in 1942 and the beginning of 1943 that organized training programs and schools were started in the prefec- tures. Additional directives and amendments were issued, which attempted to change training programs and instructions as new information became available, but they fell far short of ac- complishing their purpose because of the censor- ship and the over-optimistic war news given out by the military. 2. Organization of Training Schools, a. Na- tional Air-Defense School {Doha Gakko). This school was established in Tokyo for the definite purpose of training selected police, fire and or- ganizational leaders from all over Japan in the principles of air-raid-protection services. The school was financed and conducted by the Min- istry of Home Affairs. The personnel attending each session of this school was selected on a quota basis established by the training section in the general affairs bureau of the Air-Defense Headquarters (Boku Sohombu). The length of each session was about 7 days and the ma- terial presented was similar to that of the air defense schools conducted by the Great Japan Air-Defense Association. b. Great Japan Air-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai). This association was formed in 1934 and, although not an official division within the Ministry of Home Affairs, it actually represented and carried out the training policies advocated by that ministry through the establishment of training schools in each prefec- ture and through the printing and distribution of pamphlets on all phases of civilian defense upon their approval by the Ministry of Home Affairs. This organization was financed by a subsidy from the national government and by dues collected from the members. The funds were used principally to finance the schools established in the prefectures, but often it was necessary for the prefectural governments to appropriate ad- ditional sums to keep the schools operating. The schools were not standardized as to length of training sessions or methods of instruction, but they did provide training in the same general civilian defense subjects, principally light con- trol and fire-extinguishment methods, a lesser degree of training in rescue, first aid and emer- gency relief, factory air-raid protection, shelter construction, and a still lesser degree in gas de- fense. (Pages 193, 194 give daily schedules and training subjects of typical prefectural schools.) The instructors were generally police and organi- zational leaders who had attended the national air-defense training school at Tokyo, conducted by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and certain specialists, such as medical personnel, to handle specialized subjects. In a few areas, army per- sonnel were asked to give lectures on different types of bombs and their capabilities. All in- structors not regularly employed in civilian jobs by the prefectural governments were com- pensated for their services. In some instances, one or two full-time instructors were appointed and paid on a yearly basis. The principal func- tion of these schools was to train leaders of or- ganizations engaged in civilian defense duties. The organizations which sent individuals to the schools assumed the financial responsibilities in- volved, but at times were aided by appropriations from the Great Japan Air-Defense Association branches organized in the prefectures. c. Great Japan Fire-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Keiho Kyokai). This organization was established in July 1927, under the name of Great Japan Volunteer Fire Department Asso- ciation (Dai Nippon Shobokumi Kyokai) for the purpose of coordinating and training volunteer fire associations. The organization adopted its present name in 1939. The Minister of Home Affairs was the president of the organization, and the governor of each prefecture was the head of the branch school set up in each prefecture. The work of the organization since 1939 had been coordinated with the Great Japan Air-Defense Association. It was responsible, under the super- vision of the Great Japan Air-Defense Associa- tion, for the training of the fire-fighting leaders of the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) and its components, subsections (Bundan) and fire arm (Shobobu). This training was provided in conjunction with schools conducted by the Great Japan Air-Defense Association or at 192 GENERAL AIR-DEFENSE TRAINING DUTY CHART—AIR-DEFENSE SCHOOL Day/ Hour 1st day 2d day 3d day 4th day 5th day 6th day 7th day ► 0800 0900 1 PI Manufacturer’s air defense Factory air defense Gist of air-defense law Rescue and first aid Summary of ob- servation nets Emergency (tem- porary) recon- struction 1000 1 Initiation cere- mony Anti-bomb Air-defense security School air defense Camouflage Shelter (tempor- orary) (Small). Instruction as to how to make shelter Examination (test) I r 1200 1300 Morale training 1400 1500 1600 1700 1800 DINNER • Interpretation of air raids Rescue and first aid Evacuation of city Practical fire fight- ing training Practical gas-pro- tection training Study tour of air defense facilities Commencement ex- ercise Light control (blackout) Lecture on air de- fense Dismissed Distribution of material for emergency use Fire fighting and fire extinguishing Air-defense con- structioa SUPPER 2000 Bath Self-study Discussion Self-study Bath Criticism (discus- sion) AIR-DEFENSE SCHOOL (BOKU GAKKO) Schedule of classes and subjects—Police, Fire, and Auxiliary Police and Fire Unit Section Date/Hours 0800-1000 1000-1200 1200-1300 1300-1500 1500-1700 1st day General air defense Fire prevention and extinguishing Lunch Fire prevention and extinguishing Fire prevention and extinguish- ing, practical training 2nd day General air defense Decontamination Lunch Rescue and relief Rescue and relief, practical train- ing 3d day Family air defense Shelter construction and taking cover Lunch Light control Shelter construction and taking cover, practical training Factory Defense Units and Air-Defense Section of Block Association 0800-0900 0900-1000 1000-1100 1100-1200 1200-1300 1300-1400 1400-1500 1500-1700 4th day: Family air defense Light control Decontamination rescue and relief Shelter construc- tion and taking cover Lunch Fire prevention and extinguish- ing Rescue and relief, practical train- ing Fire prevention and extin- guishing, prac- tical training schools solely established for fire-fighting train- ing. In addition, it prepared and distributed to the auxiliary police and fire units literature on the prevention and extinguishment of fires; tested and recommended types of fire equipment; and aided in the repair of equipment used by the auxiliary police and fire units. d. Prefectural Police and Fire Department Schools (Keisatsubu Shohobu Gakko). These were the established schools in each prefecture for the peacetime training of police and fire per- sonnel. They were geared during wartime to train personnel in the added duties of air-raid protection. The schools gave particular emphasis to the training of guard rescue units (Keibitai) and auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) because of the police functions of those two organizations. e. Auxiliary Schools {TIoshu Gakko). Certain conditions, such as distance from the school, lack of transportation, and wartime working con- ditions often prevented many leaders from at- Daily Training Schedule at the District Aircraft Spotter Training Center First day Second day Third day Fourth day Fifth day Sixth day 0800 0900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 General aircraft spotting-also ob- servation with naked eyes and training methods (regular instruc- tors) Recognition of air- craft and their capabilities (Army instructors)* Simulated training in aircraft spot- ting and other matters. (Army instructors) Weather observa- tion (regular in- structors) Direction and ex- ecution of train- ing plans (reg- ular instructors) (leaders) TESTS Organization of units. Opening ceremony Aircraft spotting with binoculars and training methods. Also care and han- dling of binocu- lars (regular inc strutors) Aircraft spotting and recognition* Reports, commu- nications and training meth- ods. Also re- pairs of commu- nication equip- ment (leaders) Part instruction in type of condi- tion Supplementary training Tegu- lar instructors) (leaders) Orientation DINNER DINNER DINNER DINNER DINNER DINNER DINNER Duties, methods of instructions (reg- ular instructors! Listening with naked ears—also training methods (regular instruc- tors) Same as forenoon Practical training (combined). Sep- arate altitude and direction finding (Army in- structors) (regu- lar instructors) (leaders) Same as before din- Example of loca- tion of observa tiou post. Un- der war time condition (regu- lar instructors) Arrangements and clean-up Altitude estima- tion and training methods (regu- lar instructors) nei Directing and ex- ecution of train- ing plans (regu- lar instructors) (leaders) Closing ceremony 1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000 2100 Vigilance unit and essentials in in- struction (regu- lar instructors) Aircraft recognition and training methods (lead- ers) Determination of direction and training methods (leaders) DISPERSAL SUPPER SUPPER SUPPER SUPPER SUPPER SUPPER Explanation of film on aircraft spot- ting (regular in- structors) Practical aircraft spotting in dim light (regular in- structors and leaders) * Aircraft recogni- tion during day or in light and training methods (leaders) Planning for alti- tude and direc- tion finding in- structions. Set- ting up of exer- cises Silhouette recogni- tion and training method (regular instructors) Questions and ans- wers and voic- ing of opinions (regular instruc- tors) (leaders) Self study Planning for air- craft spotting in- structions and setting up of ex- ercises Planning for air- craft identifica- tion instructions and setting up of exercises Self study Self study Notes: 1. On the third day, simulated training in aircraft spotting will be conducted for approximately one hour at dawn. 2. Combined training will be executed in aircraft spotting on the fourth day under Army supervision with a height finder on hand. 3. Schedule marked * may be changed according to weather conditions. tending the classes of the main air-defense school. This situation was remedied by holding classes in the late afternoons and evenings in police and fire stations more readily accessible to the volun- teers. This program also made it possible to reach greater numbers of the leaders of auxiliary police and fire units, factory air-raid-protection groups, block associations, and neighborhood groups. The classes were usually 3 hours in length and met on three consecutive days. f. Air-Defense Observation Corps School (Bo- ku Kanshitai Gakko). This school, although part of the civilian defense training setup under the Ministry of Home Affairs, actually was the responsibility of the Ministry of War, as the training program was military and the instruc- tors were either military personnel or civilians who were under military control. One of these schools was established in each of the army dis- tricts throughout Japan, of which there were six, and in addition, a school was organized in each prefecture. Each one of these schools at regular intervals conducted a seven-day training period during which students were trained to recognize aircraft by use of silhouettes, moving pictures and actual aircraft. They also trained to determine altitude, speed, and direc- tion of flying aircraft, and were taught proper procedures of reporting information. (See Page 194 for daily schedule and training subjects of one of the district schools.) Many graduates of these schools in turn trained other volunteers who found it impossible to attend the regular training sessions. g. Refer to Page 194 for a chart showing the governmental agencies and volunteer organiza- tions responsible for civilian defense training. B. General Public 3. Introduction. The groundwork for acquaint- ing the public with the effects of aerial warfare and the part which the general public might be called upon in defense against it was begun shortly after World War I by publication in newspapers and magazines of pictures and de- scriptions of raids carried out in the European theater of that war, together with articles which attempted to predict the future of aerial war- fare. It was not until about 1930 that the govern- ment initiated programs in which small groups of the public were used to demonstrate how the people could cooperate in the defense of the coun- try. These programs were concentrated in the principal cities and consisted of demonstrations in light control, first aid, gas defense, and fire fighting. The drills were generally coordinated with army air-defense maneuvers. As the situa- tion with China became intensified and the pos- sibility of entanglement with Russia became serious, more stress was applied to developing a realistic attitude on the part of the public to- ward civilian defense. All of these efforts cul- minated in the passage of the Air-Defense Law of 1937. The first directive, on the basis of that law, related to training and called for the instruc- tion of the public in light control and in putting out incendiary bombs. Amendments gradually increased the field of training to include first aid, emergency relief, and construction of shelters. All of the normal methods, such as the press, maga- zines, radio, posters, motion pictures, and pam- phlets were employed to present the problem to the public. The entire program, however, was constantly hindered by the long periods of free- dom from air raids and the reports of military authorities on the progress of the war. 4. Principal Agencies. a. Neighborhood Groups (Tonari Gumi). This organization, estab- lished in 1938, became the principal agency for the development of self-protection from the ef- fects of air raids and was also the basis for initiating cooperative efforts. (For a detailed description of the organization refer to that sec- tion of this report). Since every family, with all of its members, was practically compelled to assume membership in the organization, the authorities could allocate civilian defense respon- sibilities and duties to every individual in Japan. Each person, including children, was given train- ing in light control, fire fighting, first aid, emer- gency relief, emergency shelter construction and responsibility for the aged, infirm and children. Particular emphasis was placed upon the training of each individual householder to control inci- dents which directly affected him and, when that became impossible, to call on his neighbors for help. All of this civilian defense training was summarized at regular meetings by leaders of the group who had been ■trained at schools conducted in the local police stations. In addition, members of the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) and of the regular police and fire departments often attended the meetings to present lectures and demonstrations. Further information was made available at the meetings by a display of 195 civilian defense pamphlets which members were requested to examine and purchase to supple- ment the lectures and demonstrations. The quali- ty of leadership and pride in family community cooperation were responsible for the very high percentage of attendance at these meetings. b. Great Japan Air-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai). This organization, as previously described, played an important part in presenting civilian defense responsibilities, duties and information to the public through its publication and distribution of civilian defense pamphlets which had been prepared and ap- proved by the Ministries of War and Home Af- fairs. In addition, it developed and made avail- able for public showing films demonstrating the principles of first aid and methods of extinguish- ing incendiary bombs. 5. Means of Disseminating Air-Raid Defense Information, a. Pamphlets. The distribution of pamphlets was one of the most important meth- ods of presenting civilian defense information to the public. The Great Japan Air-Defense Asso- ciation printed and distributed the pamphlets. Its local leaders displayed the pamphlets at or- ganizational meetings and asked members to re- quest those they desired. The requests were con- solidated and forwarded to the air-defense school in the prefecture which obtained the pamphlets from the Great Japan Air-Defense Association. In most cases, the pamphlets had to be purchased by the individual at prices ranging from 5 to 50 sen each. Some of the prefectural governments reprinted a few of the general subject pamphlets and made them available, free of charge, to those families for whom their purchase would be a hardship. b. Press. Newspapers were used on a wide scale to issue information and instructions about air-raid-protection matters. All details regarding practice air-raid drills were furnished the people through this medium. Editorials quite often pointedly referred to the good features and fail- ures of such drills. In addition, the newspapers in certain areas reprinted government civilian de- fense pamphlets and made them available to the public. c. Radio. Governmental and civilian defense officials presented series of lectures on air-raid- protection duties. In addition, from late 1944, broadcasts emphasized the great necessity for the people to maintain a high morale and strong fighting spirit. d. Films. With the approval of the govern- ment, the Great Japan Air-Defense Association produced films on first aid, extinguishing incen- diary bombs, and emergency shelter construction. These pictures were shown to the public only during 1944. In some communities a small ad- mission charge was levied and in others the theater owners were reimbursed by the Great Japan Air-Defense Association. e. Magazines. Nearly all varieties of the more popularly priced magazines were used extensively during the fall of 1943 and throughout 1944 to portray pictorially the different phases of civil- ian defense, emphasizing first aid, methods for combating incendiary bombs, and construction of shelters. 6. Comments, a. At the national and prefec- tural levels much time was spent upon planning and preparing directives on training (hampered by the overlapping authority and jurisdiction of the different bureaus) ; but all training was based on the false conception of the magnitude and in- tensity of air raids which might be made upon Japan. This misconception, together with the optimistic statements of military authorities and the rigid control exercised over the press, nega- tived to a large extent the effect of the training program carried to the Japanese people through the neighborhood groups, block associations, and auxiliary police and fire units. Even the Doolittle raid which depicted the possibility of future enemy air action was played up by the press as indicative of the type of raid which might be expected. As the military situation took a more serious turn upon the fall of Saipan and the coming of the heavy B-29 raids, the government was unable to revise its program, perhaps be- cause it did not wish to lose face by admitting the seriousness of the situation but more likely because of the shortage of time, equipment and materials. b. The training of the individual in self-pro- tection and the feeling of confidence engendered by the cooperative efforts of small groups, such as the neighborhood groups and block associa- tions, was the basic foundation of Japanese ci- vilian defense. c. Very little use was made of personnel ex- perienced in the field of instruction and visual education, or of practical training and demon- strations. d. The training program was further ham- pered by the heavy drain upon man power by 196 military requirements (no exemptions from the military draft were permitted) which prevented civilian defense organizations from reaching their full strength and often resulted in the loss of trained leaders. e. The entire training program was geared to function under small-scale attacks, and it func- tioned well under such conditions, but could not stand up under saturation attacks. f. The willingness of the Japanese citizen to learn civilian defense techniques varied with the quality of his leadership and instruction and with the intensity of the raids. With the approach of heavy raids, interest in training increased but it was later supplanted by a feeling of resignation as the saturation raids overwhelmed all efforts at defense. IX. EXHIBITS EXHIBIT A-l Air-raid casualties and property damage in Japan, by prefectures Type of bomb Casualties Building damages ♦Serious ♦Sligh. ♦Tota. Par. *Tota. ♦Par. ♦For ♦Explo. *Incend. Dead injured injured burned burned *Demp. ♦Dama, fire 428 1,276 518 324 4.802 19 831 1,189 2,157 52,307 1,494 240 367 15,577 17 192 387 6,700 3,380 728 452 232 4,346 71 556 988 1,119 1,951 1,173 1,900 9 12,328 319 63 93 1,353 123 49 77 38 56 87 180 78 25 41 84 15 4 14 Fukushima - 1,926 7,027 499 257 301 1,268 67 241 351 5 3,012 220,089 1,789 1,130 1,257 26,878 255 965 1,231 432 9,727 668 358 996 10,943 118 401 130 2,884 301,234 974 484 971 14,338 179 288 489 2,241 40,524 528 180 888 5,432 97 163 249 6,047 95,453 1,438 774 995 20,876 285 265 565 11,436 419,380 88,204 19,597 61,469 765,815 3,050 4,021 5,163 Kanagawa — 6,970 568,377 6,204 2,926 12,021 143,934 460 990 1,302 6 30 809 412 1,694 11,325 78 11 10 8 2,232 456 3,390 22,766 25 42 255 27 8 4 60 30 74 43 77 1 6 21 Yamanashi .. 