RANK IN THE NAYY. SPEECH OF HON. AARON F. STEVENS, OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, January 23, 1871. WASHINGTON, D. C. : JUDD & DETWEILER, PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS 1871, SPEECH The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. No. 1832) to regulate rank in the Navy of the United States, and for other purposes— Mr. STEVENS said: Mr. Speaker : As the gentleman from Pennsylvania does not in- dicate the amount of time which he wishes to occupy, I will proceed to state generally the provisions of the bill, and to some extent its history, after which I will cheerfully yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania. I am quite sure that the gentlemen of this House, whose attention I shall have the honor-to secure, will not confess themselves strangers to the question raised by the provisions of this bill. Nor will they, I think, treat it as a trivial or unimportant question, connected as it is with one of the principal branches of the public service. I do not seek to disguise the fact that within the past two years the regu- lation of rank in the Navy has become a question of more public importance than has ever been conceded to it in former times outside of those immediately interested in its settlement. It is but truth to say that no question of military organization and detail has ever, except in time of war, excited so much interest as that to which I now desire to call the attention of the House, and which this bill seeks to regulate and fix upon a just and permanent basis. Why is this? Certainly not because there is any considerable class in or out of the Navy that desire to disturb a well-settled and just principle of organization ; a principle which ought to be recognized as regular, equitable, and in accordance with well-established military rules. Experience shows that in military, as in civil organizations, just and correct principles and rules of action furnish the basis of acqui- escence and contentment; while, on the other hand, radical defects and unjust rules are constantly a source of irritation and friction, producing discord, hostility, and disturbance. It is not in the nature of man, nor is it in accordance with our experience or the teachings of philosophy, either in civil or military affairs, to find a perfect and correct organization cursed with intestine discord, convulsed with internal quarrels, or, as my friend from Maine once expressed it, with the hands of its honorable members at each others’ throats. From the fact of the bitter controversy which has arisen and been continued in the Navy, and which now exists there, weakening its efficiency and annoying the country and Congress with its com- plaints, I argue confidently that there must be something wrong in an organization which can give rise to and constantly be involved in this marked and disagreeable controversy. There must be a defect somewdiere, there must be something wrong. We may differ as to 4 the cause, we may not agree as to the point where the blame rests, but I think all who have traced the history of the question, or given the subject even a superficial examination, will admit that it is abso- lutely necessary to the prosperity of the Navy and to the vindication of ourselves as legislators that the cause of dissension should be removed so far as we have it in our power to effect so desirable an object. Entertaining upon this subject views of my own, not hastily adopted, and entirely unconnected as I am with any personal inter- est or consideration in connection with the official corps of the Navy, I ask attention while I present them to the House in aid of the pro- visions of this bill. A MILITARY QUESTION. Let me say, in the first place, that this is a military question. I claim, therefore, the right to draw especially to its consideration the attention of gentlemen upon this floor who have heretofore, many of them, acted a prominent part in the military organization of the country, and I ask them frankly to listen to me, to question me, to criticise the provisions of the bill, to search the reasons which I may be able to offer in its support, to object and to amend if they shall find cause for such intervention ; but above all I crave their earnest and careful attention to the discussion and the consideration of the question. A military organization has within itself, necessarily, many ele- ments of exclusiveness and caste, but when to these natural tenden- cies is added an educational process which, taking possession of the boy in his tender years by a well-prepared and successive course of training, leads him up to rank and command, there is infused into his mind, and he carries with him, perhaps almost unconsciously, into the discharge of his duties a spirit of intense egotism and con- tempt for those very elements of society out of which he sprung. This is the natural tendency of military culture, as it is the philosophy of military organization. The schools of West Point and Annapolis are often cited as promi- nent instances of the fostering care which has been extended by the nation to these anti-republican tendencies. It is more particularly with the latter that I wish to deal at this time. That the school of Annapolis has become, par excellence, the hot-bed and nursery of American military aristocracy and caste I think no student of our progress will deny. In asserting this Ido not mean to charge the students of that Academy With all the results of their education at that institution. Ido not mean to say that the young men who re- ceive their military training there are at fault in this particular. It is the fruit of the system of the instruction and of the exclusiveness OUR NAVAL SCHOOL. 