Reprinted from Nature, Vol. 324, No. 6098, pp. 627-628, 18 December 1986 © Macmillan Journals Ltd., 1986 Forty years of genetic recombination in bacteria Between April and June 1946, Joshua Lederberg and Edward L. Tatum carried out a series of experiments that proved that bacteria can exchange their genes by sexual crossings. The experiments were reported in Nature just 40 years ago'. In the following pair of articles, Joshua Lederberg first provides a personal reminiscence of the circumstances of the discovery and then, together with Harriet Zuckerman, considers it as a possible case of ‘postmature’ scientific discovery. A fortieth anniversary reminiscence Joshua Lederberg In September 1941, when I started as an undergraduate at Columbia University, the genetics of bacteria was still a no- man’s-land between the disciplines of genetics and (medical) bacteriology. The question whether “bacteria have genes, like all other organisms” was still un- answered, indeed rarely asked. My own thoughts at that moment lay elsewhere. I looked forward to a career in medical re- search applying chemical analysis to prob- lems like cancer and the malfunctions of the brain. Cytotoxicology then appeared to be the most promising approach to cell biochemistry. It was Francis J. Ryan (d. 1963) who turned my attention to the shar- per tools of genetics. Ryan had spent 1941 —42 as a postdoct- oral fellow at Stanford University, where he had met G. W. Beadle and E. L. Tatum (d. 1975), and had become fascinated with their recent invention of nutritional muta- tions in Neurospora as a tool for biochemi- cal genetic analysis’. Although working on a fungus like Neurospora did not go down smoothly in a Department of Zoology as at Columbia, where Ryan had accepted an instructorship, he established a laboratory to continue these studies. In January 1943 I was fortunate to get a job in his labora- tory assisting in the preparation of media and handling of Neurospora cultures. Ryan’s personal qualities as a teacher and the setting of serious research, discussion with him, other faculty members and gra- duate students in the department nourished my education as a scientist. On 1 July 1943, I was called to active duty in the United States Naval Reserve, and my further months at Columbia College alter- nated with spells of duty at the United States Naval Hospital, St Albans, Long Island. There, in the clinical parasitology laboratory, I had abundant opportunity to observe the life cycle of Plasmodium vivax. This experience dramatized the sexual sta- ges of the malaria parasite, which un- doubtedly sensitized me to the possibility of cryptic sexual stages in other microbes (perhaps even bacteria). In October 1944, > Lederberg in 1945 I was reassigned to begin my studies at Columbia Medical School; but I con- tinued working with Ryan at the Morning- side Heights campus. Discovery The important biological discovery of that year, by Avery, MacLeod and McCarty, was the identification of DNA as the substance responsible for the Pneumococcus transformation’. This phe- nomenon could be viewed as the transmis- sion of a gene from one bacterial cell to another; but such an interpretation was inevitably clouded by the obscure under- standing of bacterial genetics at the time. Avery’s work, at the Rockefeller Institute in New York, was promptly communi- cated to Columbia biologists by Theodo- sius Dobzhansky (who visited Rockefel- ler) and by Alfred Mirsky (of the Rock- efeller faculty) who was a close collabor- ator of Arthur Pollister in the Zoology Department. The work was the focus of widespread and critical discussion among the faculty and students. Mirsky was a vo- cal critic of the purported chemical identi- fication of the transforming agent, while applauding the central importance of the work. For my own part, the transcendent leap was simply the feasibility of knowing the chemistry of the gene. Whether this was DNA or protein would certainly be clarified quickly, provided the Pneumo- coccus transformation could be securely retained within the conceptual domain of gene transmission. I read the Avery, Mac- Leod and McCarty paper on 20 January 1945, prompted by Harriett Taylor (later Ephrussi- Taylor) a graduate student in Zoology who planned to pursue her post- doctoral studies with Avery. My excited response is recorded as ... “unlimited in its implications... Direct demonstration of the multiplication of transforming fac- tor... Viruses are gene-type compounds.” Atonce, I thought of attempting similar transformations by DNA in Neurospora. This organism had a well understood life- cycle and genetic structure. The biochemi- cal mutants opened up by Beadle and Tatum also allowed the efficient detection of nutritionally self-sufficient (prototrophic) forms, even if these were vanishingly rare. This would facilitate the assay of transform- ational events. Between January and May, 1945, I shared this idea with Francis Ryan; in June, he invited me to work on the subject with him. To our dismay, we soon disco- vered that the leucine-minus Neurospora mutant would spontaneously revert to prototrophy’, leaving us with no reliable assay for the effect of DNA in mediating genetic change in Neurospora. Questions about the biology of transformation would remain inaccessible to conventional gene- tic analysis if bacteria lacked a sexual sta- ge. But was it true that bacteria were asex- ual? Rene Dubos’ monograph, The Bac- terial Cell’, footnoted how inconclusive the claims were for or against any morpho- logical exhibition of sexual union between bacterial cells. My notes dated 8 July 1945 detail hypothetical experiments both to search for mating among Monilia (medically im- portant yeast-like fungi) and to seek gene- tic recombination in bacteria (by the pro- tocol that later proved to be successful). These notes coincide with the beginning of my course in medical bacteriology. They were provoked by the contrast of the tra- ditional teaching that bacteria were Schi- zomycetes, asexual primitive plants, with an appreciation of sexuality in yeast’, which was represented at Columbia by the graduate research work of Sol Spiegelman and Harriett Taylor. Dubos* cited many unclear, and two clear-cut negative results”* for sexuality in bacteria using genetic exchange metho- dology. But these two studies had no selective method for the detection of re- combination and so would have over- looked the process had it occurred less often than perhaps once per thousand cells. With the use of a pair of nutritional mutants, say A°B” and A B’, one could plate out innumerable cells in a selective medium and find a single A*B* recom- binant. In early July, I began experiments along these lines. In the first instance I used a set of biochemical mutants in Escherichia coli, which I began to accumu- late in Ryan’s laboratory. To avoid the difficulty that had arisen in our Neuros- pora experiments, a spontaneous rever- ston from A’B* to A‘B’, the strategy would be to use a pair of double mutants: AB C'D‘ and A*B*C’D’. Sexual cross- ing should still generate A*B*C*D* pro- totroph recombinants. These would be unlikely to arise by spontaneous rever- sions which, in theory, requires the coin- cidence of two rare events; AT > A* and B’ — B*. Much effort was devoted to control experiments to show that double reversions would follow this model, and so occur at a negligible frequency in the cul- tures handled separately. Thus the occur- rence of prototrophs in the mixed cultures would be presumptive evidence of genetic recombination. Long shot Meanwhile at Stanford, Ed Tatum, whose doctoral training at Wisconsin had been in the biochemistry of bacteria, was returning to bacteria as experimental sub- jects, having published two papers on the production of biochemical mutants in E. coli’, including double mutants like those described here. During the summer of 1945 Francis Ryan learned that Tatum was leaving Stanford to set up a new program- me in microbiology at Yale. He suggested that, rather than merely ask Tatum to share these new strains, I apply to work with him and get the further benefit of his detailed experience and general wisdom. Tatum agreed and suggested that I arrive in New Haven in late March, to give him time to set up his laboratory. He hinted that he had some similar ideas of his own, but never elaborated them. The arrange- ment suited him by leaving him free to complete his work on the biochemistry of Neurospora, perform the heavy adminis- trative duties of his new programme, and still participate in the long-shot gamble of looking for bacterial sex. Printed in Great Britain by Turnergraphic Limited. Basingstoke. Hampshire Experimental luck 1. We have learned” that E. coli strain K-12 itself was a remarkably lucky choice of experimental material: only about one in twenty randomly chosen strains of E. coli would have given posi- tive results in experiments designed according to our protocols. In particu- lar, strain B, which has become the standard material for work on bacter- iophage, would have been stubbornly unfruitful. Tatum had acquired K-12 from the routine stock culture collec- tion in Stanford’s microbiology depart- ment when he sought an E. coli strain to use as a source of tryptophanase in work on tryptophan synthesis in Neurospora”. The same strain was then in hand when he set out to make single, and then double mutants in E. coli’. | In 1946, I was very much aware of strain specificities and was speculating about mating types (as in Neurospora). I have no way to say how many other strains would have been tried, or in how many combinations, had the June 1946 ex- periments not been successful. 