121 48,409 930 363 1,037 18,489 191 29 11 14 26 798 37 35 19 78 28 30 Gifu 696 402,393 1,233 524 981 26,133 357 385 923 6 7,327 459,856 5,679 2,111 9,178 70,651 1,811 4,060 6,434 Aichi 10,766 993,626 11,279 6,706 8,745 159,334 4,943 9,046 9,711 7 Mie - 3,005 111,181 3,067 2,581 1,637 35,662 966 1,788 1.778 114 Shiga 327 2,554 59 57 184 34 6 16 2.5 ---•to... Kyoto 277 3,516 227 205 367 77 20 120 240 7 767 67,660 13,236 . .179 18,626 352,713 4,992 8,218 7,342 8,011 347,106 12,235 6,317 16,588 180,345 2,478 6,787 6,964 3,033 73 86 156 89 33 11 7 5 1,285 4,113 1,932 1,903 3,633 28,369 71 1,220 1,048 42 5 80 61 31 29 2 23 90 52 32 58 7 1,262 50,670 1,709 351 524 25,752 504 14 35 Hiroshima _ - - 885 170,114 70,631 19,942 45,679 88,196 2,460 7,337 4,484 44 Yamaguchi 11,889 136,073 3,797 923 2,739 18,683 891 765 930 195 6,100 1,144 373 568 18,026 81 223 271 1 1 1,352 424 630 15,982 292 48 127 452 10 217 520 1,183 27,825 194 394 607 Kochi 500 4,036 584 161 735 11,673 167 231 490 1 Fukuoka 2,676 77,166 4,625 2,389 Hi 2,622 49,534 3,744 767 876 7 317 221 18 132 703 18 156 91 5 Nagasaki 3,550 20,376 20,766 25,052 932 24,695 160 1,834 .4,805 27 Kumamoto 1,992 57,272 1,031 753 , 1,122 13,738 139 381 198 1 Oita 3,344 4,403 564 363 547 2,854 304 437 915 10 Miyazaki 6,386 10,996 685 249 544 8,109 82 384 1,391 7 4,404 60,174 2,417 1,315 1,677 36,320 238 1,160 1,637 Total 117,256 4,761,415 268,157 109,854 195,983 2,265,644 30,202 64,936 63,914 265 Figures are for September 30, 1945 with the exception of Tokushima (figures for June 30, 1945) and Kagoshima (figures for July 31, 1946) *Explo. = Explosive *Incend. = Incendiary *Serious = Seriously *Sligh. = Slightly ♦Tota. = Totally *Par. — Partially ♦Demo. =» Demol- ished *Dama = Damaged *For •= Forest. 197 Table showing casualties and property damage in Japan, by cities EXHIBIT A—2 Casualties Buildings totally lost Victims of Prefectures and cities effect Dead Wounded Total Fire Others Total Hokkaido Hakodate — 19 22 41 349 33 382 2,100 408 164 572 344 344 5 300 Kushiro 187 167 351 946 258 1,204 8,000 1 16 17 1 1 22 10 17 27 21 2 4 6 2 2 86 Tokyo- To 35 wards - - - - - - 93,056 59,633 152,689 741,360 3,535 744,895 2,890,820 290 70 360 12,895 12,895 74 443 Tachikawa 435 278 713 141 349 490 4,396 Kyoto-Fu Kyoto .. - -- — - — 81 215 296 2 91 93 1,450 7 6 13 Osaka-Fu Osaka 13,973 19,791 33,764 328,009 6,192 334,201 1,098,816 1,407 oc 2,894 14,751 14,751 57,224 Kishiwada - 18 45 63 644 5 649 3,121 Toyonaka _ .. _ - - _ 578 898 1,476 1,388 612 2,000 22,558 14 18 32 96 328 Suita. - .. . . — 57 99 156 197 50 247 1,206 Fuse - - 40 53 93 704 52 756 3,644 3 10 13 10 10 10 3 3 3 3 3 Kanagawa Yokohama - - - 4,616 • 14,215 18,831 98,361 609 98,970 399.187 Kawasaki — — 1,001 1,521 2,522 34,838 276 35,114 154,426 Yokosuka -- 16 87 103 2 43 45 707 Hiratsuka_ 228 292 520 7,215 2 7,217 31,038 Odawara. ... 48 40 88 474 10 484 1.666 Fujiwara 21 38 59 8 12 20 144 1 2 3 Hyogo Kobe 7,051 4,061 11,112 114,388 1,507 115,895 442,638 Amagasaki 573 305 878 10,728 427 11,155 44,028 Akashi 1,529 495 2,024 9,075 1,891 10,966 58,231 Ashiya — - 703 376 1,079 4,286 964 5,250 25,229 Nishinomiya 749 442 1,191 12,674 320 12,994 55,798 Himeji - 514 154 668 10,798 715 11,513 55,402 7 13 389 389 2,066 Itami 19 16 35 449 23 472 2,461 Aioi 35 43 78 Nagasaki Nagasaki 13,294 29,739 43,033 11,555 1,326 12,881 120,820 Sasebo 1,000 497 1,497 12,458 367 12,825 65,478 Omura — - 96 99 195 418 95 513 709 2 5 7 28 28 125 8 16 24 4 4 Niigata 73 216 289 2 2 10 831 1,098 2,739 10,302 10,302 49,703 Saitama Urawa 18 35 53 165 1 166 770 Kawaguchi 29 101 130 150 41 191 1,183 Omiya 12 15 27 230 230 1,158 242 614 856 3,797 3,797 3,000 Kawagoe 5 6 11 4 5 9 62 Gumma 471 168 639 11,434 11,434 53,654 Takasaki 18 33 51 701 39 740 3,845 1 i • 9 9 1,746 1,746 8,320 Kiriu 1 1 Table showing casualties and property damage in Japan, EXHIBIT A-2—Continued by cities— Continued Prefectures and cities Casualties Buildings totally lost Victims of bombing Dead Wounded Total Fire Others Total effect Chiba 861 776 1,637 44 7,815 287 8,102 84 41,212 497 8 36 78 6 2 24 26 32 1 33 177 15 14 29 5 2 7 40 394 248 642 5,017 4 5,017 7 25,267 52 7 14 21 3 33 62 95 29 5 34 217 Ibaraki 205 662 867 9,649 132 9,781 43.441 38,336 1,019 4 424 1,443 19 16,073 20 16,093 15 20 Tochigi 2 2 6 3 9 6 6 45 570 1,189 13 1,759 10,601 384 10,985 48,000 37 Nara 1 14 7 7 Mie 1,498 919 2,417 10,071 1,586 11,657 16,890 102 228 330 4,927 16 4,943 834 1.641 2,475 12,393 98 12,491 469 945 1,414 6,223 6,223 13 25 38 304 304 32 76 108 42 42 1 1 2 2 Aichi 8,240 % ” , 17.701 25,941 114,892 8,287 123,179 495,202 41,027 31,740 74,772 1,520 4,305 20 546 682 1,228 280 10,468 10,468 8,257 19,787 151 129 8,257 576 796 1,372 19,640 147 134 197 331 30 213 243 Toyokawa.. 1,330 992 5 2,322 5 315 6 15 330 6 12 30 42 21 7 28 120 Shizuoka 3,239 2,913 6,152 19,640 4,170 23,810 124,058 , 384 447 831 8,296 158 8,454 33,544 268 530 798 9,878 25 9,903 44,578 1,764 6,785 8,549 31,224 131 31,355 127,199 Kofu Yamanashi 832 1,262 2,094 18,099 18,099 85,805 Shiga 18 125 143 1 8 9 17 57 74 1 1 1 1 2 2 Gifu 818 1,059 1,877 20,303 20,303 74 152 226 4,722 40 4.672 Nagano 29 27 56 48 28 76 216 TT T 1 5 6 2 2 30 Miyagi 992 1,687 2,679 11,642 11,642 57,321 13 16 29 1 1 2 3 3 6 441 3 444 2,142 Fukushima 22 99 121 668 41 709 3,475 388 354 742 455 31 486 2,318 199 Table showing casualties and property damage in Japan, by cities— EXHIBIT A-2—Continued Continued Casualties Buildings totally lost Victims of Prefectures and cities Dead Wounded Total Fire Others Total effect Iwate Morioka 6 19 25 103 15 118 1,413 Kamaishi 564 553 1,117 3,060 540 3,600 16,030 Miyakoshi 9 6 15 444 1 445 2,350 Aomori Aomori 1,018 255 1,273 15,253 57 15,310 72,232 Hachinohe , 22 21 43 58 209 267 859 Yamagata Sakada 18 33 51 1 4 5 20 Akita Akita 105 93 198 38 45 83 336 Fukui Fukui 1,584 1,556 3,140 21 584 Tsuruga 153 312 465 4,097 1 4,098 21,208 Toyama Toyama 2,149 3,787 5,936 22,754 12 22,766 113,920 Takaoka 25 16 41 18 18 90 Tottori Yonago 5 9 14 11 11 23 Shimane Hamada 3 12 Okayama Okayama 1,745 975 2,720 25,200 3 25.203 104,605 Tamano 13 47 60 11 11 EXHIBIT A-3. Total tons of bombs dropped on Japan by U. S. Army Air Forces—By months AIR FORCE Date 5th 7th 13th 20th Total Incendiary 19U Jan.... Feb Mar_ Apr May June.. July 28 183 28 183 5 159 766 992 1,261 1,884 12,788 16,150 25,065 27,497 43,422 23,687 55 Sept 5 159 762 992 1,261 1,884 12,788 16,146 25,053 27,367 40,445 19,842 68 298 495 435 929 10,023 3,967 18,699 18,172 31,670 13,655 Nov 4 Deo Jan Feb Mar. 4 4 49 2,559 2,457 8 81 418 1,382 July Aug. (15 clays). Totals .. 6 1,893 5,078 6 146,910 153,887 98,466 Source: Office of Statistical Control, Headquarters, Army Air Forces. Based on figures given by Tabulating Service Section, U.S.S.B.S. EXHIBIT A-A. Total tons of bombs dropped on Japan by U. S. Army Air Forces, . (Includes 5th, 7th, 13th and 20th Air Forces) [Detail by months showing cities against which a total of 100 tons or more was dropped] AKASHI CHIBA Incen- 1945 Tons diary January 154 1944 December _ Incen- Tons diary 3 May 2 Incen- J 1945 Tons diary 144 Julv 976 Jill V 889 Total 1 ,«14 P75 Total _ 1,036 860 AKITA June _ 55 CHIRAN August 954 April 5 May _ 30 July __ 34 AMAGASAKI August _ _ 61 130 July _ __ 690 August _ —' 902 CHOSHI Total _ 3,629 1,773 February 8 AOMORI 32 x April 4 January _ 4 July _ 629 July _ 547 26 Total 551 547 Total . 699 662 EXHIBIT A-4—Continued FUKUI KAGOSHIMA Incen- Incen- 1945 Tons diary 1945 Tons diary 192 3 June _ _ 812 Total 961 961 July — __ 330 FUKUOKA August 160 June — - — — 1,526 1,526 FUKUYAMA Total 1,497 968 August _ 556 556 KANOYA GIFU February 3 July 898 898 April 1.296 218 HACHIOJI July - 284 August 1,594 1,594 August - 126 HAMAMATSU Incen- Total 1,927 5 1944 Tons diary KASUMIGAURA November 10 5 December _ _ — 9 Incen- June 366 1945 Tons diary January - 55 Total 371 5 February _ _ 65 KAWASAKI March _ — — 35 February 8 April 434 April _ . 1,504 May _ _ — 1,525 May 7 July 1,102 July _ _ _ - — 18 August 1,017 August - — 7 Total 3,638 1,098 Total 3,124 1,054 KIKAI SHIMA HANDA July 278 17 July — — — 544 KOBE HIKARI February 208 August - 885 March — 2,338 HIMEJI April _, _ - 20 June 351 May — 467 July - 768 June 3,087 20 Total 1,119 768 HIRATSUKA Total — 6,140 5,491 July _ _ _ _ 1,163 1,163 KOCHI 2 HITACHI July — — 976 971 May — 11 IBUSUKI June - - 36 May _ _ 101 July - — 1,088 Total 1,142 1,079 Total 103 KOFU ICHINOMIYA March 3 July 1,640 1,640 July - - 971 IMABARI April 66 Total 974 971 May 77 KOIZUMI August — 510 April — 275 August " 7 Total 653 490 ISESAKI Total 282 7 August 614 614 KOKUBU IWAKUNI April — 959 May —* 5 May 55 August 171 Total 1,014 Total 175 KORIYAMA IZUMI April _ - 456 April 566 July - - - 10 July 11 Total 466 August 25 KUDAMATSU Total 602 June _ 209 KAGAMIGAHARA July 494 April . 3 Total 703 June 753 — — KUMAGAYA Total 756 August - . - — 593 581 KUMAMOTO MIYAZAKI Incen- 1945 Tons diary 1945 Incen- Tons diary Julv _ 1.129 August 403 June _ July August Total - 1,293 263 Total 1,546 KUKE March - 3 1,491 April _ _ _ _ 6 May 591 June _ — 796 July 1,426 March . June MOJI 1 Total 2,822 1,082 Total 627 626 KURUME July _ August 11 175 NAGAOKA May 4 August — _ _ 925 Total - KUSHIKINO February _ _ 186 i 2 145 Total 929 926 NAGASAKI May August - — — 3 116 1944 August _ Incen- Tons diary Total 121 KUSHIMOTO 114 1945 April _ _ , Incen- Tons diary 4 January — 3 July February — 10 August 154 12 47 May — Total 395 58 June _ _ July August 55 12 14 1 1944 November „ December MAGOYA Incen- Tons diary Total KUSHIRA 153 89 3 488 April 467 KUWANA July _ _ — 1,511 693 1945 J anuary February March Tons diary - — 469 135 5,258 KYUSHU April 614 May _ 4 May — — 6,137 June _ _ — 7 June __ 1,050 July — — — _ 184 July . 461 80 Total __ 275 22 Total 14,658 10,603 MAEBASHI August — 724 691 NISHINOMIYA MI August 9. nnd i Qoa MAKURAZAKI April _ — 14 NITTAGARA June — _ July _ _ — - - - 12 68 April August 35 NOBEOKA Total 129 71 March _ 1 MARIFU May June _ . July 5 840 132 August 710 MATSUYAMA August 46 May July 191 896 Total 1,024 853 August — 116 NUMAZU Total 1.203 MITO March 7 August 1,145 896 1944 Incen- Tons diary 1945 January _ . Incen- Tons diary 5 February April Total — 1.152 1,152 4 — __ 5 10 April 347 216 16 July 1,036 May July — - Total 1,067 1,044 August 230 OGAKI Total 809 229 July 664 659 695046—47—14 EXHIBIT AA—Contmuea OITA Incen- 1945 Tons diary 1945 SAGA Incen- Tons diary 469 439 779 779 April 228 May 385 June 6 July 798 August 34 July _ — SAKAI SASEBO Total 1,586 OKAYAMA March 2 June 982 824 1944 July August October Incen- Tons diary 24 3 2 Total 984 982 OKAZAKI July 851 851 OMURA Incen- 1944 Tons diary July 2 1945 April _ May June July August — Incen- Tons diary 9 3 1,060 18 23 September 5 October 155 November 290 December 52 Incen- 1945 Tons diary January 90 March 160 May 48 June 22 July — 244 Total 1944 December 1945 March — July — August — SENDAI 1,142 1,064 Incen- Tons diary 3 Incen- Tons diary 13 1,013 16 Total 1,068 OMUTA June 770 July 965 August 68 241 Total 1944 SHIMIZU 1,045 1,018 Incen- Tons diary 3 Total - - 1,803 1,735 OSAKA Incen- 1944 Tons diary 1945 February _ March April Incen- Tons diary 7 4 8 Incen- 1945 Tons diary January 38 February 36 June July August — 5 1,061 16 March 1,736 April 3 May 2,797 June 5,120 July 767 Total - 1,104 1,042 SHIMONOSEKI Incen- 1944 Tons diary Incen- Tons diary 4 833 Total 11,210 OSHIMA April 3 7,654 1945 June July May 398 889 837 June 6 July 5 SHIMOTSU Total 412 OTA February 246 May 244 July 1,397 SHINGU CITY Incen- Total 490 OTAKE May 560 SAEKI 50 December 1945 January February 3 Incen- Tons diary 42 12 29 8 31 43 8 Total 280 Total 176 89 SHIZUOKA Incen- 1944 Tons diary TOMITAKA Incen- 1945 Tons diary 6 9 1945 Incen- Tons diary July — 31 14 January _ . 6 February March April May June — August _ . - 19 — 19 . _ — 281 - _ ___ 45 . _ ___ 869 9 Total TOSU July August _ _ 287 12 90 4 Total - - 102 Total 1,260 924 SUKAGAWA June _ _ __ 806 TOYAMA July _ 20 TACHIARAI 670 1,492 HI 1,472 April _ May 250 — 99 TOYOHAS: Total . 1,019 TACHIKAWA April _ 1,062 June — 169 1944 December _ _ _ 1945 'January _ Incen- Tons diary 7 Incen- Tons diary 5 9(1 Total _ _ 1,231 TAKAMATSU July _ _ 833 TAKARAZUKA 13 805 March -—1 April _ _ _ — May _ - — _ June _ — - — July — 9 25 10 949 5 July _ _ 458 TAMASHIMA March — - 6 Total _ — 1,031 TOYOKAWA 958 June 615 TSU May June July August - Total 645 TARUMIZU August — 289 TOTfTTSTTTM A 266 4 193 1,308 44 January _ . 6 14 Total 1,549 734 June July — - August — • 53 1,057 5 TSUIKI July — — - August 49 221 Total _ 1,135 1,092 Total 270 TOKUYAMA April — 6 May 545 July 751 TSURUGA June _ _ - — - 6 July 683 August 5 Total 1944 __ __ 1,302 718 TOKYO Incen- Tons diary 414 Total - UBE March April - July August 694 2 3 1,374 938 683 December 1945 364 Incen- Tons diary January _ - February March April May _ June — - July . — 262 . _ 860 2,175 . ___ 5,033 6,979 38 10 Total 2,317 UJIYAMADA January — — 2 February 27 March 3 722 42 Total 16,500 12,536 TOMIOKA July August 743 9 June 173 Total „ 832 773 202 EXHIBIT A-I—Continued USA WAKAYAMA YOKKAICHI YOKOHAMA Incen- Incen- Incen- 1945 Tons diary 1945 Incen- 1944 Tons diary April Tons diary 1945 Tons diary November 4 217 January , 3 December 4 May 145 February 10 Incen- July 48 March April 4 3 June _ 843 1945 J anuary Tons diary 3 August 85 May . ___ 11 July _ 474 February 14 June _ - - . 38 3 Total 495 1 July — _ August 838 21 August _ _ — 10 April May 3 2,570 UTSUNOMIYA Total 928 854 Total 1,335 572 Total 2,601 2,580 July 803 803 Incen- YAWATA Tons diary DWA JIM A Incen- Total tons dropped on unidentified cities or on 1944 Tons diary those on which a total of less than 100 tons May _ _ _ 8 June 93 was dropped 3,578 1,058 June _ 16 August 112 July - 1.077 Incen- Tons diary Grand total - 153,887 98,466 1945 Source: Office of Statistical Control, Headquarters, Army Air August — - 5 August _ _ - 1.302 Forces. Division by Total _ 1,106 1,089 Total . 1,507 1.302 Section, 8 January 1946. EXHIBIT B-l UNITED STATES STRATEGIC IOMIING SURVEY (PACIFIC) JAPANESE STUDY II OCTOBER 1945 GUARD STUDENT'S ASSOCIATION OF SERVICE TO STATE (GAKKO HOKOKUTAI) REPAIRS MINISTER OF EACH DEPARTMENT OFFICES CONCERNED OFFICIAL AIR DEFENSE OF GOVERNMENT PROPERTY FIRE PREVENTION SPECIAL BUILDING GUARD (TOKUSETSU BOGADAN) INCLUDING SCHOOL, HOSPITAL, BANK, FACTORY, ETC. HEAD GUARD HEAD RELIEF RELIEF FIRE PREVENTION ORGANIZATION OF JAPANESE CIVIL AIR DEFENSE CHIEF OF POLICE STATION (FIRE PREVENTION) BRANCH GUARD GUARD MINISTER FOR HOME AFFAIRS LOCAL GOVERNOR AUXILIARY POLICE AND FIRE (KEIBODAN) HEAD OF GUARD BRANCH GUARD RELIEF HEAD OF CITY, DISTRICT TOWN, OR VILLAGE BRANCH GUARD FIRE PREVENTION BLOCK ASSOCIATION (CHOKAI) —40 NEIGHBORHOOD GROUPS (TONARI GUMI) PER BLOCK WATCHMAN MINISTER OF WAR AND NAVY COMMANDER OF ARMY AND NAVY HEAD OF GROUP (—15 FAMILIES) KEY COMMAND, ORDER ADVISORY COMMAND COMPULSORY ADVICE LIAISON AIR WATCHMEN (BOKU KANSHITAI) HEAD (HEADQUARTERS) WATCHMAN MILITARY AIR DEFENSE WATCHMAN 204 EXHIBIT B-2 Indicates Liaison UNITED STATES STRATEGIC BOMBING SURVEY (PACIFIC) JAPANESE STUDY II OCTOBER 1945 ORGANIZATION OF JAPANESE MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS PERSONNEL AFFAIRS SECTION—JINJI KA MINISTER'S SECRETARIAT DAIJIN KAMBO ARCHIVES AND DOCUMENTS SECTION—BUNSHO KA ACCOUNTS SECTION—KAIKEI KA INVESTIGATION SECTION—CHOSA-BU GENERAL AFFAIRS SECTION—SOMU KA LOCAL AFFAIRS BUREAU CHIHO KYOKU ADMINISTRATIVE SECTION—GYOSEI KA FINANCIAL SECTION—KWANRI KA POLICE AFFAIRS SECTION—KEIMU KA ADMINISTRATIVE SECTION—GYOSEIKEISATSU KA FOREIGN AFFAIRS SECTION—GAIJI KA POLICJ BUREAU KEIBO KYOKU ECONOMIC PEACE PRESERVING SECTION—KEIZAIHOAN KA PEACE PRESERVING SECTION—HOAN KA CENSORSHIP SECTION—KENETSU KA POLICE GUARD SECTION—KEIBI KA HOME AFFAIRS MINISTRY NAIMU SHO RIVERS SECTION—KASEN KA PUBLIC WORKS BUREAU DOBOKU KYOKU ROADS SECTION—DORO KA PLANNING SECTION—KEIKAKU KA BUILDING SECTION—KENCHIKU KA FORMOSA AND KOREA BUREAU KANRI KYOKU CIVIL ADMINISTRATION SECTION—KANRI KA INDUSTRIAL SECTION—SANGYO KA ECONOMIC SECTION—KEIZAI KA MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS NAIMU DAIJIN CENTRAL AFFAIRS SECTION (TREASURY)—SOMU KA SHINTO RELIGION BOARD JINGi IN RESEARCH SECTION (CONSTRUCTION)—ZOEI KA TRAINING SECTION—SHIDO KA INVESTIGATION SECTION (HISTORY)—CHOSA-BU OR KOSHO KA GENERAL AFFAIRS SECTION—SHOMU KA GENERAL AFFAIRS BUREAU SOMU KYOKU TRAINING SECTION—SHIDO KA MATERIEL PROCUREMENT AND PLANNING SECTION—SHIZAI KA POLICE BUREAU KEIBO KYOKU POLICE AND FIRE SECTION—KEIBI KA DAMAGE ASSESSMENT SECTION—KAIBC5 KA AIR DEFENSE HEADQUARTERS BOKU SOHOMBU CREATED NOV. 1943* ENGINEERING BUREAU SHISETSU KYOKU FIRE-BREAK DEMOLITION SECTION—TATEMONO SOKAI KA PUBLIC PROPERTIES SECTION—DOBOKU KA PRIVATE PROPERTIES SECTION—KENCHIKU KA CLOTHING. FOOD. AND MEDICAL SUPPLIES SECTION—KIKAKU KA BUSINESS AND PLANNING BUREAU GYOMU KYOKU RESCUE SECTION—KYUGO KA EVACUATION SECTION—JININSOKAI KA •NOTE,—This keodquorters was doted on August 3). 194S. 205 EXHIBIT B-3 Great Japan Air-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai) 1. Organization, a. The Great Japan Air-De- fense Association was created April 28, 1939, by imperial decree upon the recommendation of the Minister of Home Affairs, with the concurrence of the army and the navy under an official charter granted by the Ministry of Home Affairs. The charter was twice amended, on 31 March 1941 and 1 July 1943 (when the membership fees were increased). The central office was located in Kojimachi Ward, Nagato District at Number 17 in the first chome. It was established to give prestige to the civilian air-defense program, to act as a sponsoring organization in respect to training and propaganda and to provide financial assistance to those volunteer civilian defense or- ganizations that were unable to meet the cost of equipment and training. b. Any contributor automatically became a member and, like most sponsoring organizations, the association included many honorary offices and memberships to support its prestige and to appeal to the political and .social ambitions of wealthy patrons. A member of the Imperial Household and the Minister of Home Affairs were honorary presidents (Sosai), leading gov- ernment officials were chairmen (Kaicho) and deputy chairmen (Fuku Kaicho); there were also “directors” (Riji), “superintendents” (Kan- ji), “permanent council members” (Jogi In), and “trustees” (Hyogi In). c. Memberships included: (1) “Special members” (Tokubetsu Yuko Kai- in). (2) “Regular members” (Sei Kaiin). (3) “Ordinary members” (Futsu Kaiin). (4) “Honorary members” (Yuko Kaiin). (5) “Patron members” (Sanjo Kaiin). 2. Central and Branch Associations, a. The chief director (Riji Cho) carried the actual operating responsibility and represented the cen- tral organization which was primarily concerned with planning and the allocation of appropria- tions. b. The active operating bodies were the branch associations, one being established in each of the prefectures. Each prefectural governor acted as chairman of the branch located in his prefecture, c. The local branch membership deteriorated as the demands of the army and navy for man power increased. Many of the more capable members were drafted, so that toward the end of the war the membership consisted largely of retired officials and the older members of the community. 3. Financial Support, a. The funds for finan- cing the activities of the association were re- ceived from three sources: (1) Government subsidies. (2) Subscriptions. (3) Money received from branch organiza- tions. 4. table indicating the funds received from these sources, by dates, is shown on Page 207. b. The branch organizations (one in each pre- fecture) varied considerably in respect to initia- tive and effectiveness, depending largely upon the interest of the prefectural governor. Money was collected from wealthy individuals, large com- panies, merchants and factories. Twenty percent of these funds was supposed to be turned in to the central headquarters of the association, but considerably less was actually contributed by the branches. A statement covering receipts and dis- bursements was made to the Minister of Home Affairs, being first subject to the approval of the Director of the Association. 4. Operations, a. Expenditures were primarily for various types of air-defense equipment; gas masks, fire pumps, steel helmets, buckets, blackout curtains and emergency ambulances. Expendi- tures frequently took the form of subsidizing the efforts of a local defense organization which needed additional funds to carry through an air- defense project. An estimate of the defense equipment provided by the association is shown on Page 207. b. The association also emphasized the need for air-defense training and was an active agent in this field on the prefectural and local levels, including printing and distributing of pamphlets on the various aspects of air defense, sponsoring air-defense schools, and providing lecturers and experts for such instruction. 206 An estimate of air-defense equipment sponsored by the Great Japan Air-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai) as reported by the Central (Tokyo) Office 1. Air-Defense Gas Masks: a. For the use of the general public 12,000,000 b. For the use of those engaged in air-defense work (civilian guard groups, etc.) 1,000,000 2. Fire pumps (The distribution of pumps dated from April, 1944) : a. Automobile pumps 100 b. Automobile pumps (small type)_ 50 c. Hand pumps (medium type) 3,000 d. Hand pumps (small type) 90,000 3. Steel helmets 300,000 4. Buckets 100,000 5. Bamboo stretchers 40,000 6. Straw mats for firefighting 50,000 7. Curtains (for use in blackouts) 500,000 8. Automobiles to be used as emergency ambulances 50 GOVERNMENT SUBSIDIES [Appropriated by the Diet on the recommendation of the Minister of Home Affairs through the Minister of Finance] Year General subsidies Subsidies for the training of men es- sential to air defense Total 1939 ....... Y100,000 95.000 97.000 97.000 97.000 87.000 Y100,000 95,000 197.000 197.000 197.000 187.000 1940 1941.. ... _ Y100.000 100,000 100,000 100,000 1942 ... . 1943 ..... 