5 inculcated there. Let it be remembered that it is only the officers of the line who are admitted and educated there. Everything else has been eliminated from the sacred precincts. The staff officers are educated in and selected from civil life. They represent the citizen element. They are not trained on the bounty or charity of the Gov- ernment. They are educated at our schools, academies, and colleges, while the line officer is taken at a tender age, placed in the school of Annapolis, and early taught that his is to be a life of authority and command, consecrated to exclusiveness and rank, and that all talent, culture, skill, experience, and age outside of the line are to be subor- dinated to that part of our naval organization in all time to come. This idea is impressed upon the young cadet in every way that in- genuity can devise, or authority enforce. It grows with his growth and strengthens with his strength. Instead of being told that they are to rely upon their talents and acquirements solely for usefulness and distinction, they are advised that their importance and success depend materially on maintaining the exclusiveness of their rank. Without rank they are nothing; with rank they are superior to all that do not share in its full enjoyment. They are taught to believe that it would be a disgrace to share that rank with those who come into the military service from the professions and skilled occupations of civil life. They are taught that a sailing ship alone can properly educate the sailor, and that steam and steam machinery are innova- tions costly and unprofessional, and to be tolerated only as a matter of necessity. They listen to the honorable Secretary of the Navy when he tells them— “ That lounging the watches of a steamer or acting as fireman and coal-heaver will not produce in a seaman that combination of boldness, strength, and skill which characterized the American sailor of the elder day; and the habitual ex- ercise by an officer of a command, the execution of which is not under his own eye, is a poor substitute for the school of observation, promptness, and command found only on the deck of a sailing vessel.” So it is when the cadet comes out from the school of Annapolis he is found, even in the early stages of his professional life, the trained antagonist, sometimes socially and always professionally, of his brother officer of the staff. He assumes his place in the official corps of the Navy with a sneer at the surgeon or the engineer, who has been educated in civil life, and whom he has been taught to call a “civilian,” or “ non-combatant,” though he may be in all repsects, except rank, his equal or superior, a first-class man in all particulars save in artificial distinction, a man of the highest skill, capacity, and intelligence; such a man as is recognized and appreciated every- where, and, in all military organizations except the American Navy, accorded rank commensurate with his age, accomplishments, and responsibilities. Thus the line officer, quite naturally, and perhaps in some instances unconsciously, as he ascends step by step to the higher grades which, during and since the war, have been so liber- ally bestowed upon his corps, he carries with himthespirit of military domination crystalized into a professional and social aristocracy. 6 Now, Mr. Speaker, you may tell me that this is the spirit and the tendency of all military education. I admit it. Observation shows it, history teaches it, the world has come long since to acknowledge it, governments, in the progress of human affairs, have been called to observe and deal with it. It is the question we are dealing with to-day. It is a question which this Government has heretofore grappled with, and in its Army has modified and restrained, placing the official corps of that branch of the service upon a footing at once just, practical, and American. How has it been done? By the legis- lation of Congress. Such evils, sir, seldom cure themselves. They need the pruning-knife of legislation. Power and authority seldom of their own accord relinquish their hold upon any organization, especially a military one. Every liberal Government has found that out, and, with a single exception, applied the remedy; and that ex- ception involves the Navy of the United States. Let me be just, sir, Congress has inaugurated this restraining and remedial policy in regard to our Navy, The department has at times been found in sympathy with this policy, but it has been largely thwarted by the influence and activity of the officers of the line ; and now Congress is called upon to complete the woi;k. There is only one way that it can be done, and that is by law. The Navy is a military organization, with .an official body, con- sisting of line and staff. The latter ask Congress to give them the recognition of fixed, definite, and positive rank, without enhanced command, thus placing them on the same relative footing with the staff of the Army. That is their prayer. DUNE AND STAFF. In o:\'.cr to understand quite distinctly a military organization, as it respects line and staff, I beg leave to call the attention of the House to the definition which has been given by the distinguished General of the Army in his annual report of 1870. Under the head of “Staff of the Army,” he says: “ This term applies to those officers and men who administer to the wants of every military establishment, and are in our service classified as adjutant gene- rals, inspector generals, Bureau of Military Justice, quartermasters, commis- saries, surgeons, paymasters and ordnance departments, corps of engineers, and chief signal officers, and post chaplains. The names imply their respective duties, and the organic law of 1866 limits and prescribes their number.” From this high authority we learn with precision what symmetri- cal military organization is in its official relations of line and staff. In the Navy the staff’ departments are represented by surgeons, paymasters, and engineers; and it is proposed by the bill to add chaplains, constructors, and