2. An equally important piece of luck was that, the selected markers Thr (threonine) and Leu (leucine) are found almost at the origin of the E. coli chro- mosome map". The cognoscenti will recognize that in a cross BM T’L*F* x B’M’T LF, the configuration used in June 1946, these chromosome locali- zations offer almost a maximum yield of selectible recombinants. We were therefore led stepwise into the complex- ities of mapping. It took about six weeks, from the first senous efforts at crossing in mid-April 1946, to establish well-controlled, positive results. These experiments could be done overnight, so the month of June allowed over a dozen repetitions, and the recruit- ment of almost a dozen genetic markers in different crosses. Besides the appearance of A*B*C*D* prototrophs, it was impor- tant to show that additional unselected markers in the parent stocks would segre- gate and recombine freely in the protot- rophic progeny. This result left little doubt as to the interpretation of the experiments. An immediate opportunity for public announcement presented itself at the in- ternational Cold Spring Harbor Sympo- sium in July. This was dedicated to the genetics of microorganisms, signalling the postwar resumption of major research ina field that had been invigorated by the new discoveries with Neurospora, phage, and the role of DNA in the Pneumococcus transformation. Tatum was already sche- duled to talk about his work on Neuros- pora. We were granted a last-minute im- provisation in the schedule to permit a brief discussion of our new results. The discussion was lively. The most principled criticism came from Andre Lwoff who worried about cross-feeding of nutrients between the two strains without their having in fact exchanged genetic in- formation. Having taken great pains to control this possibility, I felt that the in- direct genetic evidence was quite conclu- sive. Fortunately, Max Zelle mediated the debate. and generously offered to advise and assist me in the direct isolation of sing- le cells under the microscope. These sub- sequent observations did quiet remaining concerns of the group that Lwoff had assembled at the Pasteur Institute, includ- ing Jacques Monod, Francois Jacob and Elie Wollman, who were to make the most extraordinary contributions to the further development of the field. The single cell methods were also useful in later investi- gations in several fields. A direct result of the Cold Spring Harbor meeting was the prompt ventilation of all the controversial issues. With a few understandable, but minor points of resistance, genetic recom- bination in bacteria was soon incorpo- rated into the mainstream of the burgeon- ing research in molecular biology, and after another decade or so into the standard texts of bacteriology. It still took some years to work out the intimate details of crossing in E. coli; some, including the crucial question of the physical mechan- ism of DNA transfer between mating cells, are still obscure. The public image of the scientific frater- nity today has seldom been so problematic and the system cannot avoid putting a high premium on competition and_ self- assertion. We can recall with gratification how the personalities of Ryan" and Tatum" exemplified norms of nurture, dignity, respect for others, and above alla regard for the advance of knowledge. Joshua Lederberg is at the Rockefeller Uni- versity, New York, New York 10021. The research summarized in this article was sup- ported in 1946 by a fellowship of the Jane Coffin Childs Fund for Medical Research. . Lederberg, J. & Tatum, E.L. Nanere 188, 558 (1946). . Beadle. G.W. & Tatum, E.L. Proc. natn. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 27, 499 — 506 (1941). . Avery. O.T.. MacLeod. C.M. & McCarty, M. J. exp. Med, 79, 137 ~ 158 (1944), . Ryan. F.J. & Lederberg. J. Proc. natn. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 32, 163-173 (1946). - Dubos. R. The Bacterial Cell (Harvard, Cambridge, 1945). Winge & Lausten. O. C.R. Lab. Carlsberg, Ser. physiol. 22, 99-119, (1937). 7, Sherman, 1M. & Wing. H.U. J. Bact. 33, 315 — 321 (1937). 8. Gowen. J.W. & Lincoln. R.E. J. Bact. 44. 551 — 854 (1942). 9. Gray C.H. & Tatum, E.L. Proc. natn. Acad. Sci, U.S.A. 3, 404-410 (1944). Lederberg. J. in University on the Heights, (ed. First. W.) 105 - 109. (Doubleday. Garden City, New York, 1969). IL. Lederberg, J. A. Rev. Gener. 13, 1-5 (1979), 12. Lederberg J. Science 114. 68 - 69 (1951). 13. Tatum. E.L. & Bonner. D.M. Proc. natn. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 30. 30 — 37 (1944). i4. Bachmann. BJ. Microb. Revs. 47, 180 ~ 230 (1983). tw ony s aw 10,