1944 1945 Y573,000 Y400,000 Y973.000 ASSOCIATION SUBSCRIPTIONS • 27 Dec. 39 25 Jan. 42 30 Dec. 42 30 Deo, 42 Y3,000,000.00 Y3,000,000.00 Y3,000,000.00 Y3,000,000.OC Y3,035,175.71 170,268.00 Y3,153,625.71 165,950.00 Y3,153,625.71 150,600.00 Y3,153,625.7 129,100. OC Y2,864,907.71 Y2,987.675.71 Y3,003,025.71 Y3,024,525.7] MONEY RECEIVED FROM BRANCH ORGANIZATIONS [20 percent of the money raised by each Prefecture Branch was supposedly contributed to the central association] 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 Y402,674.76 Y374,948.49 Yl,390,036.68 Y646,894.61 Yl ,485,338.91 Y267,145.90 Total Y4,567.939.35 EXHIBIT B-4 The Great Japan Fire-Defense Association (Dai Nippon Keibo Kyokai) 1. Origin and Purposes, a. Professional fire departments were a comparatively recent devel- opment in Japan. Until 1918, when the first municipal fire department was established in Tokyo, all Japanese cities were entirely depen- dent upon volunteer fire departments. Even at the time of the air raids only the largest of the cities of Japan had official municipal fire de- partments. b. In July 1927 the volunteer departments throughout Japan organized the Great Japan Volunteer Fire Department Association (Dai Nippon Shobogumi Kyokai) for the purposes of (1) coordinating operations, (2) standardizing equipment and procedures, and (3) training the members of the volunteer fire departments (by demonstrations, pamphlets and itinerant train- ing schools). 207 (2) The maintenance of centers for the repair of the fire equipment of the Auxiliary Police and Fire Units. (This work centered in Tokyo and extended to the more important prefectures only). (3) The allocation of relief funds to members of the Auxiliary Police and Fire Units who were injured on duty, or to the families of those killed. (4) The maintenance of an experimental labo- ratory for testing fire-fighting techniques and equipment. (5) The instruction of selected members of the Auxiliary Police and Fire Units in a six-day course given twice a year in the Tokyo head- quarters of the association, (6) Instruction to volunteer civilian air-de- fense organizations in the various prefectures (in cooperation with the Great Japan Air-Defense Association) covering the fire-fighting aspects of civilian air defense. 6. Relations with the Great Japan Air-Defense Association, a. The Great Japan Air-Defense Association was established in April 1939, at the same time that the subject association was re- organized as the Great Japan Fire-Defense Asso- ciation. There was a pointed rivalry between the two organizations, but the Air-Defense Associa- tion rapidly took the lead, being accorded greater prestige and more financial support by the Min- istry of Home Affairs. b. In spite of the resentment of the older or- ganization, a working agreement was reached in which the Police and Fire Association assumed a minor role, retaining its responsibility for training for fire fighting in collaboration with the Air-Defense Association which assumed the au- thority for training in all other aspects of air defense. c. At the end of the war, however, the Air-De- fense Association was abolished, whereas the Fire-Defense Association continued to perform its fire-fighting mission as an essential peacetime organization. 2. The Creation of the Great Japan Fire-De- fense Association, a. In 1939 the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) were created for the purposes of air defense, the membership being largely drawn from the volunteer fire depart- ments throughout the country. In April 1939, the association was, therefore, reorganized and became “The Great Japan Fire-Defense Associa- tion” (Dai Nippon Keibo Kyokai) which con- tinued the work of its predecessor. 3. Organization, a. The central office of the fire-defense association was supported by branch associations, there being one branch in each of the prefectures and affiliated branches in Korea, For- mosa, and Karafuto, b. The Minister of Home Affairs acted as president and appointed the other officials who carried the operating responsibility in the central office. Similarly, each prefectural governor acted as director of the branch located in his prefec- ture and appointed the chief officials in the branch. c. It should be noted, however, that the asso- ciation had no official connection with the munici- pal fire departments, the neighborhood associa- tions or any other fire-fighting service except the fire arm of the Auxiliary Police and Fire Units (Keibodan). 4. Financial Support, a. The Great Japan Fire-Defense Association received funds from three sources: (1) The national government (through the Ministry of Home Affairs). (2) The prefectural governments. (3) Individuals (not including Keibodan members who made their contribution in the form of volunteer service). b. Branch associations contributed a sum equivalent to 3 sen per year for each Auxil- iary Police and Fire Unit member to the central association. 5. Functions, a. The association performed the following functions: (1) The distribution of pamphlets on fire fighting under the supervision of the prefectural police. 208 EXHIBIT B-5 WELFARE BUREAU MINSEI KYOKU Concerned with emergency relief, post-raid medical service and the payment of compensction to raid victims. EDUCATION BUREAU KYQlKU KYOKU Supervised student volunteer air defense organiza- tions and student evacuation. ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION OF TOKYO METROPOLITAN DISTRICT AS RELATED TO CIVILIAN AIR DEFENSE ECONOMICS BUREAU KEIZAI KYOKU Maintained food re- serves and other emergency supplies for distri- bution by the welfare bureau following raids. GOVERNOR OF TOKYO METROPOLITAN DISTRICT PLANNING BUREAU KEIKAKU KYOKU Responsible for oir defense as related to rivers, roads, and city planning. DEPUTY GOVERNOR EXHIBIT B-5 DEFENSE BUREAU BOEI KYOKU Responsible for (a) personnel evacuation and (b) buildings. (Demolition to create fire lanes Post-raid repair.) COMMUNICATIONS BUREAU KOTSU KYOKU Responsible for emergency transportation for post-raid communications and restora- tion of transport service. WATER BUREAU SUIDO KYOKU SECRETARIAT Responsible for mainte- nance of water supply for fire Pghtlng. TOKYO FIELD REPORT. C. D. D. HARBOR BUREAU KOWAN KYOKU Collaborated on plans for harbor de- fense. 209 EXHIBIT B-6 TRAINING CHART - JAPANESE CIVILIAN DEFENSE MINISTRY OF WAR (RIKUGUNSHOI MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS (NAIMU SHO) AIR DEFENSE GENERAL HEADQUARTERS (BOKU S0H0M8U) AIR OEF OBSERVATION CORPS SCHOOL (BOKU KANSHlTAl GAKKO) NATIONAL AIR OEF SCHOOL (BOKU GAKKO) GREAT JAPAN AIR OEF ASSOCIATION (DAI NIPPON BOKU KYOKAI ) GREAT JAPAN FIRE OEF ASSOCIATION (DAI NIPPON KEIBO KYOKAI) POLICE BUREAU (KEIBO KYOKU) PREFECTURAL GOVERNOR (KENCHO) RED CROSS (SEKIJUJI) AIR OEF OBSERVATION CORPS SCHOOL (BOKU KANSHlTAl GAKKO) GREAT JAPAN AIR DEFENSE ASSOCIATION . ( DAI NIPPON BOKU KYOKAI) GREAT JAPAN FIRE DEFENSE ASSOCIATION ( DAI NIPPON KEIBO KYOKAI) POLICE AND FIRE DEPARTMENTS (KElSATSUBu SHOBOBU I ENGINEER CORPS (koheitai) GUARD RESCUE UNIT (KEIBITAI) OBSERVERS ( KANSHISHA | AUXILIARY SCHOOLS (POLICE S'FIRE STATIONS) (HOSHU 6AKK0) AUXIL POLICE AND FIRE UNITS (KElBOOAN) AND SUB UNITS (BUNOAN) FEDERATED BLOCK ASSOCIATIONS IRENGO CHOKAI) WATER AUXILIARY POLICE ft FIRE UNIT (SUUO KElBOOAN) OTHER CIVILIAN AGENCIES SUCH AS BLOCK ASSOCIATIONS (CMOKAI) NOTE. National Rot/roods, by directives from Ministry of Transportation. and the Notional Communications System, by directives from Notional Communications Board, developed and conducted their own training programs NEIGHBORHOOD GROUPS (TONARi GO Ml ) NEIGHBORHOOD AIR OEF GROUPS (BOKUGUN| GAS PROTECTION SQUAD IBOOOKU HAN) FIRST AID SQUAD (KYUGO HAN ) general public EXHIBIT B-7 Fire Department: Prevention and extinguishing of fires, procurement and maintenance of equipment, emergency water supply and fire- prevention systems. Supervision of all fire-fighting forces during air raids. Police Guard Department: Mobile guard available to meet special emergencies during air raids. Economic Police Department: Enforcement of price controls and laws regarding food, clothing, housing, and transportation. Supervision of first aid and issuance of emergency supplies during air raids. ECONOMIC POLICE DEPT. KEIZAI KA FIRE DEPT. SHOBO BU ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE TOKYO METROPOLITAN POLICE BOARD LABOR DEPT. KINRO BU POLICE GUARD DEPT. KEIBITAI CHIEF OF METROPOLITAN POLICE BOARD KEISHI SOKAN Secretariat: Archives and Records. Police Department: Supervision of police affairs. Escort for Imperial Family. Special Guard. General supervision, maintenance of public order and control of police communications during air raids. Intelligence Department: Secret intelligence. Counter-intelligence. Censorship. Criminal Affairs Department: Crime prevention. "Thought Control." Labor Department: Enforcement of labor laws. Emergency labor mobilization. CRIMINAL AFF. DEPT. KEIJI BU POLICE DEPT. KEIMU BU INTELLIGENCE DEPT. TOKKO BU SECRETARIAT KANBO SHUJI EXHIBIT B-8 Theoretic Orgonizotion of Air Defense Headquarters, Tokyo As Established By Law CHIEF OF AIR DEFENSE HQ. TOKYO METROPOLITAN DISTRICT (GOVERNOR OF TOKYO METRO. DIST.) DEPUTY CHIEF OF AIR DEFENSE HEADQUARTERS ( DEPUTY GOVERNOR OF TOKYO METROPOLITAN DISTRICT ) DEPUTY CHIEF OF AIR DEFENSE HEADQUARTERS CHIEF OF METROPOLITAN POLICE BOARD CHIEFS OF BUREAUS, TOKYO METROPOLITAN DISTRICT CHIEF OF ECONOMICS BUREAU KEIZAI KYOKU CHIEF OF PLANNING BUREAU KEIKAKU KYOKU CHIEF OF COMMUNICATIONS BU. KOTSU KYOKU CHIEF OF HARBOR BUREAU KOWAN KYOKU S OF MET. POLICE BOARD CHIEF 07 SECRETARIAT KAMBO BU CHIEF OF POLICE AFFAIRS DEPT KEIMU BU CHIEF OF PRESERVATION OF PEACE DEPT. HOAN BU CHIEF Of EDUCATION BUREAU KYOIKU KYOKU CHIEF OF DEFENSE BUREAU B&EI KYOKU CHEIF OF WATERWORKS BUREAU SUIOO KYOKU CHIEF OF ECONOMIC POLICE 0EP1 KElZAJKEfSATSU BU CHIEF OF FIREFIGHTING DEPT SH060 BU In practice, the Chief of the Metropolitan Police board did not at any time receive an order from the Chief of the Air Defense Headquarters, nor did he recognize Its authority during actual raids. 212 EXHIBIT B-9 CHAIN OF COMMAND FOR AIR DEFENSE IN f HE TOKYO METROPOLITAN DISTRICT AS IT ACTUALLY OPERATED DURING RAIDS CHIEF METROPOLITAN POLICE BOARD STAFF CHIEF OF POLICE BUREAUS FIRE BUREAU POLICE AFFAIRS BUREAU SPECIAL GUARD BUREAU REGULAR FIREMEN AT FIRE STATIONS REGULAR POLICEMEN AT POLICE STATIONS MOBILE POLICE UNITS RESCUE SQUADS AUXILIARY POLICE A NO FIRE UNITS ( KEIBOOAN ) FIRE ARM AUXILIARY POLICE GUARD ARM NEIGHBOHOOO GROUPS ( TONARl GUMf) FIRE FIGHTING MAINTENANCE OF ORDER GENERAL SUPERVISION OF AIR DEFENSE OPERATIONS RESCUE WORK AND OTHER EMERGENCY ASSIGNMENTS EXHIBIT B-10 Wartime Administrative Organization of Hyogo Prefecture SECOND DEPT. OF ECONOMIC AFFAIRS KEIZAIDAINIBU FORESTRY SECTION RINMUKA NOTE: # Directly involved in air defense. O Closely related to air defense. SERICULTURE SECTION SANSHIKA METAL SALVAGE SECTION kinzokukaishOka SECRETARIAL (CHIJIKWAN BO) POLICE INSPECTORS KANSATSUKANSHITSU AIR DEFENSE SECTION B5KUKA ARABLE LAND SECTION kOchika MATERIAL CONTROLS SECTION busshitCseika FIRST DEPT. OF ECONOMIC AFFAIRS KEIZAIDAIICHIBU GUARD RESCUE KEIBITAt ECONOMIC CONTROL SECTION KEIZAIHOANKA FOOD SUPPLY SECTION shokurySka TRADE AND INDUSTRY SECTION shokSka HYOGO PREFECTURAL OFFICE (KEN CHO) OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR (CHIJI) LABOR INSURANCE SECTION HOKENKA TRANSPORTATION SECTION YUSOKA MARINE PRODUCTS SECTION SUISANKA SANITATION SECTION EI3EIKA BUILDING INSPECTION SECTION SHISETUKA LOCAL AFFAIRS SECTION CHIH5KA POLICE DEPT. KEISATSUBU SPECIAL POLICE SECTION TOKUBETUKOTSKE- 1SATSUKA DOMESTIC ANIMAL SECTION CHIKUSANKA HOUSING SECTION JUTAKUKA CITY PLANNING SECTION TOSHIKEIKAKUKA PUBLIC BUILDINGS SECTION EIZENKA NAT. MOBILIZATION SECTION KOKUMINDOlNKA POLICE AFFAIRS SECTION KEIMUKA FARM SECTION nOmuka PUBLIC WELFARE SECTION K5SEIKA HARBOR WORKS SECTION kCwanka BUDGET SECTION GIJIKA LABOR SECTION R5SEIKA FOREIGN AFFAIRS SECTION GAIJIKA RURAL ADM. SECTION nOseika PUBLIC MORALE SECTION shinkSka GEN. ADM. DEPT. NAISEIBU FINANCE SECTION KWAIKEIKA SAND DIKING SECTION SABOKA CRIMINAL SECTION KEIJIKA SECTION O' SCHOOLS kyCgakuka RIVER WORKS SECTION KASENKA WARTIME ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION OF HYOGO PREFECTURE INTELLIGENCE SECTION JOH5KA GUARD SECTION KEIBIKA RESEARCH SECTION CHOSAKA SHRINES AND TEMPLES SECTION SHAHHEIJIKA PUBLIC HIGHWAYS SECTION dSroka PUB. WORKS DEPT. DOBOKUBU PERSONNEL SECTION JINJIKA ENGINEERING SECTION dobokusCmuka EXHIBIT B-ll PROTECTION OF SCHOOLS GENERAL EMERGENCY ADMINISTRATION- POST-RAID CLEARANCE Doffed lines = Lioison EMERGENCY WELFARE PUBLIC WORKS HEADQUARTERS AIR DEFENSE SECTION BOKUKA CHUBU (MIDDLE AREA) MILITARY DISTRICT EMERGENCY CONSTRUCTION STUDENT evacuation ORGANIZATION OF THE AIR DEFENSE HEADQUARTERS OF HYOGO PREFECTURE GUARD SECTION KEIBIKA COORDINATION EMERGENCY TRANSPORTATION SECTION YUSOKA FIRST AID AND MEDICAL CARE AIR DEFENSE GENERAL HEADQUARTERS _ NATIONAL (BOKU SOHOMBU) ECONOMIC ENFORCEMENT SECTION KEIZAIHOANKA HYOGO PREFECTURE AIR DEFENSE GENERAL HEADQUARTERS (BOKU HOMBU) OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR GUARD DEPARTMENT HEADQUARTERS (KEIBI HOMBU) OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF POLICE EMERGENCY HOUSING GUARD RESCUE UNIT KEIBITAI PUBLIC MORALE POLICE AFFAIRS SECTION KEIMUKA OSAKA DEFENSE OFFICE HOUSING COORDINATION EMERG. LABOR MOBILIZATION SECTION ROSEIKA COMMODITIES HEADQUARTERS FUEL MAIZURU NAVY YARD PUBLIC BLDGS. SECTION SHISETUKA CLOTHING PROVISIONS HEADQUARTERS EMERGENCY FEEDING FOOD 215 EXHIBIT B-12 RURAL COMMUNITY ASS’NS (BURAKUKAI) = Secondary Chain of Command AREAS OUTSIDE OF KOBE IN HYOGO PREFECTURE CHAIN OF COMMAND FOR AIR DEFENSE IN HYOGO PREFECTURE OTHER CITIES AND TOWNS COMMUNITY ASS'NS (CHOKAI) AIR DEFENSE GENERAL HEADQUARTERS (BOKU HOMBU) OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR GUARD DEPT. HDQ. (KEIBI HOMBU) OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF POLICE ALLIED COMMUNITY ASS’NS (RENGO CHOKAI) COMMUNITY ASSOCIATIONS (CHOKAI) NEIGHBORHOOD ASSOCIATIONS (TONARI GUMI) KOBE MUNICIPAL OFFICE (KOBE SHI) CITY WARDS (KU) GENERAL PUBLIC = Primary Chain of Command POLICE DEPT. (KEISAT SUSHO) AUXILIARY POLICE AND FIRE UNITS (KEIBODAN) FIRE DEPT. (SHOBOSHO) 216 EXHIBIT B-13 DEPT. OF transportation PLANNING AND OPERATIONS PLANNING RELIEF EPIDEMICS HEALTH HOUSING HOSPITALS DEPUTY MAYOR WELFARE DEPT. WATER SUPPLY'1 *5 SECRETARIAT PLANNING MAINTENANCE CONSTRUCTION Closely related to air defense. ORGANIZATION OF THE CITY OF KOBE PRIOR TO AUG. 1945 CITY COUNCIL TRAINING SECTION NOTE: MAYOR DEPT. OF AIR DEFENSE PLANNING SECTION BUDGET BUREAU PLANNING SECTION STUDENT EVACUATION SECTION • SOLDIERS WELFARE SECTION CIVILIAN MORALE SECTION EDUCATION AND MORALE DEPUTY MAYOR FOOD STORAGE AND DISTRIBUTION DEPT. PLANNING SECTION PUBLIC WORKS FORESTS AND PARKS FIREPROOFING SECTION CIVIL engr: DEPT. PORT MANAGEMENT HARBOR DIVISION PORT CONSTRUCTION 695046—47—15 EXHIBIT C-l The National Air-Defense Law (No. 47, 5 April 1937) Article 1. In this law air-raid defense is de- fined to mean the prevention of dangers which may arise from aircraft raids in time of war or national emergency or the defensive measures taken by the army and navy to minimize such dangers, the blackout regulations, fire control, gas defense, shelter and medical aid measures activated by civilian personnel, and the requisite visual observation, communications and warning devices. The air-raid defense plan is defined as the execution of air-raid defense and the mainte- nance of material and equipment necessary to im- plement it. Article 2. The air-raid defense plan, by im- perial direction, will be set up by the district commander (in Tokyo Fu the chief of police will be included, and hereafter this exception will be repeated) or by air-raid defense committee meet- ings, said committees being composed of city, town, or village leaders selected by the district leader. The organization must receive the ap- proval of the district commander or of the com- petent minister. Article 3. The competent minister, by imperial direction, may set up air-raid defense plans for large businesses or enterprises by selecting civil- ian personnel when such step seems necessary. Air-raid defense plans conceived under the above paragraph must receive the approval of the competent minister. Article 4. Persons who have formulated air- raid defense plans will carry out the air-raid defense based on those plans or the maintenance of material and equipment necessary to carry it out. Article 5. The district commander, by imperial direction, will have the supervisor or owner of special establishments connected with air-raid defense plans maintain the material or equipment necessary to carry out air-raid defense. They can use such material or equipment as is necessary when conducting air-raid defense. Article 6. The district commander, by impe- rial direction, can utilize, in carrying out air-raid defensive measures concerned with poison gas, medical aid, etc. all persons having special talents. As in Article 3, Paragraph 1, the designers of air-raid defense plans can press these workers into the service. Article 7. Items pertaining to motivation and termination of air-raid defense measures shall be in accordance with imperial direction. Article 8. In the event that a blackout is to be put in effect, the person responsible for the black- out shall see to it that all equipment which gives off light shall be properly concealed, regardless of whatever other regulations may exist. Article 9. While air-raid defense measures are in effect, the district commander or city, town, village leader may, in an emergency, make use of private land and dwellings, requisition ma- terial, and press local persons into air-raid de- fense work. Orders which are issued in accordance with Articles 5 and 6 of the Administrative Regula- tions shall be based on the foregoing paragraph and will be applicable when the chief executive of the city, town or village presses persons into service. Article 10. The competent minister may order those charged with setting up air-defense plans to conduct air-defense practice based on all or a part of the plans. In accordance with the preceding paragraph, when air-defense practice is being carried out those charged with setting up air-defense plans in accordance with Article 3, Paragraph 1, can order those assigned to carry out the plans to participate in the air-defense practice. In accordance with the first paragraph, when blackout practice is being carried out, those in charge of equipment or apparatus emitting light within the practice area ordered, and similar per- sons, will extinguish such light in spite of any other regulations to the contrary. Article 11. When necessary, in order to make inspections related to air defense, the competent minister, the district commander, or the city, town or village leader can, under the terms of the Imenial Rescript, order persons concerned to provide materials, and can direct government officials and officials to enter places of interest to make investigations. This does not apply to items or equipment of a secret nature in homes or places of business. In accordance with the preceding paragraph, 218 the local government official shall be informed in advance when a place is to be entered. The above-mentioned government official or official shall carry a permit when entering a place of interest under the provisions of Paragraph 1. Article 12. In the event that a person engaged in air-raid-defense work in accordance with Article 6 and/or Paragraph 1, Article 9, is in- jured, becomes ill, or is killed in line of duty, the district commander or city, town, village leader shall pay for the person’s hospitalization, medical care, or funeral expenses. Article 13. When, in accordance with Article 6, establishments and material needed for air- raid defense are requisitioned by the district commander; or when, in accordance With Para- graph 1, Article 9, the district commander or chief executive of city, town, or village requisi- tions or uses houses or material, losses will be compensated for at a rate to be established by imperial direction. In the event that a person who is to be com- pensated for reasons stated above is dissatisfied with the rate of compensation, or if six (6) months have elapsed and no notification for com- pensation is received, said person may sue in court within six (6) months after notification or from the expiration of the six-month period. Article 14. District commanders will designate, in accordance with Section 2, Article 6, persons with special qualifications to take charge of air- raid measures. In the event that Section 1 of Article 6 and/or Section 2, Article 6, is put in effect, planners and workers involved may be paid actual cost involved in accordance with im- perial orders applicable to such a contingency. Article 15. Expenses involved in air-raid de- fense planning, in actual air-raid defenses, and in materials needed for the above will be assumed by the prefectural government, if any, or if the above measures were ordered by the prefectural government; and by the village, town, or city if they were ordered by the chief executive of vil- lage, town or city. For special defense measures covering private property as described in Article 5, expenses for same will be assumed by the individual involved. Article 16. Rules regulating the Air-Raid De- fense Committee will be by imperial direction. Article 17. The National Treasury will assume one-half (14) or less of the expenses for the fol- lowing : 1. Expenses incurred by the prefectural or municipal governments for air-raid-defense mea- sures prescribed in Paragraph 1, Article 3. 2. The expenses incurred by private individu- als for protection of property as described in Paragraph 2, Article 15. 