professors of mathematics. In general terms the line consists of the officers who have command, from ad- miral to midshipman. The intensity of the pending controversy is largely due to the attempt, on the part of the line, to abolish the dis- tinction of line and staff in the Navy ; to obliterate the latter as a distinctive part of its organization, and to arrogate to the line by 7 legal enactment the entire prestige, representation, and power of its official classes. Within the past two years the attempt has been made to give the sanction of law to this ambitious scheme. In a bill which passed the Senate, known as the “Grimes bill,” and which was strongly urged upon your committee a year since by Vice- Admiral Porter, there was a provision to the effect that hereafter the designation of staff corps should not be used in the Navy, and the new book of regulations carefully ignores the distinction. While abolishing the staff as a distinctive part of the Navy, in order to capture and hold in the grasp of the line the entire power and control of the service, the “Grimes bill” provided also for a “ board of sur- vey,” to consist of three line officers, “not below’ the rank of rear admiral,” to whom the Secretary of the Navy should be subordinate and responsible, abolishing the bureau system and throwing a mili- tary protectorate over the Department, Secretary, and all. This was an attempt on the part of the line to place the Navy Department in “commission,” organizing something like the old exploded board of English admiralty, consisting of three officers of the Navy, and rep- resenting solely that portion which may be called the sailing talent of our marine, which was to take possession and control of the Navy, and under whose direction and advice it was to be organized, kept up, and administered, while the Secretary of the Navy was substan- tially to be but a figure-head, set up for the admiration of the gentle- men who were to walk the quarter-deck, “monarchs of all they survey.” We once had such a commission as that fora series of years. sir, it was exploded, and another system sub- stituted before our civil war broke out. Now, this whole project of a board of survey was attacked, dis- cussed, and exploded in Congress in 18G5. Yet the line officers, with their usual disregard of the will of Congress, except when its action tends to their advancement, returned to their favorite schemes of placing the Navy Department in commission, and embodied their purpose in the “Grimes bill.” It may be profitable to recur to the congressional history of the attempt in 1865. I have only time to glance at it. The project, substantially that of the “Grimes bill,” was intro- duced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Winter Davis, and into the Senate by Mr. Wade, 1865. In the discussion of that bill, Senator Grimes denounced the identical scheme that was subse- quently embodied in his bill, in the following language : “The amendment [of Mr. Wade] means neither more nor less than this, if it means anything; to put the Navai Department into commission, to put It into leading strings, to put it in the control of some line officers who have been for a long time in the service; or else it means to furnish to the Naval Department a subterfuge by which it can at all times avoid responsibility. Either it means to give the control of the Navy Department to these commissioners, or else the ef- fect will be to furnish the Secretary of the Navy the means in the future of avoiding all responsibility for his ads by thrusting everything off upon this board of commissioners. Di you wish to divide responsibility thus ? Do you wish to give the Secretary of the Navy an opportunity to shuffle off all responsi- bility for his acts upon this board of Irresponsible officers, who hold their com- missions by a life tenure ? I surely do not. 8 “ Yet, Mr. President, that will be the effect of this amendment if adopted. That is the effect of the British admiralty administration to-day. There is nothing that the members of the naval profession in England are so anxious to get rid of as their admiralty system, after which this amendment is modeled. They saw fit two Hundred years ago to put their office of lord high admiral into commis- sion, and it is now wielded by Just about such a board as the Senator has pro- posed to create here. And what is the result of it? Precisely the result that I predict will follow here. A British writer on the admiralty administration says : ‘“lt is unnecessary to insist at any length on the evil of divided councils, which must often occur among six persons brought together by the chapter of accidents, without previous knowledge of each other's views, and in fact the ad- miralty often represents nothing so completely as the endless diversity of opin- ions which prevail among naval officers, a diversity which, on the other hand, is partly accounted for by the absence of any standard course of policy to be discovered in the conduct of successive naval administrations.’ “And he says, further : “ ‘ With respect to naval officers the case is not more encouraging, for the only one subject on which there is general agreement among them is the utter hope- lessness of any good result arising from a system which is felt to hang like a blight over the navy.’ , “That is a navy board, which the Senator from Ohio would induce the Ameri- can Senate to adopt and incorporate into our system. Sir Charles Napier, a great naval authority, says : “ ‘ Believing, as I do, that no permanent good can be done for the service until the board of admiralty is abolished, I shall point out what appears to me would be the best mode of ruling the navy, although that step has not been taken.’ “ Sir George Cockburn has said : “Having filed the station of confidential or principal sea lord of the admi- ralty for more than seventeen years, I feel that my opinion regarding the con- stitution of the board may sooner or later be deemed worthy of consideration and attention. I am induced, therefore, to place in writing the decisions to which my experience has brought me on this point. “ ‘ I have no hesitation in stating that I consider the present establishment of that board to be the most unsatisfactory and least efficient for its purpose that could have been devised.’ “ Mr. President, if you adopt this scheme for a board of admiralty, one or two things will follow, either the appointments that Avill be made under it will be made by the President of the United States, upon the suggestion of the Secre- lary of the Navy, and, therefore, you will have no more nor less than the tools, the pets, or the friends of the Secretary of the Navy to compose it, or the ap- pointments will be made independently of him and will be antagonistic to him, and thus you will secure divided councils. Which of the horns of that dilemma will the Senate prefer? Suppose that a new Secretary of the Navy should come into office on the 4th of March, will not the President detail or ap- point, for his associates in this board, men whom he will designate, with whom he is familiar, and with whom he is willing to co-operate? Or, if the present Secretary shall be continued, do you suppose the President will select men whom Mr. Welles will not desire to unite in his councils ? If they are not thus appointed, if the President does not regard the wishes of the Secretary, as I suppose he will, he will select men who are in opposition and in hostility to him, and in that case how will the Navy Department be conducted? You will have such confusion as no executive office in the Government was ever yet cursed with. “Mr. President, I trust that it is hardly necessary for me to say anything more this evening in opposition to the adoption of this amendment. I believe that a more disastrous measure for the Navy could not be devised. I know that there are some officers who are in favor of it. lam tolerably familiar with the sentiment of the Navy, and while some of the older officers who have spoken with me, and others who have not spoken with me with whom I am acquainted, are in favor of it. I know that the bone and sinew, the heart and muscle, of the Navy, the men who do the labor and who are destined to do it, the men in mature life, and from that down to the young passed midshipmen, are utterly and wholly hostile to it. “ Sir, what has been our experience on this subject ? We had this Navy board once, or something tantamount to it. As a friend said to me yesterday, when the proposition was introduced here, ‘ When we got rid of the old board in 1842 we felt as Sinbad the sailor felt when the Old Man of the Sea was lifted off his shoulders.’ It was an incubus on the Navy, and was so regarded at that time by everybody except some of the old post captains who were assigned as mem- bers of the board. It was an inefficient organization and was so considered by every one whose opinion was worth anything. Every nation on the face of the earth that has had it or anything like it is attempting to abolish it.” In the House of Representatives, Mr. Rice, of Massachusetts, chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, met the proposition Its follows : 9 “I think the gentleman [Mr. Davis] has been unfortunate in the selection of the proposition which he has submitted to the House. It is, sir, nothing more nor less than that this Congress and the Navy Department of the United States shall throw away all the teachings of experience, both at home and abroad, and shall take a retrograde step, placing the administration of our naval affairs where it was nearly a century ago.” " * * * * * * * “ the question of the expediency of putting the Navy Department under the surveillance of a board of examiners, or a board of administration, the com- mittee proceeded to consider as soon as ihey could gain time from the pressure of other and more important matters; and, as 1 said before, weeks ago they were ready to submit their action and conclusions to this House as soon as its rules would permit, and, ij necessary to do so, to subjn.it the reasons for the decision to which they arrived. “ Now, I desire to say here, that the report which the committee are ready to make whenever they have an opportunity is adverse to the proposition sub- mitted by the honorable gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. Davis,] and if the House will indulge me I will proceed to state, with as much brevity as the cir- cumstances permit, some of the reasons wnich have led us to that conclusion. The proposition of the honorable gentl-man is substantially that the Navy Department of the United States shall be put under a similar kind of adminis- tration to that by willch the British navy is at present controlled ; and I need not say to any gentleman who has examined that subject, that the British board of admiralty is to-day, of all administrative things in England, the most unpopular among the people end Government of that nation. “ The administration of the navy of Great Britain was vested originally in an officer called the ‘ lord high admiral ot the British Navy,’ an office which has not been filled, except for a very short period, for nearly one hundred and eighty years, the exception being its occupation by the Duke of Clarence, in 1827; at all other times it lias been placed in commission, as the phrase is, a commission consisting of two lords, four commissioners, and two secretaries, the incumbents being so appointed and retired as to be in harmony and sympa- thy with the dominant party in the Government for the time being. And what has been the result ? Just precisely what one would expect would be the re- sult of the action of an organization having no individual responsibility, and feeling the stimulus of no