3. Expenses incurred by prefectural or munici- pal governments involving the Air-Paid Defense Committee. Article 18. A special qualified person may be imprisoned for a period not to exceed three (3) months or fined not to exceed 100 yen for disobey- ing, without cause, the orders of the. district commander. Article 19. Violators of Article 8 shall be fined 300 yen or less, and/or imprisoned. The same punishment will be applied to per- sons who refuse, without cause, to produce the material in accordance with Paragraph 1, Article 11; or one who produces false material; or one who refuses or hinders the entrance and inspec- tion by competent officials. Article 20. Chiefs of village or town associa- tions which assume all the governmental duties of a village or town, or such an association which aids or cooperates with the village or town gov- ernment, will be considered in this set of laws as the equivalent of the chief executive of a vil- lage or town. In areas in which no organizations exist®u- lations in this set of laws which are applicable to towns and villages will be applicable to such towns and villages, and those which are applicable to the chief executive of towns and villages will be applicable to such towns and villages. Article 21. Air-raid-defense measures which are to be operated by the State will be in ac- cordance with imperial direction. Article 22. In event that these regulations are to be applied to Korea or Formosa, special orders may be effected by imperial direction. The date of activating these laws will be or- dered by imperial direction. (Promulgated 5 April 1937 and activated 11 April 1937). EXHIBIT C—2 Air-Defense Law Enabling Act and Amendments Thereto Article 1. Matters to be determined according to the regulations of Article 1 of the Air-De- fense Law: 1. Clearing (tidying up, etc.) the affected area. (Henceforth termed “Clearing.”) 219 2. Supply of drinking water. (Henceforth termed “Water Supply.”) 3. Defense by balloons, etc. (Henceforth termed “Barrage balloon defense.”) 4. Emergency transport. 5. Regulating emergency labor. Section 2 of Article 1. The competent minister will establish air-defense plans for the nation or for metropolitan districts (To), circuits (Do), metropolitan prefectures (Fu) and prefectures (Ken), and for matters that are considered im- portant. The War Minister and Navy Minister will determine standards for establishing air- defense plans, to synchronize these plans with the home defenses of the Army and Navy, and will then inform the competent minister. The Minister of Home Affairs will submit to other competent ministers the necessary particulars for establishing air-defense plans. Section 3 of Article 1. Prefectural governors (includes chief of police in Tokyo) will create air-defense plans for metropolitan districts, cir- cuits, metropolitan prefectures and prefectures or for various cities (Shi), towns (Machi) and villages (Mura) and for other matters that are considered important. Prefectual offices other than those of the prefectural governors will estab- lish air-defense plans for matters under their jurisdiction. Mayors of cities, towns and vil- lages, who are designated according to the regu- lations of Article 2 of the Air-Defense Law, will establish air-defense plans for their respective districts on matters to be planned and on other matters that are considered important. Section 4 of Article 1. Army commanding of- ficers, naval district commandants or guard dis- trict commandants will determine standards for establishing air-defense plans, will synchronize these plans with the home defenses of the Army and Navy, and will then inform the affected prefectural offices. Article 2. The businesses or installations that are referred to in Paragraph 1, Article 3 of the Air-Defense Law will be businesses or installa- tions connected with the following: factories, mines, railways, street car lines, water works, electric power, gas, petroleum, electrical com- munication, marine transportation, automobile transportation and aviation. Article 3. The materials or equipment which can be installed according to Paragraph 1, Ar- ticle 5 of the Air-Defense Law are defined as follows: 1. Necessary blackout facilities for electric power installations, factories, railways, street cars, electrical communication installations, hos- pitals, medical clinics, and ships. 2. Necessary camouflaging and bomb-proofing, and emergency repair work for water works, water mains, electric power and gas installations, fuel tanks, factories, mines, railways, street cars, electrical communication installations, highways, bridges, harbors, dams, dikes, locks, warehouses, schools, hospitals, medical clinics, skyscrapers and airfields. 3. Necessary fire-fighting and fire-proofing equipment for water works, water mains, elec- tric power and gas installations, fuel tanks, fac- tories, mines, electrical communication installa- tions, schools, warehouses, hospitals, and medical clinics. 4. Necessary water supply, sanitation, alloca- tion of emergency materials, epidemic preven- tion, rescue work, shelters and gas protection for buildings with basements, subways, skyscrap- ers, squares, parks, warehouses, factories, depart- ment stores, medical clinics, hospitals, schools and theaters. 5. Necessary barrage balloon defense for fac- tories, mines, harbors, and skyscrapers. The facilities and materials that will be avail- able for general use as stipulated in Paragraph 2, Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law are as fol- lows : (1) Necessary items for observation and com- munication for skyscrapers, ships, and communi- cation installations. (2) Necessary alarm devices for installations with sirens. (3) Necessary water supply, sanitation, distri- bution of emergency materials, epidemic preven- tion, rescue work, refuge and gas protection for schools, shrines, halls, theaters, warehouses, hos- pitals, medical clinics, bath houses, department stores, skyscrapers, subways, buildings with base- ments, factories and other buildings possessing effective vacant areas for refuge (shelter), parks, and athletic grounds. Section 2 of Article 3. The competent minister has the authority to order the transfer of essen- tial materials subject to the national mobiliza- tion in conformity with the regulations of Sec- tion T, Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law. The competent minister has the authority to order the conversion, dispersal and transfer of the following businesses and installations and 220 also to order the supplies, facilities and installa- tions necessary for their conversion, as provided in Section 7, Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law. 1. All businesses and installations participat- ing in the production, manufacture, repair, stor- age and distribution of these vital materials which are subject to national mobilization. 2. All businesses and installations connected with electricity, gas and water works. 3. All businesses and installations connected with transportation, communication, and trade. The prefectural governors have the authority to order the transfer of the following materials as provided in Section 7, Article 5 of the Air- Defense Law. 1. All detonating, explosive, and combustible materials. 2. All poisonous materials. 3. Foodstuffs, fuels and other materials subject to national mobilization. All lands, structures and materials that can be utilized or expropriated as provided in Sec- tion 8, Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law are as follows: 1. All lands and structures for preparation of observation posts, shelters, relief stations, stor- age for emergency materials and air-defense ma- terials, and garbage plants. 2. All lands for fire breaks, water works, water mains, air-raid shelters, water tanks and wells. All lands, structures and materials that can be utilized as provided in Section 8, Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law are as follows: 1. All lands and structures for construction of communication lines. 2. All lands, equipment and accessories for re- taining gear to maintain barrage balloon sites. Section 4 of Article 3. The following sections of the Expropriation, Utilization and Supervi- sion of Land and Structures Act are applicable mutatis mutandis when prefectural governors utilize or expropriate lands, structures or materi- als as provided in Section 8, Article 6 of the Air-Defense Law. 1. Paragraph 1, Article 3. 2. Articles 4 through 6 (excluding those parts having to do with public notices in the Official Gazette). 3. Articles 8 through 11. 4. Paragraphs 1 and 3, Article 12. 5. Article 15. 6. Paragraphs 1 and 2, Article 16. 7. Articles 17 and 23. However, Article 15, Paragraph 2 of Article 16, and Article IT of the act in question, which are cabinet ordinances, will be considered orders. All necessary matters concerned with expro- priation and utilization under the preceding para- graph, excluding those stipulated in the said para- graph, will be determined by orders. Section 5 of Article 3. The Minister of Home Affairs may authorize and certify, through rep- resentatives selected by him or the prefectural governors, residential changes to designated areas as provided in Section 9, Article 5 of the Air- Defense Law. Section 6 of Article 3. The Minister of Home Affairs may authorize, through the prefectural governors, business removal to or foundation in designated areas, as provided in Section 9, Ar- ticle 5 of the Air-Defense Law. Section 7 of Article 3. The Minister of Home Affairs may order all persons to move out of a designated area, except those persons who are required to reside there in order to execute their business, official or subject to the national mo- bilization, or because of other special reasons, as provided in Section 9, Article 5 of the Air-De- fense Law. The Minister of Home Affairs may order the managers or owners of businesses that are located in designated areas to move to other locations, except those who are required to reside in such areas to execute their business for the national mobilization or for other special reasons as pro- vided in Section 9, Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law. Section 8 of Article 3. When business loca- tions and residences must be supplied in areas designated in Section 10, Article 5 of the Air- Defense Law, to persons who have had to move elsewhere for various reasons, the prefectural governors, as provided in Section 6, Article 5 of the same law, may issue the necessary orders to owners and managers for occupation, in all or part, of buildings falling under any one of the following classifications, as provided in the Air-Defense Law. 1. Vacant buildings. 2. All buildings having ample space in view of current utilization. 3. All public boarding houses, dormitories, ho- tels, and lodging houses. 4. All club houses, assembly halls, show houses, restaurants and brothels. 221 The necessary orders for the preceding clauses will be as follows: 1. Orders for notifying prefectural governors when changing tenants or landlords in buildings stipulated in items 1 and 2 above; and orders for obtaining permission to make such changes. 2. Orders for notifying the prefectural gover- nors when buildings which are stipulated in items 3 and 4 above are to be utilized in ways other than those stipulated in relevant items. 3. Orders for limited rental periods for persons designated by the prefectural governors. 4. Orders in regard to condemnation moving and rebuilding restrictions. Prefectural governors, in conformity with the regulations of Section 10, Article 5 of the Air- Defense Law may issue the following orders re- garding dwellings (including dwellings also used as stores or offices, but excluding those stipulated in Item 3, Paragraph 1. This definition holds for remainder of this Article.), when the owners or managers of said dwellings desire to change the status of the dwellings, landlord, tenant, or use, and when supplying such dwellings to persons stipulated in Paragraph 1, for business or resi- dence : (1) Orders pertaining to obtaining permission from and giving notification to the prefectural governors. (2) Orders pertaining to priority in renting for fixed periods to persons designated by the prefectural governors. (3) Orders pertaining to condemnation, mov- ing, and rebuilding restrictions. The orders which the prefectural governors may issue in regard to renting living quarters (excluding empty houses and the like) for the purpose of residence as stipulated in the preced- ing paragraph, will be limited to cases in which the entire said building is to be used by persons of the same household. However, this restriction does not apply when more than one family can be quartered in the building. Section 9 of Article 3. When it is necessary to maintain, in areas designated in Section 10, Arti- cle 5, Air-Defense Law, facilities which are es- pecially important for public welfare in regard to air defenses, and which have unavoidably been transferred owing to stipulations in Section 6, Article 5, Air-Defense Law, or for other reasons, and when said facilities must be supplied, the prefectural governors may issue orders to the owners or managers of such buildings as are deemed suitable for accommodating sucli facili- ties, as stipulated in the Air-Defense Law, to rent the said buildings, for a specified time, to the owners or managers of the said facilities. Section 10 of Article 3. When rental of a building is ordered by the prefectural governors, as stipulated in the preceding two sections, the owner of the said building may request the ten- ant to purchase the said building, if the rental period is to be in excess of 3 years. Section 11 of Article 3. Prefectural governors in conformity with Section 10, Article 5, Air- Defense Law, may order the owners of buildings to transfer said buildings to persons designated by the Minister of Home Affairs as connected with Public Corporations (Kokyo Dantai), etc., rather than condemn them, as stipulated in Sec- tion 6, Article 5, Air-Defense Law, and may order the receivers to condemn the said buildings. Section 12 of Article 3. When orders to trans- fer or rent a building have been issued, or when a purchasing request has been made, as stipulated in the preceding four sections, the terms for rental, transfer, or purchase will be settled by the parties concerned. Prefectural governors may establish necessary decisions relative to the pre- ceding when the parties cannot reach an agree- ment or when discussions cannot be held. The Minister of Home Affairs will make other necessary decisions concerning Article 3, Sec- tions 1 through 12 inclusive. Article 4. Persons with special skill as stipu- lated in Paragraph 1, Article 6, Air-Defense Law will be defined as follows: 1. Doctors, dentists, veterinarians, pharmacists, midwives, nurses and practical nurses. 2. Persons other than these as determined by the prefectural governors. Employees of the organizers of the air-defense plans, as stipulated in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law, who are also to engage in air- defense duties in conformity with Paragraph 3, Article 6, Air-Defense Law, or other persons with legitimate reasons need not engage in air-defense duties as stipulated in Paragraphs 1 and 2, Ar- ticle 6, Air-Defense Law. Section 2 of Article 4. When issuing orders as stipulated in Paragraphs 1 or 2, Article 6, Air- Defense Law (includes application of Paragraph 2, Article 10, Air-Defense Law) and orders or appointments as stipulated in Section 2, Article 6, Air-Defense Law, to persons to whom these regulations are applicable, the following will be 222 taken into consideration: place of employment and residence, occupation, level of skill and edu- cation, physical condition, family condition, etc. Section 3 of Article 4. The prefectural gov- ernors may order persons with special skill or educational training who are residing within metropolitan districts, circuits, metropolitan pre- fectures and prefectures to engage in air defense which is conducted by organizers of the air- defense plan (designated in Paragraph 1, Ar- ticle 3, Air-Defense Law,) by prefectural gov- ernors or by mayors of cities, towns and villages as stipulated in Paragraphs 1 and 2, Article 6, Air-Defense Law. The regulations of the preceding paragraph will be applied when conducting air-defense training as stipulated in Article 10, Air-Defense Law. Section 4 of Article 4. Orders (as stipulated in Paragraphs 1 and 2, Article 6, Air-Defense Law) and appointments (as stipulated in Section 2, Article 6, Air-Defense Law) will be transmit- ted by directive or appointment. The necessary matters in regard to the direc- tives and appointments of the preceding para- graph will be determined by orders. Article 5. The commencement and termina- tion of air defense will be ordered by the Minister of Home Affairs (for ships at sea, by the Min- ister of Transportation and Communication). The orders of the preceding paragraph will be issued to relevant prefectural offices by the Min- ister of Home Affairs, to ships at sea by the Minister of Transportation and Communication, to relevant mayors of cities, towns, and villages and organizers of the air-defense plan (as stipu- lated in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law) by prefectural governors upon notification from the Minister of Home Affairs. Article 6. When the order to initiate air de- fense is given as stipulated above, observation and communication related to it will be imme- diately carried out and other matters deemed necessary from the standpoint of air defense will be readied and executed according to cir- cumstances. Obervation and the communication related to it will be continued until orders terminating air defense are given as stipulated above. Article 7. When air defense is being carried out, the following types of aircraft warnings are dispatched: 1. Warning. When there is fear of air raids. 2. Warning cancelled. When there no longer is fear of air raids. 3. Air-raid warning. When there is danger of air raids. 4. Air-raid warning cancelled. When there no longer is danger of air raids. Army commanding officers, division command- ers, fortress commanders, naval district comman- dants or guard district commandants (hence- forth termed army-navy commanders) cognizant of home defense in certain areas, or appointed persons will dispatch the aircraft warnings re- ferred to above. Section 2 of Article 7. When air defense de- mands such steps the Minister of Home Affairs may, in certain areas, restrict or prohibit fleeing to escape the perils of air attack, as provided in Section 3, Article 8, Air-Defense Law. This re- striction does not, however, apply to the follow- ing refugees: 1. Children under seven, or primary pupils in the national school system (including other cor- responding schools). 2. Pregnant women. 3. Persons unable to participate in air defense, e. g. persons over sixty-five, persons sick or wounded, persons deformed or chronically ill. 4. Persons required to care for the above. The scope of subparagraph 4 immediately above will be determined by the Minister of Home Affairs. Section 3 of Article 7. The Minister of Home Affairs may, depending on circumstances, order persons not actively engaged in air defense to flee, when such a course is deemed necessary and when air defense is being conducted, as provided in Section 3, Article 8, Air-Defense Law. When such orders are given, he will point out requisite safety factors, e.g. the destination of the flight, the method of flight, the persons to flee. Section 4 of Article 7. When the prefectural governors issue orders as stipulated in Section 4, Article 8, Air-Defense Law, then Section 8 of Article 3, Section 12 of Article 3, and Section 13 of Article 3 will be correspondingly applied. (TN: Section 8, 12, and 13, Article 3, presumably of this Act.) The period for issuing orders for sheltering the refugees stipulated in Section 3, Article 8, Air-Defense Law, will not exceed the period of flight. Section 5 of Article 7. The Minister of Home Affairs will designate those activities which are subject to prohibition or restriction, under Sec- 223 tion 5, Article 8, Air-Defense Law, because they increase the danger from air raids to a pro- nounced degree or because they gather large masses of people together (excepting meetings designated under paragraph 2). Activities which may be ordered to continue or to reconvene as provided in Section 5, Article 8, Air-Defense Law, follow: 1. Activities concerned with the allocation of medicines and consumer goods necessary for life. 2. Activities concerned with restaurants. 3. Activities concerned with medical treatment. 4. Activities concerned with transportation and communications. Orders in Section 5, Article 8, Air-Defense Law, place a time limit on these restrictions. Article 8. Persons affected by Paragraph 1, Article 11, Air-Defense Law, will be owners or managers of places of business such as: buildings specified in Section 2 of Article 5, Section 4 through Section 6 of Article 5, and Section 4 of Article 8, (including those under construction) ; buildings specified in Section 8 of Article 3 (in- cluding cases which apply mutatis mutandis to Section 4 of Article 7), Section 9 of Article 3, and Section 11 of Article 3; real estate, factories, and articles specified in Sections 2 and 3 of Article 3; businesses or installations specified in Article 2, and Section 2 of Article 3; special installations specified in Article 3; or offices specified in Sec- tion 6 and Section 7 of Article 3, etc. Affidavits for Paragraph 3, Article 11, Air-De- fense Law, will follow the form illustrated in the annexed model, (cf. Translator’s Note on Page 228). Article 9. Losses which are to be indemnified are limited to losses sustained in the usual man- ner. Persons to receive compensation under the above are limited to the following: persons who own land, factories, or buildings (including those under construction; henceforth in this article ditto) which are subject to Paragraphs 1 through 3, Article 13, Air-Defense Law, or things or fac- tories on those lands, etc., and persons who pos- sess rights other than proprietary rights in such real property; and owners of land on which are located buildings which have been condemned under Section 6, Article 5, Air-Defense Law; and persons who possess rights other than pro- prietary rights in such real property. For preferential rights, rights of pledge, and mortgages on lands, buildings, factories, or things, the prefectural governors will post repa- rations for transfer to settle the claim. The holders of preferential rights, rights of pledge, and mortgages may exercise their rights against the posted sum above. The Minister of Home Affairs will determine particulars relating to reparations which are not determined in the above four paragraphs. Article 10. The prefectural governors will de- termine necessary matters relative to the actual compensation which is stipulated in Article 14, Air-Defense Law, upon receipt of authorization from the Minister of Home Affairs when the pre- fectural governors handle the compensation. Or- ganizers of the air-defense plans who are provid- ed for in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law, will determine such necessary matters upon receipt of authorization from the prefectural gov- ernors when the mayors of cities, towns, and vil- lages or the organizers handle the compensation. Article 11. Expenses for fireproofing wooden buildings as stipulated in Section 2, Article 5, and Section 3, Article 5, Air-Defense Law, will be the responsibility of the buildings’ owners as ordered. 