executive power.” After reviewing the merits of the British system, on board of admiralty, Mr. Rice continues: “Other leading men and authorities have spoken of this board in even stronger terms of disfavor as a feeble and unsatisfactory mode of administer- ing the Navy, and this in such numbers as to lead one to suppose that nothing but the proverbial unwillingness to make a radical change in any part of their governmental organization would tolerate its continuance. And let me call attention to the tact that it is not against the personnel of this board of admi- ralty that the objection lies, but against the system itself; for the board of ad- miralty of Great Britain has from time to time embraced some of the wisest, some of the most experienced, and some of the most judicious naval authori- ties in Great Britain. But during all the time ot its existence down to the pres- ent it has hardly been able promptly and efficiently to pat forth the efforts which were necessary to provide against the exigencies ot war which at all times are liable to occur. “As I have already shown, British authorities, who have investigated for themselves the subject, declare in their periodicals, reports, and speeches that this board ot admiralty is an organization which is defective in its very nature, and, therefore, it cannot be made of paramount value by the administration of any men, however efficient, excellent, and experienced they may be. Yet this, let me say, is substantially the system which the honorable gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Davis,) if I understand him, desires we shall establish here; a system which, after a test of more than two hundred years in Great Britain, is more than almost anything else connected with their government in disrepute, both with the Government and with the people, and has singularly failed In pre- senting any positive advantage, as the present condition of the British navy shows. Tins is the system which the honorable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Davis) dfes.ies us to institute here. This is the kind of trammel that he desires to put over the chief officer of our Navy Department.” “Now, sir, the gentleman from Maryland in proposing this measure has not only run contrary to the experience of France and of Kngland upon this subject, but he proposes to leap over the whole period of time during which this Govern- ment has had an existence. Why, sir, when the Navy of the United States first came into being, in 1775, we then had a marine committee. In 1776 we had what was called a continental Navy board. In 1779 we had a board of admiralty. In 1798 a Navy Department was established, with a Secretary of the Navy. In 1815 we had a board of Navy commissioners appointed. In 1842 all these irresponsi- ble boards, these debating societies organized to discuss and to settle the princi- ples upon which our Navy should be constructed and administered, were wiped out of the way, under the experience which the Government had had through 10 this long period, and a Navy Department, substantially like that which we now have, was established. We got along very well from 1842 up to 1862, the second year of this war, under the Navy Department as it was organized in 1842. And, sir, what did the wisdom of Congress determine after fvvo years of experience amid the trials of this war, added to the long experience in a peace establish- ment? What did the wisdom of Congress decide was expedient to be done in 1862, when the height of the pressure of this war was upon us, when new exigen- cies were arising every day, when there was a demand for the loftiest and broad- est wisdom and experience that the country could furnish in respect to the best method of administering the Navy? Why, sir, it did not establish a board of admiralty; it did not establish a board of commissioners; it did not run across the water and adopt tlm system of admiralty which the government of Great Britain was just then trying earnestly and laboriously to dispense with. But Congress did amplify the existing Navy Department, changing none of its ma- terial features, but enlarging it to meet the added necessities which were brought upon it and upon the country by this gigantic war.” “So, sir, we have in the amendment of the gentleman from Maryland no new proposition whatever, but one which we have already tried, improved upon, and discarded.” Mr. Pike, of Maine, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, op- posed the scheme in the following language: “ It is a preliminary question whether or not there is an organization that in the future can produce a respectable navy. The gentleman from Maryland has produced his plan. Here it is ; a board of naval administration, which is to be a panacea for all the ills under which we now suffer. I hold in my hand the original measure, taut which, I understand, has been modified somewhat since. It provides that the vice-admiral and four other officers of the Navy shall con- stitute a board, and that that board shall have the advising of the construction and management of the navy. “It is proposed to make this board permanent, for the smaller experiments which have been tried from time to time in the Navy Department, and which is an ordinary and almost daily means of obtaining the opinmn of an advisory board, will not satisfy the gentleman. He must have this a permanent board, under the appointment of the President and sanction of the Senate. So he would retire our distinguished Vice-Admiral from active service, and take him and four or five other distinguished officers of ihe Navy and lay them up in ordinary here, imposing upon them simply the duty of advising the Secretary of the Navy, which advice he may or may not be expected, in his discretion, to follow. In addition to the serious objection of retiring so many good officers, we can readily imagine the