'When wooden buildings in specially designated urban areas are fireproofed by persons other than the owners, the expenses for fireproofing will be the responsibility of the owners of the buildings thus improved as ordered. The allocation of responsibility (ratio and method) will be deter- mined by discussion with these owners when the improvement has been authorized under Section 2, Article 5, Air-Defense Law, or by prefectural governors when the improvement has been au- thorized under Section 3, Article 5, Air-Defense Law. When agreement cannot be reached or dis- cussions cannot be held the prefectural governors will arbitrate. These agreements must receive the approval of the prefectural governor or they are invalid. Article 12. Government subsidies provided for under Article 17, Air-Defense Law, will be grant- ed for exact expenses as assessed by the Minister of Home Affairs, but gift and other like forms of income will be deducted from the amount to be subsidized. Subsidies granted by the preceding paragraph may be recalled, in whole or part, under the fol- lowing conditions: 1. When original plans have not matured be- 224 cause the allotment of equipment or materials has been changed or abrogated. 2. When the terms of the subsidy have been violated. Section 2 of Article 12. The proportion sub- sidized as stipulated in Article IT, Air-Defense Law, will be determined as follows: 1. The total sum for expenditures necessary for air defense as stipulated in Paragraph 1, Ar- ticle 15, Air-Defense Law, and for implementing relief work. 2. One-fourth to two-thirds of the expendi- tures necessary for requisite maintenance of in- stallations and materials related to air defense, as stipulated in Paragraph 1, Article 15, Air-De- fense Law. 3. One-half of the following expenditures: ex- penditures necessary for the establishment of, activation (excluding relief work) of, or train- ing for air-defense plans stipulated in Paragraph 1, Article 15, Air-Defense Law; expenditures for relief funds specified in Paragraph 5, Article 15, Air-Defense Law, shared by the organizers of air-defense plans as provided in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law; expenditures for bounties specified in Article 16, Air-Defense Law, shared by metropolitan districts, circuits, metro- politan prefectures, prefectures or cities, towns, and villages. 4. One-third of expenditures for necessary maintenance of installations or materials as stipu- lated in Paragraph 2, Article 15, Air-Defense Law, when said maintenance is performed by a public corporation (Kokyo Dantai) ; one-half of such expenditures when said maintenance is per- formed by other agents. 5. Four-fifths of the total sum of the following expenditures: expenditures incurred in removals stipulated in Paragraph 6, Article 15, Air-De- fense Law, which are shared by metropolitan districts, circuits, metropolitan prefectures, and prefectures; expenditures made as compensation for losses as provided in Paragraph 7, Article 15, Air-Defense Law, when the persons are under orders, relative to the use of the buildings as stipulated in Paragraph 4, Article 8, Air-De- fense Law. 6. From two-thirds to the total sum of ex- penditures incurred as compensation for losses as stipulated in Paragraph 7, Article 15, Air-De- fense Law (excluding compensations dealt with in Sub-paragraph 5 above and Sub-paragraph 7 following). 7. Two-thirds of expenditures incurred as com- pensation for losses as stipulated in Paragraph 7, Article 15, Air-Defense Law, when the persons are under orders relative to the use of the build- ings (including those under construction), as stipulated in Paragraph 4, Article 5, Air-De- fense Law. Article 13. The competent minister will in- form the organizers of air-defense plans as de- fined in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law, and prefectural offices of important matters per- taining to air-defense plans, and the prefec- tural governors will inform mayors of cities, towns, and villages who have been designated as stipulated in Article 2, Air-Defense Law, of such matters. When so informed they will establish air-de- fense plans conforming to the suggestions made. Article 14. Army-navy commanders will in- form prefectural governors of important matters concerning organization of air-defense plans re- garding outlines for lookout networks. The pre- fectural governors will inform organizers of air- defense plans as defined in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law, and mayors of cities, towns, and villages who have been designated in Ar- ticle 2, Air-Defense Law, of important matters concerning organization of air-defense plans re- garding lands and buildings whose use should be restricted or prohibited because they are es- sential to the home defenses conducted by the army and navy. When so informed they will establish air-de- fense plans conforming to the suggestions made. When establishing air-defense plans, competent ministers other than the Minister of Home Af- fairs will confer witli the Minister of Home Af- fairs; also the competent minister will confer with the Minister of the Army and the Minister of the Navy, and prefectural officers will confer with army-navy commanders on important par- ticulars connected with synchronization with the home-defense plans of the army and navy. Article 15. Government officers will confer with army-navy commanders about important particu- lars connected with synchronization with the home-defense plans of the army and navy when approving air-defense plans. Article 16. The competent minister will confer with each relevant minister, the government of- fices with the relevant prefectural offices, on the following matters: 1. Matters pertaining to the use of dwellings, 225 lands, and things which fall under the air-de- fense plans and which are nationally supervised, when the said plans are up for approval. 2. Matters pertaining to necessary approval or authorization under other laws for supply or maintenance activities for installations or mate- rial, when air-defense plans are up for approval. 3. Appointments as stipulated in Paragraph 1, Article 3, Air-Defense Law, and approvals as stipulated in Paragraph 2 of the same. 4. Orders stipulated in Article 5, Air-Defense Law, for requisite approval or authorization un- der other laws for supply or maintenance activi- ties for installations or material. 5. Orders stipulated in Section 6, Article 5 or Section 4, Article 5, Air-Defense Law, for requi- site approval or authorization under other laws for condemnation or rebuilding of buildings (including those under construction). 6. Orders stipulated in Paragraph 1, Article 10, Air-Defense Law, to organizers of air-defense plans as defined in Paragraph 1, Article 3 of same. 7. Appointments as provided in Paragraph 1, Section 5, Article 7, Air-Defense Law. Section 2 of Article 16. 'When air defense is being conducted, the Minister of Home Affairs may request requisite information concerning it from the competent minister; and the Ministers of the Army and the Navy may do the same to synchronize the air defense with the home-de- fense program of the army and navy. When air defense is being conducted, army commanding officers, naval district commandants, or guard district commandants may request requi- site information concerning it from relevant pre- fectural offices to synchronize the air defense with the home-defense program of the army and navy. When the request is urgent, and there is not time to apply to the Ministers of the Army or Navy or to army-navy commanders through the machinery of the preceding two paragraphs, the prefectural governors may request requisite in- formation concerning air defense from other pre- fectural offices; and division commanding officers, fortress commanding officers, other army com- manding officers, or commanders designated by division commanding officers, or commandants of special fleets, or commanders designated by com- mandants of special fleets may make such requests to synchronize the air defense with the home-de- fense program of the army and navy. Section 3 of Article 16. The function of com- petent minister stipulated in the Air-Defense Law and this Act (omitting Section 4 through Section 6 of Article 16) will be performed by the Minister of Home Affairs. Section 4 of Article 16. The function of com- petent minister in Article 2 and Article 5 of the Air-Defense Law, and in Section 2 of Article 1, Article 13, Section 2 of Article 14, Paragraph 4 of Article 16, and Section 2 of Article 16 will be performed, for those matters indicated below, by those persons indicated below: 1. The function of competent minister for maintenance and camouflage, bomb protection, dispersal, removal, and emergency repairs for in- stallations and material necessary for air defense of factories and business locations designated by the jurisdictional minister, will be performed by the said jurisdictional minister. (TN: The com- petent minister deals with specific problems which are part of more general problems falling under the jurisdictional minister, e.g. the Min- ister of Home Affairs is the jurisdictional minis- ter for national elections, and the Minister of Justice is the competent minister for cases of graft uncovered in the elections.) 2. The Minister of Transportation and Com- munication will be considered the competent min- ister for the air derense of shipping; but ship- ping at anchor, omitting items in #3 below, will fall under the Minister of Transportation and Communication and the Minister of Home Af- fairs. 3. The function of competent minister will be performed by the Minister of Transportation and Communications for maintenance, camouflage, bomb protection, dispersal, removal, and emer- gency repairs for installations and materials (omitting those for fire protection and fire fight- ing in harbors) which are necessary for the air defense of railways, installations for trucking businesses, shipping harbors designated by the Minister of Transportation and Communication, navigation markers, aircraft, air route markers, airfields, and electric communication installa- tions. 4. The function of competent minister for maintenance, camouflage, bomb protection, dis- persal, removal, and emergency repairs for in- stallations or material necessary for the air de- fense of roadbeds will be performed by the Min- ister of Home Affairs and the Minister of Trans- portation and Communication. 5. The function of competent minister for 226 maintenance, camouflage, bomb protection, dis- persal, removal, and emergency repairs for in- stallations or materials necessary for the air- defense of schools designated by the Minister of Education, will be performed by the Minister of Education and the Minister of Home Affairs. 6. The function of competent minister for regulation of quarantine and emergency service, their enforcement, and the maintenance of in- stallations and materials for their enforcement will be performed by the Minister of Welfare. 7. The function of competent minister for al- location of materials for emergencies, the allocat- ing process, and the maintenance of installations and materials necessary for such allocations will be performed by the jurisdictional minister ad- ministering the allocation of such materials. 8. The function of competent minister for relief work, clearing, and water supply, their activation, and the maintenance of necessary in- stallations and materials for them will be per- formed by the Minister of Home Affairs and the Minister of Welfare. 9. The function of competent minister for emergency transportation will be performed by the Minister of Transportation and Communi- cation. When designating the competent minister in No. 1, No. 3, and No. 5 above, the Minister of Home Affairs will be consulted. Section 5 of Article 16. The function of com- petent minister in Paragraph 1 of Article 3, Air- Defense Law, and Subparagraph 3 of Article 16, this act, above, will be performed for those matters indicated below by those persons indi- cated below: 1. By the Minister of Home Affairs for fac- tories, and by the jurisdictional minister admin- istering such factories. 2. By the Minister of Plome Affairs and the Munitions Minister for installations or businesses connected with mines, electricity, gas, or petro- leum. 3. By the Minister of Home Affairs and the Minister of Transportation and Communication for installations and businesses connected with railways, roadbeds, electric communications, sea transport, highways, and airways. 4. By the Minister of Home Affairs and the Minister of Welfare for water works. Section 6 of Article 16. The function of com- petent minister stipulated in Section 7, of Arti- cle 5, Air-Defense Law, and in Section 2, Article 3, this Act, for installations, or businesses con- nected with said installations, designated in Sub- paragraph 1 through 4, Paragraph 1 of Section 4 of Article 1(5, will be performed by the juris- dictional minister in compliance with the same Article; and the jurisdictional minister will also perform this function for the administration of materials included, subject to the national mo- bilization, and the allocation of those materials. Adieu the jurisdictional ministers stipulated in Subparagraph 1, the main text of Subparagraph 2, and Subparagraph 3 of Paragraph 1, Section 4, Article 16, and the jurisdictional minister for materials subject to the national mobilization as stipulated in the foregoing paragraph, are is- suing orders as stipulated in Section 7, Article 5, Air-Defense Law, they will confer with the Min- ister of Home Affairs. Section 7 of Article 16. The functions oi* pre- fectural offices which are provided for in Article 2, Air-Defense Law, and in Sections 3 and 4 of Article 1, Article 13, Section 2 of Article 14, and Section 2 of Article 16, all of this Act, will be performed by those persons listed below for those matters listed below; but in relation to other mat- ters (excluding those designated by jurisdictional ministers who are provided for in Subparagraph 1 through 5, Paragraph 1, Section 4, Article 16 to deal with these matters), these functions will be performed by the prefectural governors. 1. By the chiefs of the mining inspection offices, for the maintenance, camouflage, bomb protection, dispersal, removal and emergency re- pairs for installations and materials necessary for the air defense of mines designated by the Muni- tions Minister as stipulated in Paragraph 1, Sec- tion 4, Article 16. 2. By the chiefs of the communications bureaus for the maintenance, camouflage, bomb protec- tion, dispersal, removal and emergency repairs for installations and materials necessary for the air defense of electric communications installa- tions. 3. By the prefectural governors (excluding those appearing in Subparagraph 4 below) and the chiefs of the sea transport bureaus, for the air defense of anchored shipping; and by the chiefs of the sea transport bureaus for other ship- ping. 4. By the chiefs of the sea transport bureaus, for the maintenance, camouflage, bomb protec- tion, dispersal, removal, and emergency repairs for installations and materials (excluding those 227 for fire prevention and fire fighting in harbors) necessary for the air defense of shipping, or har- bors which are designated by the Minister of Transportation and Communication as stipulated in Paragraph 1, Section 4, Article 16. 5. By the chiefs of the railroad bureaus, for the maintenance, camouflage, bomb protection, dispersal, removal, or emergency repairs for in- stallations or materials necessary for the air de- fense of railways. 6. By the prefectural governors or the chiefs of the railroad bureaus, for the maintenance, camouflage, bomb protection, dispersal, removal, or emergency repairs for installations or mate- rials necessary for the air defense of roadbeds. 7. By the prefectural governors, chiefs of the sea transport bureaus, or chiefs of the railroad bureaus, for emergency transport. Section 8 of Article 16. The functions of gov- ernment offices designated in Paragraph 2, Arti- cle 3, Air-Defense Law, and Article 15 and Sec- tion 3 of Article 16 (See Translator’s Note) of this Act, will be performed by the prefectural governors. Plowever, matters listed in the previ- ous article and fixed by the various numbered paragraphs, will be handled by the following: by the jurisdictional minister as designated by the numbered paragraphs for matters stipulated in Subparagraph 1, Paragraph 1, Section 4, Article 16 pertaining to factories or businesses (excluding mines); by the Minister of Transportation and Communication for matters stipulated in Sub- paragraph 3 of the same pertaining to aeronau- tical businesses or installations. (Translator’s Note.—The annexed model of the affidavit referred to in Article 8, this Act, has been omitted in this translation. The affidavit constitutes a limited search warrant. On one side its number, issuing date, issuing authority, and bearer’s name appear; on the other, the Articles from the Air-Defense Law and the Air-Defense Law Enabling Act authorizing its use are re- printed in full.) The functions of government offices stipulated in Section 5, Article 8, Air-Defense Law, will be performed by prefectural governors. However, transportation or communication functions which depend on a renewal or continuation of orders for activity will be performed by the Minister of Transportation and Communication when re- lated to air or sea transport, by the chiefs of the communications bureaus when related to com- munications, and by the chiefs of the railroad bureaus when related to railways, roadbeds, or small transport. The functions of government offices stipulated in Paragraph 1, Article 11, Air-Defense Law, will be performed by the Ministers of Home Affairs, of the Army, of the Navy, of Education, of Wel- fare, of Agriculture and Commerce, of Trans- portation and Communications, and the Muni- tions Minister and by prefectural governors, and the chiefs of the mining inspection offices, of the communications bureaus, of the sea transport bu- reaus, and of the railroad bureaus. Section 9 of Article 16. When in reference to the Tokyo Metropolitan District, the term prefec- tural governor indicates the Tokyo Metropolitan governor in Sections 2 through 4 of Article 5, Section 6 of Article 5, Section 4 of Article 8, and Section 2 of Article 12, all of the Air-Defense Law, and in Sections 5 through 8 of Article 3, Section 11 of Article 3, and Article 11, all of this act; but the term indicates the Chief of the Met- ropolitan Police in Section 2 of Article 8, and Paragraph 2 of Article 8, both of the Air- Defense Law. Article 17. In the application of this Act the persons who manage concurrently the business of the town or village halls and the business of town or village associations (TN: When the latter exist), these association supervisors, will be considered mayors of individual towns or vil- lages, EXHIBIT C-3 Transladon of Imperial Ordinance No. 806 Creating the National Air-Defense General Headquarters (Boku Sohombu) [Promulgated 1 November 1943] Article I. The Supreme (Civilian) Air-De- fense Headquarters shall be under the supervi- sion of the Minister of Home Affairs, and it shall handle the following affairs; 1. Affairs related to civilian air defense. 2. Matters related to the adjustment and unifi- cation of the civilian air-defense affairs of the various government offices. Article II. The following staff shall be ap- pointed to the Supreme Air-Defense Head- quarters : 1. A chief and a deputy chief. 2. Directors of bureaus: four (4) persons, chokunin rank. 3. Secretaries: nine (9) persons, full time, so- nin rank. 228 4. Administrative officials; twenty-one (21) persons, full time, sonin rank. 5. Commissioners: thirteen (13) persons, full time, sonin rank. 6. Technical experts: thirty-two (32) persons, full time, sonin rank (two (2) persons out of these appointments may be of chokunin rank). 7. Subordinate officials: seventy-nine (79) per- sons, full time, hannin rank. 8. Assistant technical experts: sixty-five (65) persons, full time, hannin rank. The chief of the police bureau of the Depart- ment of Home Affairs shall assume the position of the chief of the police bureau in addition to his other duties; the chief of the public works bureau shall assume the position of the chief of the engineering bureau, in addition to his other duties. Article III. In addition to the staff specified in the preceding article, the cabinet may appoint administrative official(s) from amongst high of- ficials of the related and respective government offices, upon the recommendation of the Minister of Home Affairs. Article IV. Four (4) bureaus shall be estab- lished in the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters as follows: 1. The General Affairs Bureau. 2. The Police Bureau. 3. The Engineering Bureau. 4. The Service Bureau. Assignments of the particular work of each bu- reau shall be decided by the Minister of Home Affairs. Article V. 1. The councillors shall be appointed to the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters to par- ticipate in the headquarters’ affairs. 2. The councillors shall be appointed by the cabinet from imperially-appointed officials of the related and respective government offices, upon the recommendation of the Minister of Home Af- fairs. Article VI. 1. The technical experts shall be appointed to the Supreme Air-Defense Head- quarters to investigate technical matters related to air defense. 2. The technical expert(s) shall be appointed by the cabinet from persons who are possessed of scholarly attainments and/or experience. 3. The terms of office of technical expert (s) shall be two (2) years; however, under special circumstances, they may be released during their terms of office. Article VII. The Minister of Home Affairs shall assume the position of the Chief. He shall supervise the affairs of the Supreme Headquar- ters, preside over the staff under his jurisdiction, and possess the power of appointing and dis- charging the staff whose ranks are hannin or below. Article VIII. The Vice-Minister of Home Af- fairs shall assume the position of the Deputy Chief. He shall assist the Chief, and manage the affairs of the Supreme Headquarters. Article IX. The directors of the bureaus shall receive their orders from their superior officers, and manage the affairs of the bureaus. Article X. The secretaries, the administrative officials, and commissioners shall receive their orders from their superior officers, and handle their affairs. Article XI. The technical experts shall receive their orders from their superior officers, and handle the technical matters. Article XII. The subordinate officials shall be directed by their superior officers, and attend to various affairs. Article XIII. The assistant technical experts shall be directed by their superior officers, and attend to technical matters. Article XIV. 1. An air-defense laboratory shall be established in the Supreme Air-Defense Head- quarters : it shall handle the affairs relating to air defense. 2. A director shall be appointed to the air-de- fense laboratory, and this position shall be filled by a technical expert. Article XV. 1. An air-defense training school shall be established in the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters; and it shall handle the training which is related to civilian air defense. 2. A director shall be appointed to the air-de- fense training school; and this position shall be filled by a secretary. Supplementary Provisions 1. The present law shall come into force on and after the day of promulgation. 2. At the time this law comes into force, if and when the written official appointments are not issued to those persons who are at present on the staff of the Ministry of Home Affairs and affiliated with either the bureau of civilian air defense or the air-defense laboratory, they are considered appointed with the same ranks and salaries as follows: a. The secretaries of the Department of Home 229 Affairs are appointed as the secretaries of the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters. b. The administrative officials of the Depart- ment of Home Affairs are appointed as the ad- ministrative officials of the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters. c. The commissioners of the Department of Home Affairs are appointed as the Commission- ers of the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters. d. The technical experts of the Department of Home Affairs are appointed as the technical experts of the Supreme Air-Defense Headquar- ters. e. The subordinate officials of the Department of Home Affairs are appointed as the subordi- nate official of the Supreme Air-Defense Head- quarters. f. The assistant technical experts of the De- partment of Home Affairs are appointed as the assistant technical experts of the Supreme-Air Defense Headquarters. 3. At the time this law comes into force, those persons (only those who were affiliated with either the bureau of air defense or the air-de- fense laboratory, at the time they were suspended from their offices) who are at present on the staff but are suspended from office, are considered, as shown in the examples set forth in the preceding paragraph, to be appointed to the staff of the Supreme Air-Defense Headquarters with the same official ranks and salaries as when they were suspended, unless they are notified other- wise with written official notices. EXHIBIT C-4 Translation of Imperial Ordinance No. 836 Creating the Air-Defense Headquarters of Tokyo Metropolitan District [Promulgated on 1 November 1943] Article I. The Air-Defense Headquarters of Tokyo-to shall handle the adjustment and unifi- cation of the affairs relating to air defense that come under the jurisdiction of Tokyo-to and of the Metropolitan Police Board. Article ll. The following staff shall be ap- pointed to the Air-Defense Headquarters of Tokyo-to: 1. A chief 2. Two (2) deputy chiefs 3. Members of the headquarters 4. Administrative officials 5. Clerks Article III. 1. The Governor of Tokyo-to shall assume the position of the Chief; and the Chief of the Metropolitan Police Board and the Lieutenant-Governor of Tokyo-to shall assume the positions of the Deputy Chiefs. 2. The following Tokyo-to and Metropolitan Police Board officials shall be the members of the headquarters: a. Tokyo-to officials; the director of the civil administration bureau; the director of the eco- nomics bureau; the director of the planning bu- reau; the director of the defense bureau; the director of the transportation bureau; the direc- tor of the bureau of water works; and the direc- tor of the bureau of harbors. b. Metropolitan Police Board officials: the chief secretary of the Metropolitan Police Board; the chief of the police affairs department; the chief of the peace section; the chief of the pre- fectural police; and the chief of fire service. 3. The administrative officials shall be ap- pointed by the cabinet from amongst the ad- ministrative officials of Tokyo-to and the police superintendents of the Metropolitan Police Board upon the recommendation of the Minister of Home Affairs. 4. The clerks shall be appointed by the Minis- ter of Home Affairs from amongst subordinate officials of Tokyo-to and the police inspectors of the Metropolitan Police Board. Article IV. The chief of the Air-Defense Headquarters shall be directed and supervised by the Minister of Home Affairs; he shall super- vise the affairs of the headquarters, and when there is necessity for the adjustment and unifica- tion of affairs relating to air defense that come under the jurisdiction of Tokyo-to or the Metro- politan Police Board, he shall make suggestions to the Governor of Tokyo-to or the chief of the Metropolitan Police Board. Article V. 1. The deputy chiefs shall assist the chief and manage the affairs of the headquarters. 2. The members of the headquarters shall re- ceive their orders from their superior officers and handle the affairs of the headquarters. 3. The administrative officials shall receive their orders from their superior officers and han- dle the affairs of the headquarters. 4. The clerks shall be directed by their superior officers and they shall be engaged in the general affairs. Supplementary Provision The present law shall come into force on and 230 after the day of promulgation. (1 November 1943). Note.—Two anomalies are incorporated in this law: (a) The law states that the chief of the Air-Defense Headquarters shall make suggestions to the Governor of Tokyo Metropolitan District and at the same time provides that these two of- fices shall be held by the same person; (b) although the chief of the Metropolitan Police Board is made Deputy Chief of the Air-Defense Headquarters under the Governor of the Metro- politan District (Article III, Paragraph 1), the Governor (as Chief of Air-Defense Headquar- ters) is required to make “suggestions” to the Chief of the Police Board (Article IV). In reality the Metropolitan Police Board did not recognize the authority of the Tokyo Air-De- fense Headquarters. EXHIBIT C—5 Translations of Proclamations of the Governor of Tokyo Metropolitan District at the time of the first mass raid Tokyo-to Official Notice March 10, 1945 In order to be unassailable, we are attempting everything within our power to relieve the vic- tims of the current air raids. We are calling upon the people of the capital to pledge themselves to be unafraid of the air raids, to strengthen their accord and unity with one another, and to steel themselves all the more to fulfill the great task of guarding the imperial capital and also fully to cooperate and lend sup- port to the unfortunate sufferers with warm feel- ings of loving comradeship. Governor of Tokyo-To, Yoshizo Nishio Chief of Metropolitan Police, Shinya Saka Tokyo-to Public Notice, No. 133 March 10, 1945 Regardless of detailed regulations relative to the application of the Tram Fare Regulations of Tokyo-to and the special wartime regulations under detailed regulations relative to the ap- plication of the Bus Fare Regulations of Tokyo- to, from March 10 to March 14, 1945, no fares shall be collected on municipal trams and buses from the victims of the current air raid. Governor of Tokyo-To, Yoshizo Nishio (The above two items, dated March 10, were published in the extra editions of Tokyo news- papers) Tokyo-to Official Notice March 13, 1945 It is indeed fearful to have such great damage inflicted in the imperial capital as by the recent air raids. We are fully in sympathy with the unfortunate sufferers in the capital. We can hardly suppress our common indignation against the savage action of the enemy which had no re- gard for humanity. It is our fervent wish that the victims shall not succumb to this pain and shall resolve to be ever more vigorous in destroy- ing the enemy and that the people, other than those who must remain in the capital because of their responsibilities, shall leave for the rural areas, whether they have relatives or not, to en- gage fullheartedly in the defense of our produc- tion of munitions. Those who are to remain in the capital shall renew their indignation and shall volunteer, with readiness to defend the capital to the last man, in the defense of the capital and in strengthening military might. We are calling upon the people of the capital whether they are remaining in the capital or leaving for the rural areas that they shall fulfill the great duty of protecting and sustaining the imperial nation by all joining in the fighting line to concentrate every bit of fighting power on the destruction of the invasion of the ugly enemy. Governor of Tokyo-to, Yoshizo Nishio (The above notice, dated May 13, was pub- lished in the extra editions of Tokyo newspapers) EXHIBIT D Reports on Great Air Raids (Tokyo) as taken from the Archives Section of the Ministry of Home Affairs AN EXAMPLE OF A GREAT AIR RAID (TOKYO) As reported by the Archives Section of the Ministry of Home Affairs First Raid From: March 9th, 1945 (20th year of the Showa). To: March 10th, 1945 (20th year of the Showa). 1. a. Dispatch of warning signal (3/9, 10:30 P.M.). b. Dispatch of air-raid signal (3/10, 12:15 A.M.). c. Air raid (3/10, 12:08 A.M.). d. Cancellation of air-raid signal (3/10, 2:37 A.M.). 231 e. Cancellation of warning signal (3/10, 3:20 A.M.). 2. The number of attaching 'planes: 150 Boeing B-29’s. 3. Attaching method: Soon after the warning signal was ordered, several B-29’s raided the capital. However, no damage was caused. It looked as though they were escaping toward the south of the Boso Peninsula, but suddenly, one plane that was coming to raid from the east side of the capital quickly dropped incendiary bombs in the Joto area. Afterwards, in formation of one or several planes, they continued the saturation bombing repeatedly at low-level. 4. Aerial bombs (Types of bombs used) : a. Bombs, 100-Kg. 6 b. Incendiary bombs, petroleum jelly, 45-lb. type 8,545 c. Incendiary bombs, 2.8-Kg. type 180,305 electron, 1.7-Kg 740 5. The weather conditions: Weather i clear Direction of the wind north Wind velocity violent Humidity 50% Tide low-tide 6. The area destroyed by fire: a. Most parts of Shitaya-ku, Asakusa-ku, Fukagawa-ku, Hon- jo-ku, Joto-ku. b. A half of Ashidate-ku, Kanda-ku, Kojima- chi-ku, Nihombashi-ku, Hongo-ku, Shiba-ku, and Arakawa-ku. c. A part of Ushigome-ku, Mukojima-ku, Hon- go-ku, Koishikawa-ku, Kyobashi-ku, Azabu-ku, Akasaka-ku, Katsushika-ku, Takinokawa-ku, Se- tagaya-ku, Toshima-ku, Shibuya-ku, Itabashi-ku, and Edogawa-ku. d. Main building of the Imperial News within the Department of the Imperial Household. e. Water craft: Yawls 300 Barges 152 Small boats 23 7. The extent of fire damage: 182,066 houses housing 372,108 families. 4,000,504 tsubo (one tsubo—3.95 sq. yds.) of land. 8. The origin of fire and extent of fire damage; The enemy broke up into formations of single planes and of several planes, and continued the saturation bombing for about 2 hours and a half at low-level, causing many fires in the previously mentioned wards. Just then a gale was blowing at the speed of 13 metres per second, and in no time scattered fires came together into a single huge flame and 40 percent of the capital was burned to the ground. During this period casual- ties increased continuously. As a result, a great tragic scene was revealed, where victims were surprisingly many; 72,000 civilians were dead, and wounded civilians amounted to 21,000, result- ing in the greatest damage suffered yet. 9. The activities of the Government-established fire fighters (Kansetsu-Shobotai) : Immediately upon the outbreak of the air-raid fires, the gov- ernment-established fire fighters supervised the following squads, but in spite of their great ef- fort to fight the flames they were beyond their control: 96 fire engines, 150 hand-drawn gasoline pumps, and 1000 water hoses were lost; 85 were dead from the fires, 40 missing, and the casualties of the auxiliary police and fire units amounted to more than 500. Among the recent air raids it was their most trying effort. Damaged wards No. of fire- engines that partici- pated No. of hand- drawn gasoline pumps that partici- pated No .of members of govern- ment establish- ed fire- fighting units (Kansetsu- Shobotai) N of members of the auxil- iary police and fire units (Keibodan) Shitaya: Ward engines .. Reinforcing engines.. 22 45 43 476 901 Adachi.. . 17 1 126 7 Kanda . ... 19 5 140 35 Imperial squads within the Dept, of the Imp. Household (special fire fighters* 1 4 14 28 Fukugawa: Ward engines Reinforcing engines 21 21 65 301 455 Joto -- 31 54 224 378 Honjo. 25 6 182 42 Marunouchi area .. 18 9 133 63 Asakusa: Ward engines . 16 2 21 133 372 Mukojima. 30 48 217 602 Kojimachi: Ward engines - Reinforcing engines.. Nipponbashi: 22 18 22 287 154 Ward engines. 20 27 26 336 182 Kongo: Ward engines 17 67 50 602 350 Shiba; Ward engines Reinforcing engines.. 18 60 6 553 42 Koishikawa. 12 2 42 7 Kyobashi: Ward engines Reinforcing engines.. 35 25 30 427 210 Azabu — .. 15 8 112 68 Akasaka.. 8 6 63 42 232 No. of No. of No. of members of members No. of hand- govern- of the fire- drawn ment auxil- Damaged wards engines gasoline establish- iary that pumps ed fire- police partici- that fighting and pated partici- units fire pated (Kansetsu- units Shobotai) (Keibodan) Arakawa: Ward engines - 38 30 630 210 Reinforcing engines. 51 Katsushika 9 4 70 28 Takinokawa 10 77 Setagaya 15 2 112 14 Toshima: Ward engines 21 6 322 42 Reinforcing engines.. Marine section (fire boats) and waterfront.. 8 15 63 105 Takanawa: Ward engines 9 6 133 42 Reinforcing engines.. 9 Shibuya 3 5 28 35 Itabashi 4 1 35 7 Edogawa; Ward engines 26 Reinforcing engines.. 4 63 217 673 Total 843 538 6,055 4,982 Remarks: 1. The above chart lists the squads that went to the actual scenes but does not include the guards who stayed behind and also off-duty guards who assembled at the scenes. 2. The entries of the above chart show the participation of the fire- brigade stations that were in charge of their respective damaged areas. were provided for the stricken victims. We did our best to provide an unfailing supply of food to the striken victims. 4. The distribution of bedding, charcoal, and other supplies. As for the bedding for stricken victims, city-owned blankets and quilts were provided. Furthermore, from the army’s food and clothing department, we borrowed blankets and distributed them to the victims. Charcoal, cigarettes, toilet paper, etc., were distributed from the ward offices. 5. Encouragement of refugee evacuation into the country. The police, the auxiliary police and fire units (Keibodan) and the district radio squads were dispatched to the main rail stations in the city. With the aid of station employees, they assisted in removing the refugees to the country. Furthermore, refugee information booths were established in the city of Tokyo, rescue squads were dispatched and they are now giving advice and first-aid treatment to the sick and wounded. 6. Transportation for those who were unable to walk. With the cooperation of the Tokyo Auto- mobile Transportation Association (Tokyo-to Ryokyaku-jidosha Unso-jidosha Kumiai) we transported the sick and wounded and those others who were having difficulty in walking. II. Aid to the Sick and the Wounded The figures of the sick and the wounded are not definite, but there was quite a large number of them. Due to the many casualties among the rescuers in the stricken area, rescue work was made difficult, so with the cooperation of the city of Tokyo, aid facilities were acquired from the undamaged areas and were dispatched to the first-aid stations. By obtaining the active co- operation of the aid facilities, police, auxiliary police and fire units, army rescue squads of the neighboring prefectures and the Japan Red Cross mobile units, we were able to complete the emergency rescue measures at the actual scenes and at the temporary relief stations for the vic- tims by the afternoon of the 12th. Furthermore, those people who were seriously wounded and were taking first-aid treatments at refuges for the victims (such as schools) were transferred by ambulances and by first-aid cars to well-equipped emergency hospitals. Hereafter medical treat- ment for the serious cases was given by each aid facility. RELIEF I. The Evacuation and the Safeguarding or the Victims 1. The rescue of the stricken victims. On March 10th at 3:00 A.M., the battalion commanders of the national guards and the chiefs of the police were instructed to take secure measures to en- courage evacuation and to give assistance to the victims. They accommodated 1,150,000 persons, who be- came victims simultaneously in 383 places outside of the damaged areas, such as national schools (elementary schools), temples, buildings not used, etc., also in private homes, and gave them emer- gency aid. 2. Th& accommodation of victims in the homes of their relatives in the city. Victims who had relatives in the city or in neighboring prefectures were accommodated temporarily in their respec- tive relative’s homes. 3. Food distribution. As for the first food distribution to over thirty or more places that were severely damaged, first of all, we supplied dry bread to help the victims. At the police stations that were undamaged, emergency kitchens were established and riceballs 695046—47—16 233 III. Disposal of the Dead The dead were handled mainly by the police and the auxiliary police and fire units with the aid of the army. The dead were taken tempo- rarily to schools, parks, temples, and vacant lots, by trucks, carts, and stretchers. The task was mostly completed on March 15th. The number of dead removed amounted to 72,- 000 or more; still more were expected to be found in the rivers and in the places of refuge. The dead were transferred to, and disposed of, at established crematories, but where there were many casualties we conducted a temporary out- side cremation for part of them. Due to the fact that we did not have the equipment for mass cre- mation, we adopted as an emergency measure temporary burial in parks and cemeteries. IV. The Causes for Extensive Damage The velocity of the wind was strong. Simul- taneous incendiary attacks caused many fires in wide areas. Therefore, there was no chance for the neighborhood associations to function. Also other various organizations such as the metro- politan fire department, police officers, auxiliary police and fire units, and other air-defense organ- izations could not demonstrate their full capacity. Second Raid From: April 13, 1945 To: April 14, 1945 1. a. The dispatch of warning signals, 10:44 P.M. b. The dispatch of air-raid signals, 11:00 P.M. c. Air raid, 11:18 P.M. d. All-clear signals (following), 2:22 A.M. e. Cancellation of warning signals (following), 2:52 A.M. 2. The number of attaching planes: 150 B-29’s. 3. The method of attach: Mostly from Boso Peninsula and partly from the southern part of Izu Peninsula, they raided the capital with numerous formations with about 10 planes to each formation. They continued their bombing attack, wave after wave, for about three and a half hours with explosive bombs at an altitude of 3,000 to 5,000 meters. 4. Aerial bombs: Explosive bombs: 250-Kg. type 75 bombs 150-Kg. type 130 bombs Incendiary bombs: large type 45 lbs 6,472 bombs small type 2.8-Kg 65,238 bombs small type (electron) 18,050 bombs 5. TVeather conditions: Weather clear Wind direction _ south Wind velocity low 6. Area destroyed by fire: a. The larger part of Fukagawa, Joto and Mu- kojima wards. b. The larger part of Kongo, Ushigome and Arakawa wards. c. Half of Edogawa and Adachi wards. d. The larger part of Toshima and Yodobashi wards. e. The larger part of Nakano, Itabashi and Oji wards. f. A part of Shitaya, Katsushika, Nihombashi and Suginami wards. g. The larger part of Koishikawa, Yotsuya, Kojimachi, Takinokawa, Akasaka, Shibuya, and Asakusa wards. As shown above, the damaged area is almost the whole city of Tokyo. 