conflicting views which will arise, the discordant councils, and the balancing and shifting of responsibility from the head of the Navy Department to the naval board, and back again from the naval board to the Secretary of the Navy. Either one or the other of them must be responsi- ble. It will not be as it is now, where you htive provided your Secretary of the Navy with heads of bureaus, who shall advise him of all the details of their particular departments.” Is it not passing strange, Mr. Speaker, that after the marked and decisive repulse which that antiquated scheme received in the halls of Congress at so recent a period, the attempt should again be made by the officers of the line to shut up the management of the Navy Department in the hands of a close corporation, consisting of three line officers—a triune censorship, outside of which the Secretary of the Navy is to be but an admiring spectator? But these gentlemen dream on, and are still, I suspect, waiting the golden opportunity when their aspirations for eliminating “civilians ” from the service, including the heads of bureaus, shall be fully realized, and the naval organization, “from stem to stern,” become purely, entirely, and exclusively a dominant military power. And, to my apprehension, these desires and repeated attempts to withdraw the Navy from civil influence demand of Congress that it should cherish and advance the influence and the membership which springs fresh and vigorous from the ranks of piyil life, which is so largely represented by the staff of the Navy, 11 This policy undoubtedly arose from a desire to arrogate to the line of the Navy all there might be of consideration, respect, and importance which can be derived from rank. Your committee have looked carefully to the construction and organization of other navies, as well as to the Army of the United States, and have failed to lind any existing military organization where these well-known and convenient distinctions of line and staff do not obtain. In this view, and with so strange a proposition, I can only regard it as one of the idiosyncrasies of the American Navy, which furnishes so many departures from the well-recognized rules of enlightened and progressive military organization, while it develops an absence of those changes which seem to have been demanded and adopted in all other branches of military service. Before I go further, Mr. Speaker, I ask attention to a comparative statement to which I shall have occasion to refer. I have said that the condition of the American Navy in regard to rank is as anomalous as unjust and inequitable. When we point to the organization of the Army of the United States as a body where the principle contended for prevails, and has been thoroughly tested, and, according to General Sherman, works well, we are answered that the Navy is a very different thing; that its official corps are broughtinto closer proximity and relationship, are cooped up together on board ships where collisions are more likely to oc- cur and disagreements to exist. Well, sir, grant this ; does it not suggest the strongest reason why men of equal strength of character and high attainments, though clothed with different power and duties, should have their official status clearly defined? More than this, sir; is it not absolutely required, for the good of the service, that there should be no such inequality in official ranks as will ena- ble youth to domineer over and insult age with impunity? Such has been the declared opinion of the highest authorities in the country for many years, including the most distinguished line officers of the Navy. RANK IN FOREIGN NAVIES. It cannot tend to the harmony and discipline of the service for one-half of its officers to be constantly goaded by a knowledge of the obvious fact that not only are they retained in a state of official inferiority, while their contemporaries of the Army are honored and promoted, but to discover, as they look over the organization of other navies, that they are deprived of rights, comforts, and privileges enjoyed by staff corps everywhere else, and that they are the victims of an exclusive and aristocratic principle which does not exist even in the navies of Europe. The self-respect of every staff officer in our Navy may well feel a shock when he knows, both by observation and study, that in the English and French navies the men who occupy relative positions with himself are en- titled to fixed and positive rank, and that, although belonging tff 12 the same profession with himself, the honor of the higher grades of rank in the service are open to the talents, ambition, and merit of the staff officer. Why is this aristocratic principle, exploded and abrogated in every navy in the civilized world, retained and nour- ished in our little Navy? Is it for the protection of the line? Is there such a superiority of brains and accomplishments in the staff that the equality can only be preserved by exclusive rank? I trust not, Mr. Speaker; and yet the argument of “ discipline” proceeds upon this ground too often, I fear. But one thing is certain : that in every other navy efficiency and discipline are botli secured by the concession of rank, positive and fixed, and of a high grade, to the members the staff corps. The following table will show the position of the staff in foreign navies. Let the reader examine, and then censure, if he can, the sense of justice which asks at our hands a similar recognition in the American Navy : (assu with those of the line, within the limits of military usage. 9, By its moral effect it tends to enhance the comfort and secure the good treatment of the enlisted men of the Navy, by increasing the respect and usefulness of a class who, not being in command, naturally discourage the cruel treatment and unlawful punishment too frequent in the Navy. 10. By eradicating a false, proscriptive, and oppressive principle in military organization it relieves the service of a source of discon- tent and bitterness which is sure to arise where such principle exists. 11. It fixes the status of the officers of the Navy by law, the same as in the Army, thus taking the question out of the reach of the uncertainty and caprice of hostile regulations, made from time to time by irresponsible power. It gives it a firm legal basis. 12. It gives substantially what one year ago was conceded by a mixed board of the line and staff officers appointed for the purpose of settling the question, but which was suppressed by hostile influ- ences. 13. It settles the false and unmilitary division into “combatants” and “ non-combatants ” set up by the line, and elsewhere exploded* The records of the war show that more of the staff than of the line of the Navy, in proportion to their numbers, were killed and wounded in battle. 14. It will prevent the resignations and vacancies in the staff which are the result of the degradation and persecution visited by the line upon the staff. Mr. Speaker, I am convinced that the present settlement of this 33 question on the ground of justice to the staff corps of the Navy can- not be postponed without detriment to the harmony of the service, to the just principles of American military organization, and econ- omy in legislation. It is in the very nature of things that this con- troversy can have no end until this anti-American slavish distinc- tion, which has no counterpart in other military bodies, is stricken from the Navy. In the improvements that have taken place in military organizations our Navy seems to have had but very little share. In its body still lurks this remnant of caste and slavery, which seeks to subordinate a portion of its members and to draw between them, without warrant, the line of military and civil dis- tinction, and refuses to share equally the honors of its rank accord- ing to military custom. That distinction is most offensively put by Vice Admiral Porter in his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, and, though denounced by the immortal Farragut, is still cherished with all the ardor of professional caste by the school of Annapolis. This same contro- versy arose and ■was settled years since in the British army and navy, at the instance and intervention of the Duke of Wellington and Sir John Parkington, and upon the principle of positive rank for the staff. It is time that it was settled in this country. Its set- tlement under the provisions of this bill recognizes, by the honor of fixed and positive rank, the value of professional services, and the merit and importance of that skilled labor and mechanical art which, under the fostering care of our free institutions, are contributing so largely to the wealth, the power and prosperity of our country. The intelligent and active men representing these great interests will never be content with an unjust and unnecessary subordina- tion. The staff is proud of the Navy, of its history, and the great achievements, in which they have borne their full share, and while they cheerfully concede to its great commanders the glory of its many victories, they justly claim their heritage of honor attendant upon long, arduous service, and dangers shared with their brethren of the line. Mr. Stevens yielded the floor to Mr. Scofield, Mr. Hale, and. Mr. Myers, who severally addressed the House; after which— Mr. STEVENS resumed the floor. Mr. MAYNARD. Will the gentleman allow me to offer an amend- ment? Mr. STEVENS. I cannot yield for any amendment. In reply to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Myers,] I will say that this law, which was passed some six years ago, placed the rights of the warrant officers in the hands of the President of the United States. It is most fortunate that the President is a military man, who under- stands these subjects ; and the application to him by these gentle- men, if they will make it, as they have not yet done, will be received with favor, or certainly with due consideration. 34 Now I desire to say that so far as the representatives of the me- chanical skill of the country are concerned, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Scofield] has done great injustice to the pro- visions of the bill and to its authors. This is the first and only bill that has been presented here giving the mechanical interest of the Navy a certain fixed and positive rank. I think there is some little confusion, however, in regard to this matter. The warrant officers of which the gentleman speaks do not represent the mechanics of the country. Properly speaking, they represent the sailors. The constructors and engineers do, however, represent in an eminent degree, the skilled mechanics of the country, and this bill recognizes them, and gives them actual, positive rank. Now, sir, I do not propose to continue this discussion at further length. I will, however, allude to what the gentleman said upon the question of granting honors and conferring rank in the military organizations in this country. The gentleman says that it is uncon- stitutional, but I think he will fail to find in the Constitution any clause or provision sustaining his position. His allusion to the clause against orders of nobility will hardly sustain it, and the practice of the Government, from its earliest foundation, is the practical an- swer to this theory. I think his difficulty may be found in his drawing no distinction between society and civil service, where rank is properly and wisely excluded, and privileged orders un- known, and the military service of the country where rank has thus far been found by all Governments quite as necessary as power and authority, and where martial law is substituted for civil juris- prudence. The gentleman says also that this bill gives command to the en- gineer or to the surgeon over the line