7. The extent of destruction hy fire: Buildings 105,914 Dwelling units 173,408 Tsubo (1 tsubo—3.95 sq. yds.) 2,507,020 8. The origin of fire and the extent of fire damage: This air raid had for its main purpose destruction by fire. With this attack it appeared that military installations and production facili- ties were to be destroyed by fire. The enemy car- ried out a very thorough saturation bombing and the results of this continuous bombing with ex- plosive bombs (large and small), petroleum jelly bombs, and electron bombs (large and small) etc., caused the people to lose their fighting spirit completely, so that they were not able to defend themselves against the aerial attack. The fire and bombing extended to the whole area and the wind velocity gradually increased. The area became a flow of fire spreading over a wide area. This raid lasted for hours and burned the greater part of the capital. 9. The activities of Government-established fire squads (Kansetsu-Shobotai) : With this outbreak of fire the government-established fire squads exerted their full efforts in fighting the fire and also in obtaining the aid of approximately 100 fire engines from the following prefectures; Chi- ba, Kanagawa, Gumma, Saitama, Ibaragi, and 173,408 234 Tochigi. Their activities were as follows: 10. The extent of air-raid damage: The extent of this air raid is the same as the daylight air raid of March the 10th, and the city received a saturation bombing. The casualties were rather few, but the extent of damage was the same as on the previous raid of March the 10th. A wide area was burned and the scene was horrible. 11. The cause of extensive fire: a. Under the conditions of the bombing which was repeated and concentrated, there was, on the whole, hardly any chance for neighborhood associations (Tona- ri Gumi) to function, and on top of that the func- tioning of the government-established (Kanse- tsu) fife-fighting system, police, auxiliary police and fire units, and other air-defense systems was blocked by the force of the fire and they were not able to demonstrate their full capacity. b. Due to the interruption of communications at the time the fire started, wireless communica- tions were replaced by emergency services such as motorcycle and bicycle messengers and, therefore, information about the extent of fire damage was inadequate and caused difficulty in the movement of fire-fighting groups. c. The consequences of the previous air raid had caused the people to evacuate from the area and in certain sections they had neglected to keep the water tanks filled, lacked the preparation for air defense, and also from the beginning the people devoted themselves to carrying out their household goods and lacked a fighting spirit toward the incendiary bombing. d. By reason of the air raid of April 2nd, water pressure became very low and it was use- less for fire-fighting. 12. The rescue of air-raid victims: The victims who were able to seek refuge at homes of relatives within the city and neighboring prefectures, by foot or by streetcars, were made to take tempo- rary residence in such places and those people with no relatives or those who had difficulty in seeking refuge due to long distance were tempo- rarily housed at private homes, schools, temples and other places in the surviving areas. The emergency rescuing was done by providing the victims with bread and riceballs. Food, bed- Damaged wards No. of fire- engines that partici- pated No. of hand- drawn gasoline pumps that partici- pated No. of nembers of govern- ment establish- ed fire- fighting units (Kansetsu- Shobotai) No. of members of the auxil- iary police and fire units (Keibodan) Kongo: 19 60 672 420 Reinforcement en- 76 18 29 133 203 Arakawa: 38 21 399 147 Reinforcement en- 18 Edogawa; Ward engines ... Reinforcement en- 33 9 22 301 154 Aclachi: 23 7 329 49 Reinforcement en- 23 Toshima: 23 63 413 441 Reinforcement en- 35 Y odobashi: 22 50 791 350 Reinforcement en- 90 Shitaya: 20 Reinforcement en- 17 5 304 195 Koishikawa: 19 Reinforcement en- 32 19 364 133 13 7 98 49 11 3 91 21 15 10 112 145 Kojimachi (Marunouchi 20 1 147 7 Special fire fighting squad 15 7 112 49 17 161 Reinforcement en- 5 Itabashi: 28 16 231 112 Reinforcement en- 4 1 0 7 Oji ... 27 35 196 245 Yotsuya 15 12 182 84 Reinforcement en- 10 Kojimachi (except Mar- unouchi) : 25 21 266 147 Reinforcement en- 12 15 5 112 35 2 21 7 2 56 14 3 2 28 (■) 16 21 119 (>) 4 35 Shibuya: 17 8 280 56 Reinforcement en- 22 818 427 5,953 3,063 1 Unknown. Remarks: 1. The above chart lists the squads that went to the actual scenes, but does not include the guards who stayed behind and also off-duty guards who assembled at the scene. 2. The above chart shows the participation of fire-brigade stations that were in charge of their respective damaged zones. 235 ding and charcoal were also distributed. The emergency supply of food was freely given out as follows: rice for 5 days, bean paste (miso), and soy-sauce (shoyu). In regard to dealing with passengers out of the city the procedure was made especially simple and other conveniences were given enabling them to take refuge in the coun- try. 13. The rescue of casualties: The casualties were remarkably few: killed 126 and wounded 109. Due to the few casualties the rescue work and management were performed very smoothly in each district. Third Raid Date: May 24th, 20th year of Showa (1945) 1. Warning signals: a. Dispatch of warning signal, 1:05 A.M. b. Dispatch of air-raid signal, 1 ;36 A.M. c. Air raid, 1:36 A.M. d. All-clear signal, 3:50 A.M. e. Cancellation of warning signal, 3:55 A.M. 2. The number of attacking planes: Approxi- mately 250 B-29’s. 3. Attacking method: The bombing started about 1:50 A.M. The planes broke through over the west side of the capital and, by single planes at a time, saturation incendiary bombing was car- ried out from above the clouds. This attack was carried out in various ways in the most skillful manner. There were about 11 B-29’s shot down over the capital, as observed from the ground. 4. Aerial bombs: Size Type (incendiary) Kg. Number a. Petroleum jelly 45 7,866 b. Petroleum jelly 2.8 92,170 c. Electron 1.7 2,000 d. Yellow phosphorus 100 15,000 e. Bombs (not incendiary) 100 2,000 5. Weather condition'. Weather clear Direction of wind northwest Wind velocity gale Humidity 70% Tide full tide 6. Area destroyed by fire: a. Large area of Meguro, Omori, Kamada, Eba- ra, Shibuya, and Shiba wards. b. The remaining parts of the following wards were destroyed: Akasaka, Suginami, Setagaya, Kongo, Kyobashi, Yotsuya, Toshima, Itabashi, Edogawa, Nakano, Kojimachi. c. Within the palace grounds: Chushunkaku, Togu karigosho, and Royal guard detached post. 7. Extent of fire damage: Number of houses 41,631 Number of dwellings 49,159 Area by tsubo (one tsubo-3.95 sq. yds.) 700,015 8. The causes of fire and extent of fire damage: Approximately 250 B-29’s in formations entered from the direction of Suruga and Sagami Bays and raided the capital in open formations (single planes in lines), mostly from the southwest, dropping incendiary and other types of bombs. Many fires were started in a wide area by the explosion of numerous incendiary bombs in the wards previously mentioned (or listed as dam- aged). At the same time a gale started and in no time the flames joined together in a stream of flame. The raiding planes continuously carried out the attacks, wave after wave, for two con- secutive hours, therefore the fire fighters and the aerial defense corps were not able to extinguish the fires as they expected. It caused great dam- age in a large area and inflicted great numbers of casualties. 9. The functioning of the government-estab- lished fire squads: Simultaneously with this sud- den outbreak of air-raid fire the government- established fire squads (as listed in chart) fought the fire bravely and with full effort, but due to the lack of equipment and damage to the water- pipes, the water pressure became very low and fire fighting difficulties mounted. However, as a result of the full and tireless effort of the commander and his men to prevent the flames from spreading, the fire was checked after three and a half hours, although, in fighting against this fire, much equipment was destroyed and numerous casualties resulted among our fire squads, auxiliary police and fire units, etc. No. of No. of No. of members of members No. of hand- govern- of the fire- drawn ment auxil- Damaged wards engines gasoline establish- iary that pumps ed fire- police partici- that fighting and pated partici- units fire pated (Kansetsu- units Shobotai) (Keibodan) Meguro: 20 7 154 49 Reinforcement en- 1 Omori, Ward engines 20 30 301 210 Kamada (within Yaguchi sta- tion district) 13 1 98 7 236 No. of No. of No. of members of members No. of hand- govern- of the fire- drawn ment Damaged wards engines gasoline establish- iary that pumps ed fire- police partici- that fighting and pated partici- units fire pated (Kansetsu- Shobotai) units (Keibodan) Kamada, Ward engines 13 133 (Kamada fire dept. district), Reinforcement en- gines_ _ _ 5 Ebara: Ward engines 22 Reinforcement en- 7 7 210 49 Akasaka: 19 7 175 49 Reinforcement en- gines__ . 5 33 55 238 385 Kyobashi: 25 8 217 56 Reinforcement en- gines 5 Shiba (within Takawa Fire dept, district) 17 3 126 21 Setagaya; Ward engines.. 19 Reinforcement en- 5 8 175 56 Shiba (within dist. of Shiba fire dept.); Ward engines .. 19 30 224 210 Reinforcement en- 5 Itabashi ___ 8 63 22 10 161 70 Kongo; 19 40 497 280 Reinforcement en- 51 Yotsuya: 9 20 203 140 Reinforcement en- 19 Kojimachi (within dist. of Kojimachi fire dept.): 26 6 217 42 Reinforcement en- 4 12 3 91 21 5 4 42 28 Togo gosho detached post of Royal Guard 4 3 35 21 1 7 432 243 3,360 1,701 Remarks: a. The above list is only the record of those present at the scene of fire- fighting and does not include the guards remaining behind or the off-duty members who assembled at the scene. b. The records listed above were based on a survey by the fire stations in charge of the damaged wards. the initial stages of fire, do rescue wmrk, and to care for afflicted people. Especially due to the fact that the fire covered a vast area of damaged wards, the aid of national guard units, police forces and fire departments of undamaged wards and mechanical equipment was asked for in an effort to minimize the damage. The spirit of the general public was high and they always at- tempted bravely to halt the fire in its early stages and to prevent its spreading. 11. The causes of widespread damages: a. Long and repeated attacks by large numbers of planes. b. Due to strong wind-velocity, the force of the flames was very intense. c. Large areas were attacked (raided). d. The damage done to the water mains caused the water pressure to be very low and to become useless. 12. Rescue work for the afflicted people: a. The afflicted people of each damaged area were accommodated in the remaining undamaged school buildings, temples, city hall, neighborhood association buildings, and so forth. In each area the volunteer supply task squads were mobilized and emergency kitchens were established in order to supply the people with meals, dried bread, rice- balls, etc. Those who had relatives within the capital or in neighboring prefectures were gradu- ally evacuated to their relatives. b. In coordination with the Tokyo Metro- politan Economic Department, dried bread and the following items: powdered milk, green vege- tables, preserved foods, milk (for infants), bread, blankets, matches, candles, chinaware, chop- sticks, toilet papers, towels, etc., were distributed. 13. The rescue work and the handling of casu- alties : Persons Dead 228 Missing 3 Wounded 2,164 The dead were cremated and those severely wounded were hospitalized in the remaining hos- pitals. Emergency treatments were given to peo- ple with light wounds. 14. Condition of the general public: Unlike previous air raids, the people were not panicky to escape the raid and the general public, as a whole, was very calm. There were no signs of serious violations of law and order and the peo- ple were slowly returning to normality. 10. The functioning of the 'principal aerial de- fense organizations-. The principal aerial defense organizations such as the police, fire squads, etc., commanded and cooperated with the auxiliary police and fire units, neighborhood groups, etc., to work on various guard duties, mainly to fight 237 X. GLOSSARY ENGLISH—JAPANESE A Accounting Department Keiribu Acres (2y2) Chobu Air-defense first-aid unit Boei Kyugotai Air-Defense General Headquarters Boku Sohombu Air-Defense Law Boku Ho Air-defense observation unit Boku Kanshitai Air intelligence battalion Koku Johotai Air-raid alarm Kushu Keiho Air-raid protection training Boku Kunren Air-raid shelter Hinanjo (Kushu Taihi Sho) Air-raid warden Kushu Keiho Gakari Air-raid-warning system Kushu Keiho Soshiki Anti-aircraft guns Kosha Ho Auxiliary police and fire units Keibodan Bacteria bombs j. : Saikindan Battalion districts (fire) Kankatsu Kuiki Block association Chokai Block association leader Chokai Cho Bombs Bakudan Blue Ribbon Distinguished Service Medal (Red Cross decoration) Konjuhosho Building defense section (of municipal government) Kenchikuka Building demolition section (of municipal government) Tatemono Sokaika Building utilization section (of municipal government) Kenchikubutsu Riyoka Business Bureau (of Air-Defense General Headquarters) Eigyo Kyoku B Camouflage Giso Casualty station Shuyo Jo Chief of police Keisatsu Shocho Clothing, food and medical supply section (of business bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Ishoku lyaku Zairyoka Communications Tsushin Control center Tosei Shubu C D Damage assessment section (of police bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Chosaka Decontamination Bodoku Defense headquarters Boei Hombu Defense section ‘ Boeika Defense Section (of the block association) Bomubu E Eastern Sea Army Tokaigun Economic section (of the block association) Shoshi Keizaibu Emergency medical arm (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Bogobu Emergency medical service Kyukyu Teate Emergency welfare Kyuo Kosei Employment and finance section Fukumuka Engineer corps Koheitai Engineering bureau (of Air Defense General Headquarters) Doboku Kyoku Engineering works (of municipal government) Koji Gakari Evacuation (dispersal) Sokai Evacuation section i Sokaika F Factory air-raid protection Kojo Boku Factory fire brigade Tokusetsu Bogodan Shobohan Fireboat Shobotei Fire-breaks section (of Engineering Bureau, Air Defense General Headquarters)- Bokahekika Fire chief Shobo Shocho Fire department chief Shobobucho Fire district Chiku Fire protection , Boka First aid Kyuo Teate First-aid post . Okyu Teate Jo Five-man group Gonin Kumi Gas mask Bodoku Men General affairs and budget section (of the block association) Somu Kaikeibu General affairs bureau (of Air-Defense General Headquarters) Somu Kyoku General affairs division (of municipal government) Shomu Gakari General affairs section (of general affairs bureau of Air-Defense General Head- quarters) Somuka Great Japan Air-Defense Association Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai Guard arm (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Keibobu G H Hand pump Te Oshi Pompu Helmet Kabuto Higher civil official Kotokan Home guard Jiei Hose * Jakan I Incendiary bombs Shoidan Intelligence office Joho Kyoku Knight fire fighters Buke Hikeshi K L Labor unit Roshitai Ladder Hashigo Light control • Toka Kansei Lighting Toka Local emergency first-aid squad— Chiku Oen Kyugo Hai M Material procurement and planning section (of general affairs bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Hokyu Keikakuka Medical service Chiryo Messenger Denrei Shi Metropolitan District . To (Tokyo To) Metropolitan Police Board (of Tokyo) Keishicho Ministry of Finance Okura Sho Ministry of Home Affairs Naimu Sho Ministry of Welfare Kosei Sho Mutual aid Sogo Boku Neighborhood group Tonari Gumi Northeastern Army Tohokugun N o Old name for Metropolitan Police Board Bugyo Sho Order of Merit (Red Cross decoration) Yukosho Ordinary civil official Hanninkan 239 Parks and cemeteries section (of municipal government) Koen Rokuchika Personnel evacuation section (of municipal government) Jinin Sokaika Personnel section Yoinka Planning and public works bureau (of municipal government) • Keikaku Kyoku Planning section (of municipal government) Kikakuka Poison gas Doku Gasu Police and fire section (of police bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Keisatsu Shoboka Police bureau (of Air-Defense General Headquarters) Keisatsu Kyoku Prefectural governor Chiho Chokan (Kenchiji) Prefecture Ken Private properties section (of engineering bureau, Air-Defense General Head- quarters) Shiyu Zaisanka Port security Kowan Keibi Protection against poison gas Bodoku Public properties section (of engineering bureau, Air-Defense General Headquar- ters) Koyu Zaisanka Pump Pompu P R Rationing Haikyu Reconstruction unit Fukkyu Kosakutai Region (political subdivision in homeland) Chiho Regional governor So Toku Cho Kan Rescue Kyuj o Rescue section ; Kyujoka Reserves Yobitai Rope 1 Nawa S Savings section (of the block association) Chochikubu Shovel Empi Soldiers’ assistance section (of the block association) Gunji Engobu Special defense corps Tokubetsu Bogodan Special fire arm (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Tokubetsu Shobobu Special guard unit (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Tokubetsu Keibotai Square yards (3.95) or 35.582 square feet Tsubo Strafing Kuji Sosha Students’ patriotic unit Gakko Hokokutai Student volunteer firemen Gakuto Tai Sub-station (fire) 1 Shichojo Summary Guide for Light Control Toka Kansei Shido Yoryo Taxation section (of the block association) Nozeibu Thought police Shiso Keisatsu Kan Training section (of general affairs bureau of Air-Defense General Headquarters) Kunrenka T Unexploded bombs Fuhatsudan U W Ward Ku Wartime Damage Law Senji Sanji Hogo Ho War Death or Injury Insurance Law Senso Shibo Shogai Hoken Ho War Insurance Emergency Measures Law Senso Hoken Rinji Sochi Ho Water auxiliary police and fire unit Suijo Keibodan Water works construction unit Suido Kosakutai Welfare Kosei Women’s section (of the block association) Fujimbu Y Youth section (of the block association) Seishonenbu 240 JAPANESE—ENGLISH B Bakudan Bombs Bodoku Protection against poison gas Bodoku Men Gas mask Boei Hombu Defense headquarters Boei Kyugotai Air-defense first-aid unit Boeika Defense section Bogobu Emergency medical arm (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Boka Fire prevention Boka Fire protection Bokahekika Fire-breaks section (of engineering bureau, Air-Defense General Head- quarters) Boku Ho Air-Defense Law Boku Kanshitai Air-defense observation unit Boku Kunren Air-raid protection training Boku Sohombu Air-Defense General Headquarters Bomubu Defense section (of the block association) Bugyo Sho Old name for Metropolitan Police Board Buke Hikeshi Knight fire fighters C Chiho Region Chiho Chokan (Kenchiji) Prefectural governor Chiku Fire district Chiku Oen Kyugo Han Local emergency first-aid squad Chiryo Medical service Chobu 2V2 acres Chochikubu Savings section (of the block association) Chokai Block association Chokai Cho Block association leader Chosaka Damage assessment section (of police bureau, Air-Defense General Head- quarters D Dai Nippon Boku Kyokai Great Japan Air-Defense Association Denreishi Messenger Doboku Kyoku Engineering bureau (of Air-Defense General Headquarters) Doku Gasu Poison gas E Eigyo Kyoku Business bureau Empi Shovel F Fujimbu Women’s section (of the block association) Fuhatsudan Unexploded bombs Fukkyu Kosakutai Reconstruction unit Fukumuka Employment and finance section G Gakko Hokokutai Students’ patriotic unit Gakuto Tai Student volunteer firemen Giso Camouflage Gonin Kumi Five-man group Gunji Engohu Soldiers’ assistance section (of the block association) Haikyu Rationing Hanninkan Ordinary civil official Hashigo Ladder Hinanjo (Kushu Taihi Sho) Air-raid shelter Hokyu Keikakuka Material procurement and planning section (of general affairs bureau, Air- Defense General Headquarters) H 241 I Ishoku lyaku Zaii-yoka Clothing, food and medical supply section (of business bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Jakan Hose Jiei Home guard Jinin Sokaika Personnel evacuation section (of municipal govt.) Joho Kyoku Intelligence office J K Kabuto Helmet Kankatsu Kuiki__ Battalion district (fire) Keibobu Guard arm (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Keibodan Auxiliary police and fire units Keikaku Kyoku Planning and public works bureau (of municipal govt.) Keiribu Accounting department Keisatsu Kyoku Police bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters Keisatsu Shoboka Police and fire section (of police bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Keisatsu Shocho Chief of Police Keishicho Metropolitan Police Board (of Tokyo) Ken Prefecture Kenchikubutsu Riyoka Building utilization section (of municipal govt.) Kenchikuka Building defense section (of municipal govt.) Kikakuka Planning section (of municipal govt.) Kiju Sosha Strafing Koen Rokuchika Parks and cemeteries section (of municipal govt.) Koheitai Engineer corps Koji Gakari Engineering works (of municipal govt.) Kojo Boku Factory air-raid protection Kojo Johotai Air intelligence battalion Konjuhosho Blue Ribbon Distinguished Service Medal (Red Cross decoration) Kosei Welfare Kosei Sho ; Ministry of Welfare Kosha Ho Antiaircraft guns Kotokan Higher civil officials Kowan Keibi 1 Port security Koyu Zaisanka Public properties section (of engineering bureau, Air-Defense General Head- quarters) Ku Ward Kunrenka Training section (of general affairs bux-eau, Air-Defense General Head- quarters) Kushu Keiho Air-raid alarm Kushu Keiho Gakari Air-raid warden Kushu Keiho Soshiki Air-raid warning system Kyujo Rescue Kyujoka Rescue section Kyukyu Teate Emergency medical service Kyuo Kosei Emei'gency welfare Kyuo Teate First aid N Naimu Sho Ministry of Home Affairs Nawa Rope Nozeibu Taxation section (of the block association) O Okura Sho Ministry of Finance Okyu Teate Jo First-aid post Pompu Pump P 242 R Roshitai Labor unit S Saikindan . Bacteria bombs Seishonenbu Youth section (of the block association) Senji Sanji Hogo Ho Wartime Damage Law Senso Hoken Rinji Sochi Ho War Insurance Emergency Measures Law Sense Shibo Shogai Hoken Ho War Death or Injury Insurance Law Shichojo Substations (fire). Shiso Keisatsu Kan Thought police Shiyu Zaisanka Private properties section (of engineering bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Shobobucho Fire department chief Shobo Shocho Fire chief Shobotei Fireboat Shoidan Incendiary bombs Shomu Gakari General affairs division (of municipal govt.) Shoshi Keizaibu Economic section (of the block association) Shuyo Jo Casualty station Somu Kaikeibu General affairs and budget section (of the block association) So Toku Cho Kan Regional governor Sogo Kyusai Mutual aid Sokai Evacuation (dispersal) Sokaika Evacuation section Somu Kyoku General affairs bureau (of Air-Defense General Headquarters) Somuka General affairs section (of general affairs bureau, Air-Defense General Headquarters) Suido Kasakutai Waterworks construction unit Suijo Keibodan Water auxiliary police and fire unit Tatemono Sokaika Building demolition section (of municipal govt.) Te Oshi Pompu Hand pump To Metropolitan District (Tokyo To) Tohokugun Northeastern Army Toka Lighting Tokaigun Eastern Sea Army Toka Kansei Light control Toka Kansei Shido Yoryo Summary Guide for Light Control Tokubetsu Bogodan Special defense corps Tokubetsu Keibotai Special guard unit (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Tokubetsu Shobobu Special fire arm (of auxiliary police and fire unit) Tokusetsu Bogodan Shobohan Factory fire brigade Tonari Gumi Neighborhood group Tosei Shubu Control center Tsubo (3.95 square yards) Square yards (3.95 square yards or 35.582 square feet) Tsushin Communications T Y Yoinka Personnel Section Yobitai Reserves Yukosho Order of Merit (Red Cross decoration) 243 UNITED STATES STRATEGIC BOMBING SURVEY LIST OF REPORTS The following is a bibliography of reports resulting from the Survey’s studies of the European and Pacific wars. Certain of these reports may be purchased from the Superintendent of Documents at the Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. European War OFFICE OF THE CHAIRMAN 1 The United States Strategic Bombing Survey: Summary Report (European War) 2 The United States Strategic Bombing Survey: Over-all Report (European War) 3 The Effects of Strategic Bombing on the German War Economy AIRCRAFT DIVISION (By Division and Branch) 4 Aircraft Division Industry Report 5. Inspection Visits to Various Targets (Special Report) Airframes Branch 6 Junkers Aircraft and Aero Engine Works, Dessau, Germany 7 Erla Maschinenwerke G m b H, Heiterblick, Germany 8 A T G Maschinenbau, GmbH, Leipzig (Mock- au), Germany 9 Gothaer Waggonfabrik, A G, Gotha, Germany 10 Focke Wulf Aircraft Plant, Bremen, Germany 22 Metallgussgesellschaft GmbH, Leipzig, Ger- many 23 Aluminiumwerke GmbH, Plant No. 2, Bitter- feld, Germany 24 Gebrueder Giulini GmbH, Ludwigshafen, Ger- many 25 Luftschiffbau Zeppelin GmbH, Friedricbshafen on Bodensee, Germany 26 Wieland Werke A G, Ulm, Germany 27 Rudolph Rautenbach Leichmetallgiessereien, Solingen, Germany 28 Lippewerke Vereinigte Aluminiumwerke A G, Lunen, Germany 29 Vereinigte Deutsche Metallwerke, Heddernheim, Germany 30 Duerener Metallwerke A G, Duren Wittenau- Berlin & Waren, Germany AREA STUDIES DIVISION 31 Area Studies Division Report 82 A Detailed Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Hamburg 33 A Detailed Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Wuppertal 34 A Detailed Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Dusseldorf 35 A Detailed Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Solingen 36 A Detailed Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Remscheid 37 A Detailed, Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Darmstadt 38 A Detailed Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Lubeck 39 A Brief Study of the Effects of Area Bombing on Berlin, Augsburg, Bochum, Leipzig, Hagen, Dortmund, Oberhausen, Schweinfurt, and Bremen CIVILIAN DEFENSE DIVISION 40 Civilian Defense Division—Final Report 41 Cologne Field Report 42 Bonn Field Report 43 Hanover Field Report 44 Hamburg Field Report—Vol, I, Text; Vol. II, Exhibits 45 Bad Oldesloe Field Report 46 Augsburg Field Report 47 Reception Areas in Bavaria, Germany EQUIPMENT DIVISION Electrical Branch 48 German Electrical Equipment Industry Report 49 Brown Boveri et Cie, Mannheim Kafertal, Ger- many Optical and Precision Instrument Branch 50 Optical and Precision Instrument Industry Report Over-all Report Part A Part B Appendices I, II, III 11 Messerschmitt A G, Augsburg, Germany 12 Dornier Works, Friedrichshafen & Munich, Germany 13 Gerhard Fieseler Werke GmbH, Kassel, Ger- many 14 Wiener Neustaedter Flugzeugwerke, Wiener Neu- stadt, Austria Aero Engines Branch 15 Bussing NAG Flugmotorenwerke GmbH, Brunswick, Germany 16 Mittel-Deutsche Motorenwerke GmbH, Taucha, Germany 17 Bavarian Motor Works Inc, Eisenach & Durerhof, Germany 18 Bayerische Motorenwerke A G (BMW) Munich, Germany 19 Henschel Flugmotorenwerke, Kassel, Germany Light Metal Branch 20 Light Metals Industry t Part I, Aluminum of Germany / Part II, Magnesium 21 Vereinigte Deutsche Metallwerke, Hildesheim, Germany 244 85 Henschel and Sohn, Kassel, Germany 86 Maybach Motor Works, Friedrichshafen, Germany 87 Voigtlander Maschinenfabrik A G, Plauen, Ger- many 88 Volkswagenwerke, Fallersleben, Germany 89 Bussing NAG, Brunswick, Germany 90 Muehlenbau Industrie A G (Miag) Brunswick, Germany 91 Friedrich Krupp Grusonwerke, Magdeburg, Ger- many Submarine Branch 92 German Submarine Industry Report 93 Maschinenfabrik Augsburg-Nurnberg A G, Augs- burg, Germany 94 Blohm and Voss Shipyards, Hamburg, Germany 95 Deutschewerke A G, Kiel, Germany 96 Deutsche Schiff und Maschinenbau, Bremen, Germany 97 Friedrich Krupp Germaniawerft, Kiel, Germany 98 Howaldtswerke A G, Hamburg, Germany 99 Submarine Assembly Shelter, Farge, Germany 100 Bremer Vulkan, Vegesack, Germany Ordnance Branch 101 Ordnance Industry Report 102 Friedrich Krupp Grusonwerke A G, Magdeburg, Germany 103 Bochumer Verein fuer Gusstahlfabrikation A G, Bochum, Germany 104 Henschel and Sohn, Kassel, Germany 105 Rheinmetall-Borsig, Dusseldorf, Germany 106 Hermann Goering Werke, Braunschweig, Hal- lendorf, Germany 107 Hannoverische Maschinenbau, Hanover, Germany 108 Gusstahlfabrik Friedrich Krupp, Essen, Germany OIL DIVISION 109 Oil Division Final Report 110 Oil Division Final Report, Appendix 111 Powder, Explosives, Special Rockets and Jet Propellants, War Gases and Smoke Acid (Min- isterial Report #1) 112 Underground and Dispersal Plants in Greater Germany 113 The German Oil Industry, Ministerial Report Team 78 114 Ministerial Report on Chemicals Oil Branch 115 Ammoniakwerke Merseburg GmbH, Leuna, Germany—2 Appendices 116 Braunkohle Benzin A G, Zeitz and Bohlen, Germany Wintershall A G, Luetzkendorf, Germany 117 Ludwigshafen-Oppau Works of I G Farbenin- dustrie A G, Ludwigshafen, Germany 118 Ruhroel Hydrogenation Plant, Bottrop-Boy, Ger- many, Vol. I, Vol. II 119 Rhenania Ossag Mineraloelwerke A G, Harburg Refinery, Hamburg, Germany 120 Rhenania Ossag Mineraloelwerke A G, Gras- brook Refinery, Hamburg, Germany Abrasives Branch 51 The German Abrasive Industry 52 Mayer and Schmidt, Offenbach on Main, Germany Anti-Friction Branch 53 The German Anti-Friction Bearings Industry Machine Tools Branch 54 Machine Tools & Machinery as Capital Equip- ment 55 Machine Tool Industry in Germany 56 Herman Kolb Co., Cologne, Germany 57 Collet and Engelhard, Offenbach, Germany 58 Naxos Union, Frankfort on Main, Germany MILITARY ANALYSIS DIVISION 59 The Defeat of the German Air Force 60 V-Weapons (Crossbow) Campaign 61 Air Force Rate of Operation 62 Weather Factors in Combat Bombardment Oper- ations in the European Theatre 63 Bombing Accuracy, USAAF Heavy and Medium Bombers in the ETO 64 Description of RAF Bombing 64a The Impact of the Allied Air Effort on German Logistics MORALE DIVISION 64b The Effects of Strategic Bombing on German Morale (Vols. I & II) Medical Branch 65 The Effect of Bombing on Health and Medical Care in Germany MUNITIONS DIVISION Heavy Industry Branch 66 The Coking Industry Report of Germany 67 Coking Plant Report No. 1, Sections A, B, C, & D 68 Gutehoffnungshuette, Oberhausen, Germany 69 Friedrich-Alfred Huette, Rheinhausen, Germany 70 Neunkirchen Eisenwerke A G, Neunkirchen, Ger- many 71 Reichswerke Hermann Goering A G, Hallendorf, Germany 72 August Thyssen Huette A G, Hamborn, Germany 73 Friedrich Krupp A G, Borbeck Plant, Essen, Germany 74 Dortmund Hoerder Huettenverein, A G, Dort- mund, Germany 75 Hoesch A G, Dortmund, Germany 76 Bochumer Verein fuer Gusstahlfabrikation A G, Bochum, Germany Motor Vehicles and Tanks Branch 77 German Motor Vehicles Industry Report 78 Tank Industry Report 79 Daimler Benz A G, Unterturkheim, Germany 80 Renault Motor Vehicles Plant, Billancourt, Paris 81 Adam Opel, Russelsheim, Germany 82 Daimler Benz-Gaggenau Works, Gaggenau, Ger- many 83 Maschinenfabrik Augsburg-Nurnberg, Nurnberg, Germany 84 Auto Union A G, Chemnitz and Zwickau, Germany 245 155 Goldenberg Thermal Electric Power Station,. Knapsack, Germany 156 Brauweiler Transformer & Switching Station, Brauweiler, Germany 157 Storage Depot, Nahbollenbach, Germany 158 Railway and Road Bridge, Bad Munster, Germany 159 Railway Bridge, Eller, Germany 160 Gustloff-Werke Weimar, Weimar, Germany 161 Henschel and Sohn GmbH, Kassel, Germany 162 Area Survey at Pirmasens, Germany 163 Hanomag, Hanover, Germany 164 MAN Werke Augsburg, Augsburg, Germany 165 Friedrich Krupp A G, Essen, Germany 166 Erla Maschinenwerke, GmbH, Heiterblick, Germany 167 A T G Maschinenbau GmbH, Mockau, Germany 168 Erla Maschinenwerke GmbH, Mockau, Germany 169 Bayerische Motorenwerke Durrerhof, Germany 170 Mittel-Deutsche Motorenwerke GmbH, Taucha, Germany 171 Submarine Pens Deutsche-Werft, Hamburg, Ger- many 172 Multi-Storied Structures, Hamburg, Germany 173 Continental Gummiwerke, Hanover, Germany 174 Kassel Marshalling Yards, Kassel, Germany 175 Ammoniakwerke, Merseburg-leuna, Germany 176 Brown Boveri et Cie, Mannheim, Kafetral, Ger- many 177 Adam Opel A G, Russelsheim, Germany 178 Daimler-Benz A G, Unterturkheim, Germany 179 Valentin Submarine Assembly, Farge, Germany 180 Volkswaggonwerke, Fallersleben, Germany 181 Railway Viaduct at Bielefeld, Germany 182 Ship Yards Howaldtswerke, Hamburg, Germany 183 Blohm and Voss Shipyards, Hamburg, Germany 184 Daimler-Benz A G, Mannheim, Germany 185 Synthetic Oil Plant, Meerbeck-Hamburg, Germany 186 Gewerkschaft Victor, Castrop-Rauxel, Germany 187 Klockner Humblodt Deutz, Ulm, Germany 188 Ruhroel Hydrogenation Plant, Bottrop-Boy, Ger- many 189 Neukirchen Eisenwerke A G, Neukirchen, Ger- many 190 Railway Viaduct at Altenbecken, Germany 191 Railway Viaduct at Amsburg, Germany 192 Deurag-Nerag Refineries, Misburg, Germany 193 Fire Raids on German Cities 194 I G Farbenindustrie, Ludwigshafen, Germany, Vol. I & Vol. II 195 Roundhouse in Marshalling Yard, Ulm, Germany 196 I G Farbenindustrie, Leverkusen, Germany 197 Chemische-Werke, Huels, Germany 198 Gremberg Marshalling Yard, Gremberg, Germany 199 Locomotive Shops and Bridges at Hamm, Germany TRANSPORTATION DIVISION 200 The Effects of Strategic Bombing on German Transportation 201 Rail Operations Over the Brenner Pass 202 Effects of Bombing on Railroad Installations in Regensburg, Nurnberg and Munich Divisions. 203 German Locomotive Industry During the War 204 German Military Railroad Traffic 121 Rhenania Ossag Mineraloelwerke A G, Wil- helmsburg Refinery, Hamburg, Germany 122 Gewerkschaft Victor, Castrop-Rauxel, Germany, Vol. I & Vol. II 123 Europaeische Tanklager und Transport A G, Hamburg, Germany 124 Ebano Asphalt Werke A G, Harburg Refinery, Hamburg, Germany 125 Meerbeck Rheinpreussen Synthetic Oil Plant— Vol. I & Vol. II Rubber Branch 126 Deutsche Dunlop Gummi Co., Hanau on Main, Germany 127 Continental Gummiwerke, Hanover, Germany 128 Huels Synthetic Rubber Plant 129 Ministerial Report on German Rubber Industry Propellants Branch 130 Elektro Chemischewerke, Munich, Germany 131 Schoenebeck Explosive Plant, Lignose Sprengstoff Werke GmbH, Bad Salzemen, Germany 132 Plants of Dynamit A G, Vormal, Alfred Nobel & Co., Troisdorf, Clausthal, Drummel and Dune- berg, Germany 183 Deutsche Sprengchemie GmbH, Kraiburg, Germany OVER ALL ECONOMIC EFFECTS DIVISION 134 Over-all Economic Effects Division Report Gross National Product. Kriegseilberichte Hermann Goering Works. Food and Agriculture Special papers which together comprise the above report 134a Industrial Sales Output and Productivity PHYSICAL DAMAGE DIVISION 134b Physical Damage Division Report (ETO) 135 Villacoublay Airdrome, Paris, France 136 Railroad Repair Yards, Malines, Belgium 137 Railroad Repair Yards, Louvain, Belgium 138 Railroad Repair Yards, Hasselt, Belgium 139 Railroad Repair Yards, Namur, Belgium 140 Submarine Pens, Brest, France 141 Powder Plant, Angouleme, France 142 Powder Plant, Bergerac, France 143 Coking Plants, Montigny & Liege, Belgium 144 Fort St. Blaise Verdun Group, Metz, France 145 Gnome et Rhone, Limoges, France 146 Michelin Tire Factory, Clermont-Ferrand, France 147 Gnome et Rhone Aero Engine Factory, Le Mans, France 148 Kugelfischer Bearing Ball Plant, Ebelsbach, Ger- many 149 Louis Breguet Aircraft Plant, Toulouse, France 150 S. N. C. A. S. E. Aircraft Plant, Toulouse, France 151 A. I. A. Aircraft Plant, Toulouse, France 152 V Weapons in London 153 City Area of Krefeld 154 Public Air Raid Shelters in Germany 246 UTILITIES DIVISION 205 German Electric Utilities Industry Report 206 1 to 10 in Vol. I “Utilities Division Plant Reports” 207 11 to 20 in Vol. II “Utilities Division Plant Re- ports” 208 21 Rheinische-Westfalische Elektrizitaetswerk A G Pacific War OFFICE OF THE CHAIRMAN 1 Summary Report (Pacific War) 2 Japan’s Struggle to End The War 3 The Effects of Atomic Bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki CIVILIAN STUDIES Civilian Defense Division 4 Field Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects, Tokyo, Japan 5 Field Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects, Nagasaki, Japan 6 Field Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects, Kyoto, Japan 7 Field Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects, Kobe, Japan 8 Field Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects, Osaka, Japan 9 Field Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects, Hiroshima, Japan—No. 1 10 Summary Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects in Japan 11 Final Report Covering Air Raid Protection and Allied Subjects in Japan Medical Division 12 The Effects of Bombing on Health and Medical Services in Japan 13 The Effects of Atomic Bombs on Health and Medical Services in Hiroshima and Nagasaki Morale Division 14 The Effects of Strategic Bombing on Japanese Morale ECONOMIC STUDIES Aircraft Division 15 The Japanese Aircraft Industry 16 Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Ltd. Corporation Report No. I (Mitsubishi Jukogyo KK) (Airframes & Engines) 17 Nakajima Aircraft Company, Ltd. Corporation Report No. II (Nakajima Hikoki KK) (Airframes & Engines) 18 Kawanishi Aircraft Company Corporation Report No. Ill (Kawanishi Kokuki Kabushiki Kaisha) (Airframes) 19 Kawasaki Industries Company, Inc. Corporation Report No. IV (Kawasaki Kokuki Kogyo Kabushiki Kaisha) (Airframes & Engines) 20 Aichi Aircraft Company Corporation Report No. V (Aichi Kokuki KK) (Airframes & Engines) 21 Sumitomo Metal Industries, Propeller Division Corporation Report No. VI (Sumitomo Kinzoku Kogyo KK, Puropera Seizosho) (Propellers) 22 Hitachi Aircraft Company Corporation Report No. VII (Hitachi Kokuki KK) (Airframes & Engines) 23 Japan International Air Industries, Ltd. Corporation Report No. VIII (Nippon Kokusai Koku Kogyo KK) (Airframes) 24 Japan Musical Instrument Manufacturing Co. Corporation Report No. IX (Nippon Gakki Seizo KK) (Propellers) 25 Tachikawa Aircraft Company Corporation Report No. X (Tachikawa Hikoki KK) (Airframes) 26 Fuji Airplane Company Corporation Report No. XI (Fuji Hikoki KK) (Airframes) 27 Showa Airplane Company Corporation Report No. XII (Showa Hikoki Kogyo KK) (Airframes) 28 Ishikawajima Aircraft Industries Company, Ltd. Corporation Report No. XIII (Ishikawajima Koku Kogyo Kabushiki Kaisha) (Engines) 29 Nippon Airplane Company Corporation Report No. XIV (Nippon Hikoki KK) (Airframes) 30 Kyushu Airplane Company Corporation Report No. XV (Kyushu Hikoki KK) (Airframes) 31 Shoda Engineering Company Corporation Report No. XVI (Shoda Seisakujo) (Components) 32 Mitaka Aircraft Industries Corporation Report No. XVII (Mitaka Koku Kogyo Kabushiki Kaisha) (Components) 33 Nissan Automobile Company Corporation Report No. XVIII (Nissan Jidosha KK) (Engines) 34 Army Air Arsenal & Navy Air Depots Corporation Report No. XIX (Airframes and Engines) 35 Japan Aircraft Underground Report No. XX Basic Materials Division 36 Coal and Metals in Japan’s War Economy Capital Goods, Equipment and Construction Division 37 The Japanese Construction Industry 38 Japanese Electrical Equipment 39 The Japanese Machine Building Industry Electric Power Division 40 The Electric Power Industry of Japan 41 The Electric Power Industry of Japan (Plant Reports) 247 Manpower, Food and Civilian Supplies Division 42 The Japanese Wartime Standard of Living and Utilization of Manpower Military Supplies Division 43 Japanese War Production Industries 44 Japanese Naval Ordnance 45 Japanese Army Ordnance 47 Japanese Motor Vehicle Industry 48 Japanese Merchant Shipbuilding Oil and Chemical Division 49 Chemicals in Japan’s War 50 Chemicals in Japan’s War—Appendix 51 Oil in Japan’s War 52 Oil in Japan’s War—Appendix Over-all Economic Effects Division 53 The Effects of Strategic Bombing on Japan’s War Economy (Including Appendix A: U. S. Eco- nomic Intelligence on Japan — Analysis and Comparison; Appendix B: Gross National Product on Japan and Its Components; Ap- pendix C: Statistical Sources). Transportation Division 54 The War Against Japanese Transportation, 1941- 1945 Urban Areas Division 55 Effects of Air Attack on Japanese Urban Econo- my (Summary Report) 56 Effects of Air Attack on Urban Complex Tokyo- Kawasaki-Y okohama 57 Effects of Air Attack on the City of Nagoya 58 Effects of Air Attack on Osaka-Kobe-Kyoto 59 Effects of Air Attack on the City of Nagasaki 60 Effects of Air Attack on the City of Hiroshima MILITARY STUDIES Military Analysis Division 61 Air Forces Allied with the United States in the War Against Japan 62 Japanese Air Power 63 Japanese Air Weapons and Tactics 64 The Effect of Air Action on Japanese Ground Army Logistics 65 Employment of Forces Under the Southwest Pacific Command 66 The Strategic Air Operations of Very Heavy Bombardment in the War Against Japan (Twentieth Air Force) 67 Air Operations in China, Burma, India—World War II 68 The Air Transport Command in the War Against Japan 69 The Thirteenth Air Force in the War Against Japan 70 The Seventh and Eleventh Air Forces in the War Against Japan 71 The Fifth Air Force in the War Against Japan Naval Analysis Division 72 The Interrogations of Japanese Officials (Vols. I and II) 73 Campaigns of the Pacific War 74 The Reduction of Wake Island 75 The Allied Campaign Against Rabaul 76 The American Campaign Against Wotje, Maloe- lap, Mille, and Jaluit (Vols. I, II and III) 77 The Reduction of Truk 78 The Offensive Mine Laying Campaign Against Japan 79 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party— Foreword, Introduction, Conclusions, and Gen- eral Summary 80 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure A), Kamaishi Area 81 Report of Ships Bombard mt Survey Party (Enclosure B), Hamamatsu Area 82 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure C), Hitachi Area 83 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure D), Hakodate Area 84 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure E), Muroran Area 85 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure F), Shimizu Area 86 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosures G and H), Shionomi-Saki and Nojima-Saki Areas 87 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure I), Comments and Data on Effec- tiveness of Ammunition 88 Report of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure J), Comments and Data on Ac- curacy of Firing 89 Reports of Ships Bombardment Survey Party (Enclosure K), Effects of Surface Bombard- ments on Japanese War Potential Physical Damage Division 90 Effect of the Incendiary Bomb Attacks on Japan (a Report on Eight Cities) 91 The Effects of the Ten Thousand Pound Bomb on Japanese Targets (a Report on Nine Incidents) 92 Effects of the Atomic Bomb on Hiroshima, Japan 93 Effects of the Atomic Bomb on Nagasaki, Japan 94 Effects of the Pour Thousand Pound Bomb on Japanese Targets (a Report on Five Incidents) 95 Effects of Two Thousand, One Thousand, and Five Hundred Pound Bombs on Japanese Tar- gets (a Report on Eight Incidents) 96 A Report on Physical Damage in Japan (Sum- mary Report) G—2 Division 97 Japanese Military and Naval Intelligence 98 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part I, Comprehensive Report 99 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part II, Airfields 100 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part III, Computed Bomb Plotting 101 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part IV, Urban Area Analysis 102 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part V, Camouflage 103 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part VI, Shipping 104 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part VII, Electronics 105 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part VIII, Beach Intelli- gence 106 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part IX, Artillery 107 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part X, Roads and Rail- roads 108 Evaluation of Photographic Intelligence in the Japanese Homeland, Part XI, Industrial Analysis it u. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1947—695046 248 M 1 & Afi& M MAP OF ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS OF GREATER TOKIO AREA r t A- k T\Ji + + A r U k gm nm « m * & fF t * W*g f% St UJ r * — » r. w is * * 0 r*j I i LU s :«f - i® I »1 BD| TciEA’it; ;g^39rTr- WiHB/J'ite®* flrUlflJ 695046 0 - 47 (Inside back cover)