officer. Sir, by military law, by the regulations of the Na\y, and by the provisions of this bill, a staff officer can have no command except over the subordinates of his own corps; and this command, so absolutely requisite to the efficiency and discipline of the service, is given in all military bodies, and is by present law ai.d regulation an incident in our naval ser- vice. An engineer, for instance, can have command only over subordinate engineers and assistants in his department. I ask the gentleman to show a single instance where a staff officer ban have command when a line officer is present. Mr. HALE. Will the gentleman allow me to ask a question right in point? Mr. STEVENS. Yes, sir. Mr. HALE. Will the gentleman state what would be the result on board of a ship if the head of the surgeon corps and the com- mander of the ship came to loggerheads about a subject-matter in that corps ? And what would be the result if added to that the head of the pay corps in the ship came to loggerheads with the com- mander of the ship about a subject-matter in that corps ? And so in 35 relation to the engineer department. And would not the matter be all the more complicated if all those officers had the same relative rank ? Mr. STEVENS. If the gentleman will reflect upon what consti- tutes military rank and military command, I think he will admit that no such circumstance could ever occur as a surgeon, an engineer, and a paymaster having control independent of the captain of a ship. Mr. HALE. Then why the force of the exception, if Mr. STEVENS. I beg pardon of the gentleman ; lam answer- ing his question. The captain of a ship has sole and unlimited power. And if an admiral was on board that ship as a passenger, not under orders, he could not take the control of the ship away from the captain. If the gentleman will turn to the regulations ex- isting iii the Navy for many years past he will find that your com- mittee have incorporated in this section which gentlemen are now attacking the very language of those articles regulating command of staff officers. And yet gentlemen, in order to antagonize them- selves to this bill, say that that law, which has stood in the Navy in the form of regulations for many years, regulating command, now takes command away from the captain of the ship! Somebody is mis- taken ; either the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Scofield] and the gentleman from Maine [Mr. Hade] or the Navy Depart- ment of the United States, which has had these regulations, word for word, standing on their books for years. Mr. Speaker, so strongly, indeed, is this bill fortified by those prin- ciples of necessity and equity which lie at the foundation of all the military organizations known to the civilized world, that in order to strike a blow at its integrity the gentleman is compelled to carry his effort to great length ; so far, indeed, as to seek to overthrow those incidents of military authority and dignity which have been sanctioned by the experience of centuries, and which are as wide- spread as civilized governments. It is a most extraordinary posi- tion, indeed, to ignore honor and distinction, which is the goal of human aspirations, in many cases stronger than the love of letters, stronger than avarice, and oftentimes than all other sentiments and affections ; a principle so all-pervading, so universal in its applica- tion, and so well recognized that nothing has ever been found equal to its eradication. Not even the lied Eepublicanism of France, which sought to merge all distinctions and grades in a common citizenship, went further than the principle contended for. Mr. Speaker, we must take things as they are. We must look upon society as we find it. In the organization necessary to the ex- istence and protection of the Navy we must have due regard to those sentiments of the human character which constantly incite men to fortune and to fame. We cannot ignore it in civil life, and the ex- perience of the whole world and all ages teaches us the folly of at- tempting to suppress it in military organizations. This Jove of 36 distinction, which brings with it consideration, comfort, and respect,, enters largely into the incentives and the reward of military action- We hold out to the young man just entering upon the active duties of his occupation or profession the advancing grades and stages where he may rest, proud in the consciousness of what he has achieved, proud in the power of his intellect and influence, holding up before him the golden prize, which is the reward of effort, intel- ligence and duty performed. In all military organizations RANK is the designation of that position. So in the Army we find that through the various stages the lieutenant passes to the rank of Gene- ral, and in the Navy the midshipman works or fights his way up to the proud position of Admiral. Let me say, with all due respect, to the gentleman whose philos- ophy has been so severely tested to find arguments against this bill, who has been carried back almost to'a state of nature, in which he finds less distinction and less observance of these marks of great- ness, in order that he may find arguments against rank and promo- tion, that he is battling against the experience of centuries and tilt- ing against the acknowledged necessities of military organization. Is it not, sir, a fight against the wind-mills? Is it not an attempt to grasp the millennium while all around him is bristling with the ardor of progress and the air is full of strife and contention ? I shall not pursue this subject further, but leave the gentleman to find in those communities of Fourierism and phalanxes of transcendental- ism which are scattered here and there throughout our country the fruition of those hopes which seem to animate him in his endeavors to strike out of existence all designations of military rank and mili- tary orders.